Epiphanius the Bishop

ON S. EPIPHANIUS THE BISHOP OF SALAMIS OR CONSTANTIA IN CYPRUS.

IN THE YEAR CCCCIII

Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

CHAPTER I.

The cult among the Greeks and Latins. The Life compiled under a feigned name of disciples.

[1] Salamis of Cyprus (for another of this name is an island and city about Attica) Constantia was called in Jerome's age, as says he himself in the epitaph of Paula Epistle 27. Now each name has ceased, Renowned by miracles and only a little town almost ruined survives, which Old Famagusta call the inhabitants, after from its ruins a new arose, which still is the Royal one, the kingdom though extinct under the Turks' tyranny. The same Metropolis of the island whole was, and in the fourth century of Christ a Bishop had S. Epiphanius, whom not only the life's conversation illustrious for virtues rendered; a temple under his name dedicated it had, in which his image. but also miracles, which God, with honor him to affect wishing, he himself still surviving and after his death wrought. For he dead, that which to him living had not happened, at his sepulchre demons even now are put to flight, and diseases some are cured it is said. So in book 6 of the Eccles. Hist. chapter 27 Hermias Sozomen, in whose very beginning he died, the century fifth flourishing. Hence it was done, just as the Synod of Nicaea 2, in the century of Christ eighth celebrated, in Act 6 teaches, that a temple dedicated in the Cyprians' island his disciples, calling it by the same Father's word; and with many other titular pictures his image in it placed, such namely as to see it is permitted before the works, by Petavius our care edited, from a very ancient certain copy, which is extant in the Constantinopolitan most ancient monastery, Sula called (commonly τὰ ἓξ μάρμαρα they call) which formerly the Patriarchate was.

[2] an oratory at Constantinople, For also to the Constantinopolitan Church, equally as to the whole East was in the greatest veneration Epiphanius; whose Synaxis (as have the Menaea on this XII of May) in that Royal city was celebrated in his most holy shrine or little chapel, which is within the temple of S. Philemon, which, Codinus in the Origins of Constantinople attesting, Eudoxius of Constantine the Great a Patrician and Prefect founded. But there is venerated there and elsewhere S. Epiphanius with a solemn whole-day Office, common indeed with S. Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople; but in a more principal place: as also is noted in the figured of the Ruthenians or Muscovites Calendars. and a proper office But him alone regards the sacred Canon, on this day prescribed under this Acrostic. Ἐπιφανίου τὸ κύδος ἔπλησε χθόνα.

The earth filled the glory of EpiphanI.

He alone also here in the metrical Ephemeris is named, and indeed as on this day dead. Τῇ δύο καὶ δεκάτῃ Ἐπιφάνιον μόρος εἷλεν.

The fixed law of death on the twelfth Epiphanius takes away.

Certainly either then by his fate he was discharged, or in his church after death buried, not long before than S. John Chrysostom, concerning whom below, by the Synod at the Oak was deposed: which to have been done about the month of July of the year CCCCIII, from Palladius, the acts of Chrysostom writing, is established.

[3] The Greeks quickly imitated the Latins, of whom the most ancient Bede in his which from eight Mss. we gave genuine Martyrology, the name in the Latin Martyrologies, after the commemoration of SS. Nereus and Achilleus, in the first place named, presently adds, of our holy Father Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus. Followed Ado and Usuard, last him, after the rest namely of that day's Martyrs, placed with this nearly phrase, At Cyprus our holy Father Epiphanius; and adds Ado of Salamis the Bishop. Of these and others later in the footsteps cleaving today's Martyrology Roman the following words to be recited proposes: At Salamis in Cyprus of S. Epiphanius the Bishop, who by manifold erudition and of the sacred letters science excelling, in life also sanctity, in zeal of the Catholic faith, munificence toward the poor and the virtue of miracles was admirable.

[4] Whether there be still any his cult at Salamis remaining, or vestiges of the sepulchre formerly so famous, a feast still annual at Famagusta. not easily would I say: credible it is with the fortune of the place the rest also to be partly abolished, partly to Famagusta translated: where also at this time by the Christians, his feast solemnly to be kept, an indication is, that Thomas Porcacchi, in his concerning the Islands of the world more famous Italian work, before about a hundred years first edited, writes page 150 of the Paduan edition, that a cave there is had, into which S. Epiphanius for penance's sake wont himself was to retire: where his cave a salutary water distils, which same on the eve of the feast to distil begins water clear and limpid, nor that distillation has an end before the end of the following day: but this water with great devotion by many to be received, and to be applied usefully to of diseases cures divinely to be obtained through the merits of Epiphanius. Under whose name, in the Northern part of the island, between Nicosia and the Ceraunian mountains, even today is had a village commonly S. Piphani called; in which place to have been a temple, in the Nicene Synod named, I persuade myself, on account of its celebrity formerly so great that a promontory to the Ceraunians, commonly Cerines running out, the name the same holds in the Island-book of Benedict Bordone, printed at Venice in the year 1547. elsewhere a village and a promontory.

[5] And hence probably could conclude someone, either the body or a part notable of the body thither to have been translated at some time, and that the celebrity to the place to have given: and either hence or from the ruins of Salamis to have been carried Benevento, just as asserts Marius de Vipera concerning the Saints of Benevento on this day, the body at Benevento. with a double Office therefore noted, alleging a Martyrology Ms. ancient in the library of Benevento existing, marked number 178 under the aforesaid day: but at what time, it was brought I have not noted, indicating. More concerning the Relics so great quality and veneration today desiring to learn, letters to the College there our Rector we gave, whose response, hitherto in vain expected, if at some time we receive, the notice thence drawn we will not begrudge to the pious reader. Meanwhile from an epistle of Thomas de Czechorod Bishop of Samandria and the same of Prague Dean, to me about the end of the year MDCLXXVII given I suggest, that some of the same S. Epiphanius Relics, together with the arm of S. Thecla and the head of one of the Innocents of Bethlehem, in the year MCCCLIV were brought into Bohemia, a Relic at Prague. and to Charles IV the Emperor presented by Protiwa Swihowski of Segnia, a man among the Bohemians illustrious and of Royal blood: which notice now first found, in the Diary of the Prague church still is wanting.

[6] His Life, already formerly written, in the Mss. Vatican Greek we found, whence it into Latin rendered first edited Lipomanus, the Life in Latin and in Greek edited then Surius, and finally Petavius, at the end of volume 2, the context also Greek being added, such as in the Medicean of the King of France Ms. was found, which also we thence transcribed had received. It as witnesses and authors presents two of his disciples; first John, as if here among his disciples in the monastery one, and of the peregrinations various a companion individual unto Cyprus, wrote those things which the Saint he had seen doing miracles, as if by John the disciple begun, by Polybius the Bishop continued, unto the day on which began at last he himself to be sick: then Polybius, to whom the same John about to die the written by himself papers delivered, charging that what should follow he should commit to letters; and promising that there would be added to him years of life, that for the whole time he should remain with Epiphanius: who also Polybius in the place of John by Epiphanius ordained Presbyter, and him both to Rome and twice to Constantinople and elsewhere accompanied, dead carried back into Cyprus; and because his body still unburied by his supreme will having set out into the Thebaid there compelled was to remain, made of Rhinocorura Bishop, after a year one or more wrote to Epiphanius's successor Sabinus, and from him asked concerning the manner and time of the sepulture aforesaid by letters to be instructed: and so with Sabinus's response is finished that Life.

[7] Would that it were as is presented, Acts they were and writings. We would not grieve that in such a Life nothing at all is, finished by Sabinus the successor. which safely could be believed, but of all faith most worthy were the several things, nor easily anywhere either by Epiphanius himself or by contemporary authors others' writings would they be found to discrepate. But now with very many that those Acts are crammed with lies to judge will be compelled with Baronius, at the year 372 number 108, whosoever it shall have compared with the below to be proposed censures or observations: for it itself, already often in Latin, once also in Greek printed, to recoin, only that it may be refuted, worth the trouble it is not. We tolerate indeed Lives in this work many, while better ones do not abound, with blemishes sometimes grave besprinkled: of which the authors we believe, with good though too simple faith to have committed to letters, what several centuries after partly from more ancient monuments, partly from the popular's traditions they compiled. But those any longer to bear we cannot, which with bad faith to alien names supposed, so much more grievously offend the of true and false discrimen exercised reader, the more shamefully they impose upon the more simple ones. For since to those so far a pious is fitted credulity, so far as no in contrary stands an authority more certain or a reason of doubting more pregnant: to these nothing safely is believed, except what from elsewhere is found by a testimony more fit confirmed. And so those which I said Acts being omitted, those to collect I gather, which he himself concerning himself few enough, more which other indubitable writers will suggest.

CHAPTER II.

The chaste youth's monasticism, the life's age, and certain things in the Episcopate done.

[7] Epiphanius's fatherland and the institution of the youth Sozomen explains book 6 chapter 32, His fatherland Palestinian where of the monks of Palestine speaking, Of their, says, number was Hesychius, of Hilarion the Companion; and Epiphanius, who afterwards of Salamis in Cyprus Bishop was. And Hesychius indeed in the same as the master place philosophized: but Epiphanius near the Besanduce village, in the territory Eleutheropolitan situated, from which sprung he had been. Who when from his entering adolescence by the most excellent monks instructed had been, and for that matter's cause long had tarried in Egypt, a youth he is sent to Alexandria, in the monastic Philosophy most renowned was. And first indeed of the disciplines literary for the cause sought by him Egypt, and indeed in fortune by no means slender born, to me persuades he himself, in the book of Heresies, heresy 26 where of the Gnostics treating, says: And we, most dear ones, into this heresy fell, and from themselves of those, who this properly and from purpose treat, the mouth and teaching learned; certainly before a monk he was; and when still other all things, for the cause namely of which into Egypt he had come, studies he treated: but what other than literary? since the Gnostics' books, before pernicious to be he knew, studiously by himself read he confesses. certainly for the cause of studies by Christian and rich parents. But who for this to go abroad a youth outside his fatherland could, consequent it is that in his fatherland be believed to have had parents, sufficiently opulent to feed abroad a son; and well Christian, from whose instruction that of chastity he drew constancy, which him preserved unpolluted among the allurements and filth of the Gnostics. He himself how them he escaped in the place already cited thus explains.

[8] To the teaching of that heresy procured and deceived women, where the Gnostics' foulnesses he escapes like Joseph, not only of this kind to us discourses they injected, but moreover, of that Egyptian lost and most wicked woman after the manner, who of the cooks' Prince the wife was, with a petulant us attempt to draw at the time when in a flourishing still age we were, set upon us. But He who to the most holy Joseph then stood by, to us also at hand was: and this very one, who him in that peril freed, imploring, although unworthy and to so great a benefit unequal we were, by His benignity and mercy the pernicious of those women hands we escaped, and to the most holy God a thanksgiving song we sang, that it to use deservedly we might be able; Let us sing to the Lord, for gloriously He has been magnified, the horse and the rider He has cast down into the sea. For neither similarly as that Patriarch by some force of virtue and justice of ours, by an instant to God prayer, but by a poured to God groan of His were we by mercy saved. When even to me those pests through mockery reproached, and with themselves mutually mocking thus spoke: This youth to save we could not, but in the hands of the Prince to perish we let. For she who in form among them more liberal is, herself as a bait and allurement offers, that whom into fraud she has enticed, not them to overthrow and destroy, but to rescue she is said… And there were indeed, who then these of words blandishments and enticements used, after reading their books, of body, which to sin they abused, of a comely above all appearance: but the merciful God from their wickedness us rescued, so that (after their books we had read through and to the truth's knowledge our mind we had applied, nor were led away or by their allurements captured; but we escaped at last) presently to the Bishops, who in that place were, to delate we studied, and their hitherto unknown names in the church to disclose. From which it was done, that eighty nearly heads to go into exile being ordered, from the cockle and thorns its cleansed the city left.

[9] and constantly the solicitations of the women repelled, But the foulnesses of that heresy by reading and discourse, but not also by use known, again and again testifies Epiphanius thus continuing: We showed one that of those heresies to be, concerning which certain and explored something we could bring forth; not from that which we did ourselves (avert this from us God) but from that which from them accurately we learned, who it to us to persuade in vain wished, and the conceived concerning our destruction hope utterly cast away; when the snares all and frauds, which to the unhappy of our soul destruction as themselves as he who in them is the devil had machinated, void and vain had been; that this by David said most aptly to use we may be able, The arrows of little ones have been made their wounds &c; then that, There shall be turned their labor into their head, and their iniquity into their crown shall descend. Psalm, 63., Psalm. 17 Therefore just as thus we into that error fell, that its harm we might escape; and it as soon as we read condemning, safe and unhurt passed by: so thee, whosoever thou art who these things readest, we exhort, that read equally and condemned thou pass over, lest into serpents of this kind as it were of wickedness a certain venom thou fall: and if ever perhaps from this serpents' school anyone thou shalt meet, suddenly that wood, which to us by the Lord has been procured and in which Christ was affixed, certainly not yet a monk. thou snatch up. Thus far Epiphanius, from which sufficiently probable to be rendered we think, what at the beginning I said; that he, when into that peril he fell, a Christian was, chastely and modestly by Christian parents educated: it appears also not yet to the world to have renounced, concerning which such a hope for themselves had feigned the Gnostics; against which him to us the fictitious Acts represent, a Jew of Jews, and those rustic and poor, and before in his fatherland a monk, than thence a foot he should bear out.

[10] The same assert, that he amid taking leave interrogated by the Emperor Arcadius how many years he was old, answered, who to years of age not 115, A hundred and fifteen, and three months. But thus to have said: I was Bishop, when I was years sixty old: but in the Episcopate fifty-five years and three months. But in the years' number that there is a fault some no one would doubt, first because Jerome in the year CCCXCII concerning Epiphanius writing, that is, the tenth before his death year, asserts in his extreme age various still to coin little works, which no one aptly would understand of a man a hundred and five years old. Secondly because of years a hundred and fifteen an old man, no one would believe of that vigor to have been, that to him it was pleasing to Constantinople to sail. Thirdly because the Dialogue, which concerning the Life of S. John Chrysostom is extant under the name of Palladius, as if from a discourse held in Zosimus the Pope's time, that is the year CCCCXVIII, between Palladius of Helenopolis Bishop Chrysostom's disciple and Theodore of the Roman Church Deacon, it is said, that Epiphanius thirty-six years the Church presided over, under Damasus and Siricius, of whom the former in the year CCCLVIII began, but to 96 he could have come, the latter in the year CCCXCVIII ceased. But the number of years XXXV entirely completed with the beginning of the year XXXVI if thou hold, the rest not inconveniently with truth will consist; so that of his age in the year XCVI died the Saint, and only from a slight of one letter error, by which νε᾽ wrote someone for λε᾽, was led the Acts' author into a calculation so exorbitant. So indeed could be said Epiphanius, born about the year 308 in the year CCCLXVIII beginning made Bishop, and in the year CCCVIII born. Concerning whom while in the Synopsis to his Ancoratus is read, that the first monastic institute's exercise in Egypt he undertook, and there unto the twentieth of age year remained, until to the Eleutheropolitan region returned a monastery in it he founded, it is given to understand in the year CCCXXIX to have departed from Egypt, and so not very long to have been the time, in which there among the monks he could have lived: and that denunciation of the Gnostics, to the Bishops of Alexandria gathered made, and at least 326 made a monk, aptly to be able to be referred to the January of the year CCCXXVI, when dead S. Alexander the Bishop, to a successor S. Athanasius to be substituted gathered the Bishops. For neither does it seem to agree that two years earlier this to have done he be said, namely in the year CCCXXIV, when presiding Hosius of Cordova was celebrated the Synod of Alexandria, then for of years only sixteen a youth he would have been.

[11] However it be, straightway after that denunciation, Alexandria being left, the desert sought by Epiphanius I no doubt: but when he returned into Syria to have joined himself he could to S. Hilarion, concerning whom about the year CCCXI thither similarly from the Egyptian under Antony exercise returned, in his fatherland then to S. Hilarion familiar writes Jerome in his Life, that after the XXII of his age year, that is the year of Christ CCCXV, from Syria and Egypt to him in rivalry the peoples flowed together, so that many in Christ believed, and themselves monks professed. Of these moreover by the growing number he could have joined himself Epiphanius; he could also, as soon as he returned, into his native village have retired himself, a similar about to lead life, and nevertheless to Hilarion by frequent conversation to have been familiar; until that one, of his too great celebrity wearied, about the year CCCLX fled into Egypt, and finally into Cyprus in the year CCCLXIV, where when to die it happened of Salamis the Bishop, not will I wonder if by Hilarion's counsel demanded from Palestine was Epiphanius: who more willingly that burden would have admitted, lest the Arians' raging under Valens tyranny to behold and to sustain he should be compelled, and because the old of spiritual life master or companion there he was about to find, whose praises afterwards he wrote, and him as long as he lived about to enjoy. Lived moreover Hilarion unto the year of age LXXX, of Christ CCCLXXII, when concerning his praises a brief epistle the same Epiphanius wrote, as in the Life of Hilarion testifies S. Jerome: from whose also epistle 61 to Pammachius we learn, that at that time in which the whole East, except Pope Athanasius and Paulinus, before the Episcopate a Presbyter, of the Arians and Eunomians heresy possessed, when John still a private man (against whom afterwards as Bishop of Jerusalem an Epistle was written) in faith dissimulating or wavering, with the Westerners and in the midst of exile Confessors SS. Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of Vercelli, and Lucifer of Cagliari, did not communicate; Epiphanius either as a Presbyter in the monastery by Eutychius was heard (a great certainly name some, since the Epistle about the year CCCXCVI was written, Bishop or Abbot, not yet however from elsewhere known) or afterwards as Bishop of Cyprus, by Valens was not touched: for of so great veneration always he was, even to Valens venerable, that the reigning heretics their own ignominy thought it if such a man they should persecute. But the exiles lived in the East the Confessors aforesaid from the year CCCLV to CCCLXII, and Valens the Orthodox persecuted from the year CCCLXVI to CCCLXXV. Whence it is given to understand, not only how entire in all that time was Epiphanius's fame and veneration; but also that already from the beginning of the persecution, by Constantius raised, a Presbyter he had been consecrated.

[12] Moreover concerning the mutual between SS. Hilarion and Epiphanius familiarity there is a notable place in the little books of the life and doctrine and perfection of the holy Fathers, and to Hilarion approved. which (witness Sigebert) Pelagius the Deacon of the Roman Church translated from the Greek into Latin, and which in the Lives of the Fathers edited by our Heribert Rosweyde book 5 constitute: there for in little book 3 number 15 thus it is read: Sent at one time Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus to the Abbot Hilarion, asking him and saying, Come that we may see each other, before from the body we go out. Who when they had come to each other, them eating was brought of birds something, which holding the Bishop gave to the Abbot Hilarion. And says to him the old man: Pardon me, Father, because from when I received this habit, I have not eaten anything slain. although the monastic rigor then he relaxed. And said to him Epiphanius, But I, from when I received this habit, have not let anyone sleep, who had anything against me; neither I have slept having anything against anyone. And says to him the old man, Pardon me, because thy conversation is greater than mine. And to this of the mitigated by Epiphanius austerity excuse also pertains, that in the Ms. of Utrecht, from the Lives of the Fathers, I know not whence taken, I found thus annotated: Made Bishop he wished to use the same hardness, as in the desert, but he could not: and praying he asked from God, whether on account of the Episcopate had departed from him the grace of God. It was answered moreover to him that not, because with a pious intention the care he undertook: but because then when in solitude he was, God was to him his own proper helper, but in the world also men aided him. So the sons of Israel received the manna in the desert, until they came into the land of promise.

[13] There is venerated S. Hilarion on the XXI of October: but as to him repeatedly recurred his disciple Hesychius, he teaches that a monk unceasingly must pray, and him concerning the state of his monastery in Palestine, and of the disciples there left, took care to instruct: so neither were sluggish the disciples of Epiphanius in fostering the mutual with their master communication, when this one was absent. And so in little book 12 of the said work number 6 such a thing is found. It was mandated to S. memory Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, by the Abbot of his monastery which he had in Palestine: That by thy prayers we have not neglected the rule, but with solicitude Terce, Sext, None, and Vespers we celebrate. But he, reprehending him, mandated to him: It is established that you are at leisure from prayer the rest of the hours: but he who a true is monk, ought without intermission to pray or certainly to chant in his heart. He revisited without doubt that his monastery at some time, when of ecclesiastical affairs for the cause into Palestine he ran out: the same at some time in Syria he revisits, but of that matter no is among approved writers a memory. But how great then thus running out, both before in Palestine living, he collected of absolute perfection fame, can be understood from the epistle of Acacius and Paul Presbyters and Archimandrites in Coelesyria, which is prefixed to the Panarium and thus begins: Of thy piety indeed, Father, the aspect itself enough to be could be, which us with spiritual discourses filled, and so vehement of thee to us a desire instilled, after thy once to enjoy aspect it was permitted. But since the foregoing of a disciple of Christ fame of his words and deeds the fragrance everywhere proclaims, it distresses and us solicits, that his us with discourses and sentiments to fill we may study. In presence therefore approaching, equal it was of his, which in thee likewise as in the Apostles is, grace by communion to be suffused. But since that journey to us the body's sickness and languor has shut off … thy piety vehemently we beseech, most highly esteemed by them, that of those to us the communion thou not begrudge, which in thee are by the Savior conferred. For not we ourselves only, but also all who have heard, a new thee Apostle and Herald confess, by Christ to us in this age produced, as another a certain John, that thou shouldst teach those things which to be kept are by those, who into that which we have snatched of a more holy life course themselves have committed.

[14] But as those monasteries in Coelesyria visited Epiphanius, so also concerning his own Bethlehemite testifies Jerome, as also S. Paula to whom in vain however the use of wine he persuades. that thither he had come, when there from the ardor of fever had revived S. Paula, and the physicians persuaded that for the refreshing of the body wine there was need of thin and sparing, lest water drinking into dropsy she should turn; and I secretly the blessed Pope Epiphanius asked, that her he should admonish, nay compel wine to drink. There was present therefore there then Epiphanius: but with what success the commended to him office with Paula he did, pursues the same Jerome, continuing epistle 27 to the daughter of Paula Eustochium: She, said, as she was prudent and of skillful ingenium, perceived the snares: and smiling, mine to be what he said, intimated. What more? when the blessed Pontiff after many exhortations had gone out, to me asking what he had done, he answered; So much I profited, that an old man almost I have persuaded, that wine I should not drink. In the same epistle again of Epiphanius makes mention Jerome, nor without commendation of the monastic state by him in Cyprus propagated. For when he had said, whom before in Cyprus he had received, that that holy Widow to Jerusalem sailing, after Rhodes and Lycia at last saw Cyprus, where of the holy and venerable Epiphanius at the feet fallen down, ten by him days she was detained; not for refreshment, as he thought, but for the work of God: that this in fact he might prove, all, says, of that place the monasteries lustrating, as far as she could, refreshments of expenses to the Brethren she left, whom the love of the holy man from the whole thither world had drawn. But there was the year CCCLXXXIV when this happened, as on the XXVI of January at the Life of S. Paula we said: at whose house the same S. Epiphanius at Rome had lodged in the year CCCLXXXII, when him, with the Saints Paulinus of Antioch and Jerome, to Rome the ecclesiastical drew necessity, he himself her hospitality at Rome used. as also writes Jerome in the same Life of S. Paula; adding that she, by their virtues inflamed, by moments her fatherland to desert thought; not of house, not of children, not of family, not of possessions, not of any thing which to the world pertains mindful; and alone if it can be said and uncompanioned, to the desert of the Pauls and Antonys to go she longed: and at last the winter being passed, the sea being opened, returning to their churches the Bishops, she herself by vow with them and with desire sailed. So efficacious with her was the host most holy's pious conversation.

CHAPTER III.

The liberality of Epiphanius toward the poor: the mutual between him and John of Jerusalem complaints.

[15] If any faith there were to the pseudepigraphical S. Epiphanius's acts, it would have to be said, that he was ordained Bishop, It is uncertain whether by the care of S. Pappus on account of a revelation concerning it made to S. Pappus, Bishop of Cytria, at the fifth from Salamis milestone, of years fifty in Episcopate and of the Confession with Gelasius the Bishop of the Salaminians undergone glory excelling, to whom of the Metropolitan new the designation of the Bishop the rest of the Provincials had committed. Concerning S. Pappus indeed sufficiently is established, that he today also among the Cyprians is venerated as a Saint, and under his name still remains a town which his formerly was the Episcopate: the day of the annual cult still we are ignorant of and we wish to learn: concerning Gelasius elsewhere nothing we read; nor that truly of the Salaminians a Bishop he was, to him we believe to have succeeded Epiphanius; but rather to Auxibius, substituted for Auxibius, who among the Cyprian Bishops twelve (had moreover the island altogether Episcopal Sees fifteen) is named by S. Athanasius the first, of those who the Synodical of the Sardican Council in the year CCCXLVII by subscribing afterwards approved, or of that, if another some intervened, the successor. At that time had begun the island with S. Hilarion monks also to know: credible however it is that by Epiphanius's institution and care most of those monasteries were erected and directed, of which above we made mention; so much that deservedly wrote Sozomen of Epiphanius book 6 chapter 32 that in the monastic discipline most renowned was both to the Egyptians and to the Palestinians, and finally to the Cyprians among whom elected both and that as in the metropolis of the whole island the Episcopate he might administer.

[16] While this he bore, many to him miracles are attributed, of which that to our notice came, says the same Sozomen book 7 chapter 27. on account of the largeness of his alms When liberal he was toward the poor, who either by shipwreck or some other case to want had been reduced, since his faculties his already long all he had consumed, of the Church's goods where there was need amply he used: but it was most opulent his Church. For many from various parts of the world, who their wealth in pious uses to expend studied, both surviving on his Church them expended, and dying to the same left. For they trusted that he, as one who an honest dispenser and of God most loving was, the things by them given according to their judgment and will would distribute. At a certain therefore time when few very monies remained, accused of prodigality divinely gold he receives. they say of the Church the Steward to have been incensed, and him as a prodigal to have reprehended: but he indeed, not even then, of the customary toward the poor munificence to have remitted. But all being consumed, suddenly I know not who to the chamber, in which dwelt the Steward, approaching, a sack in which many were gold coins into his hands delivered. And since neither he who had given nor he who had sent was known, and it seemed deservedly unusual that anyone in so great a money largition to hide would wish, then indeed all that God's work to be judged.

[17] So Sozomen, as if this and another presently to be subjoined only distinctly known having; therefore nothing knowing of those fictitious and most lying Acts, in which both other many very singular things are contained, how the rich at the vintage he was wont both those very two far otherwise are narrated; which the same to have happened seems to another of S. Epiphanius's deeds, of which in the Life of S. John the Almoner, by us given on the XXIII of January, thus makes mention contemporary to John Leontius, of Neapolis of Cyprus Bishop in the century VII, at number 35 narrating, that S. John said always, that one could, with the intention of giving to the poor, despoil the rich, and even the very undershirt from them benevolently take away, and especially if there be some unmerciful and avaricious. For two from this he gains, one indeed because their souls he saves; the other moreover, because also he himself no small thence reward has. and that in John of Jerusalem he had approved. He brought moreover for the credibility of the word also a testimony true; which concerning S. Epiphanius and John Bishop of Jerusalem was done: how S. Epiphanius by an art took the silver of the Patriarch, namely of the same John, and gave to the needy. Another certainly art used S. John the Almoner, while repeatedly the given of free will to his uses or even asked garments new, by selling and the price distributing among the poor, sweetly as it were vintaged the opulent men toward himself beneficent: than which by which used is feigned Epiphanius, who of silver vessels, as if for of guests certain ones the treatment on loan received, the weight of pounds a thousand five hundred, the master being unaware, sold and distributed, and afterwards in the Bishop concerning the injury to him done complaining face spitting, him blinded.

[18] For so circumstances those false to be seem, as that the same John, to whom afterwards being angry with him, the sight received then at the prayers of Epiphanius of one only eye, chastised and convinced by a just man was thereafter holy in all things. This indeed concerning him not thought Epiphanius, when to the same, of the Origenian errors with him suspected, and undeservedly indignant because S. Jerome's brother, Paulinian the monk himself a Presbyter had ordained, an epistle he wrote, which from S. Jerome himself we have into Latin given, with this beginning: he excuses that by ordaining Paulinian his right he did not injure, It behoved us, most beloved, the honor of the Clericate not to abuse on account of pride; but by the keeping of the commandments of God and the observation most worthy this to be which we are called … For I heard that thou swellest against us, and art angry, and threatenest to write into the extreme ends of the earth … Nothing to thee we have harmed, nothing of injury we have done, nothing violently we have extorted. In the monastery of the Brethren, and of the Brethren pilgrims, who to thy province nothing owed, and on account of our littleness and the letters, which to them frequently we directed, lest they should seem by a certain hardness and conscience of ours of the ancient faith from the Church to be separated, we ordained a Deacon, and after he had ministered again a Presbyter: over which thou oughtest to congratulate, understanding that on account of the fear of God this we were to do compelled…

[19] For when I had seen that a multitude of holy Brethren in the monastery stayed, but from charity he provided for a free monastery, and the Holy Presbyters Jerome and Vincentius, on account of modesty and humility, not wishing the due to their name to exercise sacrifices, and to labor in this part of the ministry which of Christians the chief salvation is; to find moreover and to seize, him who thee (in that the heavy burden of the Priesthood he would not undertake) often fled, nor another any of the Bishops easily him would find (whence also sufficiently I wondered how by the dispensation of God to us he came with the Deacons of the monastery and the rest of the Brethren, that to me he might satisfy, because I know not what against them I had of sadness) when, I say, was celebrated a collect in the church of the village which is near the monastery ours; him not knowing and no at all having suspicion, through many Deacons to seize we ordered, and to be held his mouth, lest perchance to be freed himself desiring he should adjure us by the name of Christ: and first a Deacon we ordained, proposing to him the fear of God: very much indeed he struggled, unworthy himself to be testifying. Scarcely therefore we compelled him and to persuade we could by the testimonies of the Scriptures and of the commandments of God. And when he had ministered in the holy sacrifices again him, with great difficulty held his mouth his, we ordained a Presbyter, and with the same words, with which before we had persuaded, we impelled that he should sit in the order of the Presbyterate. a Presbyter highly needed: After these things we wrote to the holy Presbyters of the monastery and the rest of the Brethren, and we rebuked them, why they had not written concerning him (since before a year many of them to complain I had heard, why they had not those who for them the Lord's Sacraments should make, and him all by their testimony should demand, and great utility in the common of the monastery should testify) why, I say, then opportunity being found they had not written to us, nor concerning the ordination of him anything had demanded. These things so were done, as I have spoken, in the charity of Christ, which thou therefore toward my littleness to have I believed: although in the monastery I ordained, and not in a parish which to thee subject is… What therefore to thee did it seem so grievously to swell and to be tossed against us for the work of God, which to the edification, and not to the destruction of the Brethren was done?

[20] Thus far Epiphanius, by these very words sufficiently indicating, already then received in the church to have been, that monasteries at least some (such as was the monastery of S. Epiphanius near the Besanduce village, in the territory Eleutheropolitan, which from the want of waters Spanydrion called writes Pseudo-John, where was made the ordination; and another of pilgrim monks in Bethlehem, whence Paulinian to Epiphanius had come) exempt were reckoned from the Ordinary's jurisdiction: so that whatsoever Bishop in them might, if he were asked, to those very monks sacred confer Orders. Continues moreover Epiphanius to excuse himself to John with these words: But also that very much I wondered, he denies also a promise by him that no one he would ordain: that to my thou spakest Clerics; asserting that thou through the holy Presbyter and Abbot of the monks Gregory hadst mandated to me, that no one I should ordain; and I had promised saying, Am I a youth or the Canons ignorant? Hear therefore the truth in the word of God, me neither this to have heard, nor to know, nor of that discourse at all to recollect. I suspected lest perchance among many, as a man, I had forgotten; and for this cause the holy Gregory I questioned, and Zeno the Presbyter who with him is. Of whom the Abbot Gregory answered, that he this utterly was ignorant of. Zeno moreover said, that when to him the Presbyter Rufinus I know not what other things in passing was speaking, also this said, Thinkest thou some he is about to ordain the holy Bishop? and of this to have stood the discourse: but I Epiphanius neither heard anything, nor answered. Whence, most beloved, let not thee precede fury, nor occupy indignation, nor in vain be thou moved; and another thing grieving not thee turn to other things, that of sinning an occasion to have found thou mayest seem, which the Prophet avoiding the Lord prays, saying, Do not incline my heart to words of malice to excuse excuses in sins. Psal. 140, 4 Indeed he grieved John, that for the Origenian heresy's defense he had been by Epiphanius rebuked; and for that cause the dissenting from him who to Jerome adhered monks, he himself by his epistles and admonitions strengthened to constancy in repudiating Origen; and for that cause the vexed by John he consoled and helped.

[21] And this is, whereto his style turns Epiphanius, thus pursuing the begun epistle: or that he by him publicly accused of heresy: That also hearing I wondered, that certain ones, who are wont to and fro to carry little rumors, and to those things which they have heard always to add, that sadnesses and quarrels among brothers they may stir, thee also have disturbed and have said, that in prayer, when we offer sacrifices to God, we are wont for thee to say, Lord, grant to John that rightly he believe. Do not us so much think rustic, that this so openly to say we could. For although this in heart my always I pray; yet, that simply I confess, never into others' ears I have brought, lest thee I should seem little to esteem, most beloved. But when we have completed the prayer, according to the rite of the mysteries, both for all and for thee also we say, Keep him who preaches the truth: or certainly, Thou grant, Lord, and keep, that he the word may preach of truth: as the occasion of the discourse shall offer itself, he admonishes meanwhile that he depart from the sect of Origen and shall have the prayer a consequence. Matt 17, 16 Wherefore I beseech thee, most beloved, and fallen down at thy feet I pray, grant to me and to thee, that thou be saved, as it is written, from a generation perverse, and depart from the heresy of Origen and from all heresies, most beloved. For I see that on account of this cause all your indignation has been stirred, because we said to you, Arius's father, Origen namely, and of other heresies the root and parent, to praise you ought not. And when you I prayed not so to err, and admonished; you contradicted, and me to sadness and to tears brought: not only moreover me, but also others very many Catholics who were present. Whence as I understand, this is all the indignation and that fury: and therefore you threaten that you will send against me epistles, that hither and thither your discourse may run; and on account of the defense of a heresy against me hatreds stirring, you break the charity which in you we had, so much that you have made us even penance to do, otherwise not to be tolerated. why with you we have communicated, so Origen's errors and dogmas defending. Simply I speak: we according to that which is written, neither our eye spare, that we pluck it not out it, if it scandalize us; nor the hand, nor the foot, if to us scandal it make. Matth. 5, 29 And you therefore, whether eyes, whether hands, whether feet you be, similar things you will suffer.

[22] He continues then from the books περὶ ἀρχῶν to explain, how by no means to be borne by Catholic ears are propositions certain of Origen, there contained; although he says, nothing to me has snatched away Origen, His about the faith zeal nor in my generation was, nor on account of any things of the world or inheritance hatred against him and quarrels I have undertaken; but (that simply I confess) I grieve, and very much I grieve, seeing very many of the brothers, and of those especially who a profession have not the least, and to the degree also of the Priesthood the greatest have come, by his persuasions deceived, and by a most perverse doctrine foods made to be of the devil. He endeavors therefore from following and defending Origen, by admonishing, exhorting, he is defended by the 2nd Synod of Nicaea. rebuking John as much as in him was to draw away: then to his excuse again he relapses, and explains the deed, which both his notable zeal shows, in guarding against all that which to right religion's purity in any way seemed to be adverse. But the same by the iconoclasts today's most ill understood is seized against the exposition of images. In this moreover it appears them more to be insane than the old iconoclasts, against whom the Nicene II Council acted. For these, to their heresy with Epiphanius's name to arm, were not abused by that which follows deed, but they fastened upon the Saint a certain to Theodosius the Emperor epistle, in whose end thus to him he had written: Because many times spoken I have with my fellow-ministers, that should be removed the images, received I was not by them, against writings to him falsely attributed. nor to hear my voice at least a little they suffered. But this epistle falsely superscribed to be said indeed, but not to be Epiphanius's, equally as another in which he had written, Do not introduce images into churches, nor into cemeteries of the Saints, but neither into a house common; when with many things it had shown the Synod in Act 6, that itself indeed a holy Father a Doctor of the Catholic Church it knows, the writing but to reject again it professes: because these of a lying assertion writings, which against the venerable images are, are said indeed by certain ones of S. Epiphanius to be, but in no way are.

[23] The very deed, on whose occasion these things were said; let us hear by his own words. Besides, says he, which moreover he tore an image I heard certain ones to murmur against me, because when together we were going to the holy place which is called Bethel, that there a Collect with thee after the ecclesiastical custom I might make, and I had come to a village which is called Anablatha, and I had seen there in passing a lamp burning, and I had asked what place it was, and I had learned it to be a church, and I had entered that I might pray; I found there a veil hanging in the doors of the same church, dyed and painted, and having an image, as if of Christ or of a Saint a certain: nor indeed enough I remember whose image it was. When therefore this I had seen, in the church of Christ, against the authority of the Scriptures, of a man to hang an image; I tore it, and rather gave counsel to the keepers of the same place, such ones in a church to be placed disapproving, that a poor dead man with it they should wrap and carry out. And they on the contrary murmuring said, If to tear he had wished, just it was, that another he should give veil and change it. Which when I had heard, myself about to give I promised: but a little of delays there was in the meantime, while I seek the best veil for it to send, for I thought from Cyprus to me it was to be sent. But now I have sent what I could find; and I pray that thou command the Presbyters of the same place to receive the veil from the bearer which from us was sent; and thereafter to command in the church of Christ veils of this kind, which against our religion are, not to be hung up. Thus far the epistle, of which if rightly are weighed the words, that veil to have been torn it will appear, it is shown to have been profane. not because truly it had the image of Christ or of a Saint a certain; but because, since it had the effigy of a man some profane, or perhaps still living, hung there it was as if of Christ or of a Saint a certain: which exception of the orthodox faith the rule from the contrary confirms.

CHAPTER IV.

The gift of prophecy: the Ancoratus and the book on heresies written.

[24] Very many of S. Epiphanius's, before and after the undertaken Episcopate miracles are contained in the Acts, Of his many miracles under the name of John and Polybius produced; but such, that to most of them faith derogates Sozomen, denying to the living to have happened that demons he should put to flight and diseases cure. These therefore being passed over, that which alone in the said author to us remains, let us relate, with a narration not a little diverse, from that by which the same miracle in the Acts aforesaid is recounted. The words of Sozomen book 7 chapter 27 these are. Another besides that of him is related to commemorate it pleases. it is related that a beggar, who by feigning himself dead wished to deceive, That indeed by the admirable Gregory, who Neocaesarea also ruled the Church, to have been done I have received and gladly I believe: but not therefore incredible ought to seem the same also done by Epiphanius: for neither alone Peter the Apostle a dead man from the dead raised; but also John in the city of Ephesus, and Philip's daughters at Hierapolis: and many, both from the ancient and from our memory pious men, the same often we have found to have done. But that, which to say I have proposed of this kind is.

[25] Two certain beggars, when Epiphanius coming they had observed, that more of money from him they might extract, one indeed of them, upon the ground stretched, to a dead man like lay; but the other near standing wept, at the same time his comrade's death lamenting, at the same time his poverty complaining, that him to bury he could not. Epiphanius indeed, to the lying one rest having prayed, those things which for the sepulture necessary were to the begging one gave, and to the weeping one said: in fact dead to be he knew; Take care of the sepulture and to weep cease, son; for neither in the present will he rise: but that which has happened inevitable and altogether necessary, that with a strong mind must be borne. And Epiphanius indeed these things being said departed. But when no one now in sight was, the beggar standing the lying one with his foot to strike began, praising that a dead man excellently he had simulated: and Arise, said; from thy labor this glad we will pass day. But when he perpetually lay, and nothing more neither him crying heard, nor with all strengths admonishing felt; with a swift course the Bishop having overtaken, the fraud of both confessing, and weeping and his hair plucking he prayed, that the companion to life might be recalled. But Epiphanius the man dismissed, exhorting that that which had happened with an equal mind he should bear: for not to dissolve wished God that which had been done, to persuade altogether wishing to men, that those who themselves such show toward the servants of Him, to Him who all things hears and sees a fraud construct.

[26] The prophecy moreover gift in Epiphanius, by which the hidden and secret to perceive divinely to him often was given, indicates that signification of the true death of him, likewise that two brothers who themselves had castrated, who it to simulate only was believed by his companion, when to him he said; For neither in the present will he rise. The same gift first from common fame, then by his own experience knew those two, concerning whom narrated an Old man a certain one in the Lives of the Fathers, in little book 15 number 88 interpreter Pelagius, with these words: Two certain there were secular religious; and conversing among themselves, they went out, and were made monks. An emulation moreover having of the Evangelical voice, but not according to knowledge, they castrated themselves as if for the kingdoms of heaven. Hearing moreover the Archbishop excommunicated them. They however, thinking that well they had done, were indignant against him, saying: We for the kingdoms of heaven castrated ourselves, and the fault pertinaciously defended, and this one excommunicated us? Let us go and appeal against him to of the people of Jerusalem the Archbishop. Going away therefore they indicated to him all things. And said to them the Archbishop of Jerusalem, And I you excommunicate. From which again saddened they went away into Antioch to the Archbishop, and said to him all things which had been done concerning themselves: and he similarly excommunicated them. And said to themselves: Let us go to Rome to the Patriarch, and he us will vindicate from all these things. They went away therefore to the supreme Archbishop of the Roman city, and suggested to him what had done to them the mentioned Archbishops, saying: We came to thee, because thou art the head of all. Says moreover also to them he, I you excommunicate, and segregated you are.

[27] Then despaired the excommunicated of all reason, and said to themselves: by a prophetic spirit he corrected to penance. These Bishops to each other mutually defer and consent, on account of which in Synods they are gathered: but let us go to that man of God S. Epiphanius, the Archbishop of Cyprus, because a prophet he is, and the person of a man he accepts not. When moreover they drew near to his city, it was revealed to him concerning them: and sending to meet them he said: Do not enter into that city. Then they into themselves returned, said: For the truth we culpable are, why then ourselves do we justify? Grant even that they unjustly us have excommunicated, is also this one a prophet? for behold God has revealed to him concerning us. And they reprehended themselves much for the fault which they had done. Then seeing He who hearts knows, that for the truth themselves culpable they had made, He revealed to the Bishop Epiphanius: and of his own accord he sent and brought them, and consoled them he received into communion. He wrote therefore concerning these to the Archbishop of Alexandria saying: Receive thy sons, since in truth penance they have done. And added the old man, who this example had narrated, saying: This is the health of a man, and this is what wishes God, that a man his fault cast away before God.

[28] The Ancoratus he writes, in the year 383, asked By these and other spiritual graces in his age renowned Epiphanius, to all thereafter posterity became known by written books, of which the first was that which they call the Ancoratus, therefore that the mind, concerning life and salvation solicitous, like an anchor it makes firm. Of writing it the occasion to him given was through an epistle written from Pamphylia, from the town of Suedra by Tarsinus, Matidius and other Presbyters, in the year XC of Diocletian, of Valens indeed X and of Gratian VI, which was of Christ CCCLXXIII. The epistle itself before the work to see it is, together with an epistle of Palladius a certain one, as from the rescript appears a monk, τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως Σουέδρων πολιτευομενου, which I would rather in the same of the Suedrans city dwelling, than there with a magistracy some discharged or discharging to render. They had moved moreover them, who before of their own many from error drawn away rejoiced, having received from the blessed and of happy memory Bishop Athanasius and from the most religious of Epiphanius a colleague Proclianus letters, that to Epiphanius himself now they should recur, dead two years before Athanasius, the faith against the Eunomians to expound. and Proclianus otherwise impeded: they had moved, I say, them the wicked of the dogma remnants, among some still surviving, and had compelled them to ask that also he himself to their Church letters to give would not be reluctant, and the right faith more fully to explain. The dogma moreover that, as from the epistle of Palladius is understood, of the Eunomians was, vain and absurd questions concerning the Holy Spirit moving, and denying that He with the Divinity and Dominion glory together to be affected and proclaimed it behoves; but in a minister's or messenger's place to be held, nay even something more humble and more abject concerning Him to think. For which causes, says Palladius, thus as if by an inconstant tossing and difficult tempest fluctuating; since no one here for those to dissolve questions and a sound faith to expound fit to find we can; to thy piety concerning this business to refer compelled we are; that deservedly also that voice to use we may be able, Master, save us. Wherefore that for thy sincere and right faith from thee we ask, which a favorable already long ago fame and of fit men testimonies everywhere celebrate; that to which office to be discharged by the Savior constituted thou art, this our exhortation humanely to admit, and what concerning the Trinity is to be believed more fully thou wouldst and more openly discuss. These and other things they.

[29] Epiphanius indeed answering both them, and Numerius the Presbyter and Severinus the monk, and to this by many prayers induced. whose names either fell out from the titles of the epistles, or from elsewhere known for love's and honor's sake are added of their own accord, first excusing his ingenium, which abject and humble, in quiet and leisure to be occupied perpetually studied, nor himself further than is fit to extend; their however goads driven himself he confesses, that to that which useful and fruitful is the excited mind he should transfer… For having heard, he says, the prayers, which not few brought Conops the Brother and fellow-Presbyter, and others him following, and you most dear sons, and also Hypatius our son, who to me therefore from Egypt came; since so many into the same suffrages to have consented I perceived; in mind and soul moved to reckon with myself I began, and at last that to me promptly and alacriously to be done it was I decreed, that for that and through letters you have demanded, to this for you according to your desire to be written epistle, thin though and feeble, without any tergiversation me I should betake. But as is said in the foregoing Synopsis, very many this work, which more justly a book than an epistle thou wouldst say, of the faith parts contains, as namely of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit one and the same substance, of the perfect Incarnation of Christ, of the dead resurrection, of the eternal life and judgment of the soul equally and the body; then against idols and heresies severally, and against the Jews and the rest he disputes; of eighty moreover heresies the names it embraces; finally various concerning the Scriptures sacred questions he expounds.

[30] But this which concerning heresies is said in the Synopsis of the Ancoratus, now in the Ancoratus itself is not found: to have been however in it probable makes, In it he seems also the names of heresies to have reckoned through, that Acacius and Paul, Presbyters and Archimandrites of monasteries in the parts of Carchedon and Beroea in Coelesyria, a larger concerning the same argument work from him demanding, in the year of Diocletian XCII, of Valentinian and Valens XII, of Gratian VIII, which is the year of Christ CCCLXXV, say, The names indeed themselves which by thee are to the heresies imposed already we have heard; now of each sect the dogma perspicuously to be declared by thy piety we desire. but thence to have removed them after the year 377 This moreover being posited that the names those first were in the Ancoratus, consequent it would be that he himself Epiphanius, this book after years six or eight reviewing, thence to have removed them, because already elsewhere more fully and more orderly he had treated. There remains nevertheless to me a scruple, lest the Synopsis's author the last two lines, concerning the names of heresies and questions various, not have referred to the argument of the Ancoratus, but to its author Epiphanius, whom to indicate he wished also these things to have treated.

[31] However it be, whether in the Ancoratus, or outside it (although more probable to me it is that outside it) before to the prayers of Acacius and Paul the Panarium he should found, nay also a particular little book before concerning them to have written, of which below, he composed something, of which they themselves had heard, and which already has fallen out, and was a prelude and as it were a rudiment of the work afterwards by the same compiled. And this to have had and alone to have known seems Augustine, when its matter and form he described in the book of heresies to Quod-vult-Deus, which about the extreme of his life year, of Christ CCCCXXX he composed, thus prefacing: Our Epiphanius, the Cyprian Bishop, not long ago from human affairs taken away, of eighty heresies speaking, six books also wrote, by a historical narration commemorating all things, by no disputation against falsehood for the truth contending. whom alone S. Augustine had seen. Brief indeed are these little books, and if into one little book they be reduced, nor itself will it be to our or of others certain books in length to be compared. Its brevity if I shall have in heresies commemorating imitated, what from me briefer to demand or to expect thou oughtest thou wilt not have. And again in the context itself heresy LVII. Therefore Epiphanius of eighty heresies, twenty, which before the Lord's coming to have existed, as to him it seemed, he computed; the rest after the Lord's ascension born sixty, with the briefest books five he comprehended, and all in six books of the whole same his work caused to be concluded. Wonders Petavius and deservedly wonders, Photius's about the Ancoratus hallucination. such things of Epiphanius to write Augustine, who neither that very thing, which omitted by him, by himself indeed to be done he had said, that against single heresies he should discourse, either in that of heresies little book, or in another performed. More even wonderful, that in his Library Photius, after praised by him the Panarium says, at number 124 we read also the Ancoratus of the same, which is a sum a certain of the Panaria: since so much earlier the Ancoratus than the Panarium to have been composed indubitable is. He read perhaps Photius the Anacephalaeosis, later indeed composed, but in the same perhaps volume written with the Ancoratus, without a new title's distinction, and so one to be work he believed: Augustine moreover it to have read could not, since a division far other he found, than in it is, as being the same which in the Panarium.

[32] But Epiphanius himself concerning his work, which alone in Greek-Latin edited a great fills volume, let us hear speaking in the epistle to Acacius and Paul: Of the Panarium or book of heresies the argument Since the heresies' names all to be declared to you this in book we have undertaken, and also the execrable; and the nefarious their crimes, thus as if most present certain poisons, to lay open we wish; and to these as antidotes certain opposing, which either to those who by a bite stricken are a remedy can be, or those, to whom lest they fall into the danger is, may premunite and conserve, to the of honest things studious to write: a Panarium or a medicine-chest, for of those who by serpents struck are the remedy, by right that work and book we will call: which into three parts divided, heresies eighty embraces, which to serpents and reptiles like are: according to which the of truth firmament and the salutary doctrine and the faith's formula is subjoined, and Christ's spouse, the holy namely Church, declared: which since already then from the world founded to be began, afterwards however through Christ the Lord's incarnation, by the succession of times, the division before the commemorated all heresies, divulged and laid open, and the same by us into Commentaries from Christ's preaching related (to the Ancoratus perhaps these refer) and again after the explained all of these heresies' wickedness, from the Apostles' doctrine accurately and perspicuously by a brief a certain compendium is subjoined; that by that thing recreated and refreshed may be the minds of those, who this of the heresies to be run through labor shall have undertaken.

[33] But the aforesaid three books thus are divided, that the second and the third into three each are distributed in volumes; and so with the first, which undivided is, there exist volumes seven. And other indeed Epiphanius's works, as Jerome in the book of Writers says, by the learned on account of the matters, by the more simple on account of the words are read repeatedly: but Photius concerning the Panarium by name, the utility, or (as he himself with Anastasius the Sinaite plurally calls it) the Panaria, says that the author, before others who before him against heresies lucubrations edited, more copious and more useful is: for neither those things he passed over whatsoever by others published of utility something contain, and he himself what he could by himself devised to others added, the beginning drawing from Barbarism and to the Messalians unto coming. The kind moreover of speaking, says the same Photius, humble, the style ruder, and of such a kind as can be of one who of the Attic doctrine rude was. But also in confuting heresies for the most part little nervous he is, although sometimes with most excellent those reasons and sentences he attacks them; even though nothing the diction is and oration in structure or the style itself more commodious. For very little of time and study in cultivating of the Greek speech the eloquence, on which a good part of life the more cultivated other Fathers Basil, Nazianzen, Nyssen, Chrysostom expended, at Alexandria placed Epiphanius, as above we saw; and presently to the spirit's, not the speech's exercises having passed into the desert, many rather tongues to know, than one to perfect he chose; praised therefore by Jerome in the Apology 2 against Rufinus, that the Greek, Syrian and Hebrew, and Egyptian tongue, in part also the Latin he knew: whence concerning him complained Rufinus, that as if a necessity of evangelizing through all nations and through all tongues to have himself he thought, of Origen ill to speak.

[34] Through this moreover of the speech more cultivated negligence or unskillfulness it was done, by which the greater of Petavius the praise that in it into Latin rendering, a greater than his opinion labor felt Petavius: For there was added, he says in the preface to the reader, to the common of interpreting molestation, a special a certain in that writer difficulty, that uncombed and rugged is his oration, and in which most frequently occur those things which the Greeks ἀναπόδοτα and ἀνακόλουθα call: a pedestrian and popular of speaking kind: which whether of plain speech by simplicity to follow thou shalt wish, somewhat rustic a certain will exist and putid, of which kind nearly are the Latin of the former interpreter Cornarius, of whom we certainly like to be would not wish; in turning the work but if ornament and culture thou apply, that without a great of sentences commutation to obtain scarcely thou couldst. A great therefore to Petavius we owe thanks, that by his benefit thus in Latin speaking we hear Epiphanius, that the style's elegance in him we do not desire: much however greater to the Saint himself, that of his to himself in that kind thinness conscious, he despised the judgments of fastidious philologists, provided it profited the public; and those things he brought forth, of which always the greatest both was and will be the utility, since in each age, as the same Petavius in the dedicatory epistle notes, the revived of lies sects, even against new-sprung heresies efficacious. the divulged of the old heresies' abstruse and recondite mysteries, most strongly to be repelled and overthrown can be; and the authors of perfidy and satellites, their in those, whom indeed they blush at, princes and authors may recognize. There is indeed of him, who into heresy either to be machinated or to be defended has lain, a mind into all audacity without any shame projected: but no one is however from those of absurd opinions patrons, whom not in some way of the convicted formerly error and condemned shame. Let there be indeed, as they are, of iron all heretics, let them be obstinate; and the same themselves in the very ardor and agitation of disputing to resist more sharply let them feign: yet who that shall have learned, and who by certain testimonies of the ancients shall have found, before by the ancient Fathers and Councils and the public of Christians consent acknowledged and repudiated dogmas those, than they themselves (whom he follows) interpolators existed; scarcely will there be, I think, anyone, of whom, unless to be broken and subdued by obstinacy he could, not more languid he have eruptions and impetuses, and little by little through itself cooled and enervated it fall.

CHAPTER V.

The last Saint's acts at Constantinople: death on the return met.

[35] What concerning Origen's books περὶ ἀρχῶν thought Epiphanius, sufficiently he declared through the epistle to John of Jerusalem, of which above we made mention. While moreover from this cause disputations in Palestine were raging; it happened also at Alexandria quarrels to be born between Theophilus of Alexandria and Dioscorus of Hermopolis Bishop, Theophilus of Alexandria and this one's brothers Ammonius and Eusebius surnamed the Tall, of as many monasteries Prefects; whom when at first dear had held Theophilus, not undeservedly then from himself averted and to solitude regressed, to persecute in all ways he determined; and that the more simple monks from them he might draw away, to blame in them he presumed, that God of human form endowed they denied, by Origen's especially authority supported. But when them to Constantinople to S. John Chrysostom to have fled he had understood, and by this one received; to think he began, says Sozomen book 8 chapter 13 and thereafter, by what reason John also himself from the Episcopate he might cast down. to Chrysostom hostile, But these in the inmost of his breast recess concealing and machinating, he wrote meanwhile to all everywhere of places Bishops letters, by which the books of Origen he reprehended. And when he considered great to himself a profit it would be, if Epiphanius, of Salamis in Cyprus the Bishop, a participant and consort of his counsels he should have, a man for virtue's reverence of all of his time most renowned; him to himself a friend he joined…

[36] Moreover Epiphanius, who Origen's books already long ago abhorred, to Theophilus's letters easily assent afforded: he persuades Epiphanius that Origen's books he condemn, and a council being gathered of the Cyprian Bishops, Origen's books to be read he prohibited. Given then letters, both to others, and to the Bishop of Constantinople, those things which by the Synod decreed had been insinuating, he exhorted them that a Synod they should convoke and the same should decree. Observing therefore Theophilus that he Epiphanius without peril could follow, as one whom many praised, and whose opinion for life's sanctity they looked up to; he himself also, with the Bishops who under him were, the same which Epiphanius decreed. But John the zeal of those by no means of great weight to be thought, and Epiphanius's and Theophilus's letters neglected: of the more powerful indeed those, who to John privately hostile were, when they had understood Theophilus this to act, that John of the Episcopate he might strip, themselves also their work and zeal contributed, and that at Constantinople a great Synod should be made procured. and he himself to the Synod at Constantinople should sail: Which known Theophilus still more lay to it, and the Bishops indeed of Egypt to sail ordered to Constantinople, but to Epiphanius and other through the East Bishops he wrote, that as soon as possible into one they should come together: he himself by a pedestrian journey sets out.

[37] And not much after Epiphanius, when first from the island Cyprus he had set sail, to a place not far from the city Constantinopolitan, which the Seventh they call, who Chrysostom's communion having shunned, put in, and prayer being made in the church which there is, into the city he entered. Him entering John with a meeting of the whole Clergy honored: but Epiphanius perspicuously declared, that to the calumnies against John contrived faith he had had. Invited for that in the buildings ecclesiastical to remain he should wish, by no means he acquiesced: and with John indeed to meet utterly he refused: but privately the Bishops being convoked who then at Constantinople tarried, those things which against the books of Origen decreed had been to them he showed: and some indeed he persuaded that to the decrees they should subscribe, several however that to do refused… Moreover John still nevertheless reverence exhibited to Epiphanius, and him exhorted that Collects with him to celebrate, and a contubernal him to have he should wish. as long as Origen's praisers he should foster, But Epiphanius, that neither his house he would use, nor with him pray would he answered, unless Origen's books first he had condemned, and Dioscorus together with his companions had expelled. But when that one before the cause's cognition these to do by no means just to be said and procrastinated; on the day on which a Collect was to be held in the church of the Apostles, procured John's enemies that Epiphanius into the church should come, and publicly before the people both Origen's books, and Dioscorus and those who with him were, as the same thinking with Origen, and him openly to argue prepared, with an anathema he should condemn; and by the same work the Bishop of the city he should brush, as one to those addicted being; for they thought themselves by this reason the people from him to be about to alienate.

[38] by a just fear from the purpose he is bent; On the next therefore day, when to that to be done having advanced Epiphanius now to the church drew near; to meet him ran Serapio, sent by John (for had presaged for John those things which the day before had been constituted) and openly denounced to Epiphanius, that he those things to do, which neither just were, nor to himself privately useful: inasmuch as a tumult of the people being excited, he himself as of this matter the author peril to undergo would be. By this reason was restrained the impetus of Epiphanius. Meanwhile it happened that the Emperor's son, quite a boy, by a disease was seized: the mother indeed solicitous lest anything more sad to the boy should happen, a messenger to Epiphanius being sent, that for him God he should pray, demanded. He the boy to be about to live answered, and by the Empress refuted he if the Augusta the heretics, who with Dioscorus were, would shun. But the Augusta, If God, said, my son to snatch from me shall wish, so be it: the Lord for who gave, the same also takes away. But if thou the dead to life couldst recall, not would be dead thy Archdeacon. For not much before from the living had departed Crispio… whom Epiphanius since a contubernal he had, his Archdeacon had constituted.

[39] Ammonius indeed and those who with him were Epiphanius approached: for that to themselves also the Augusta had pleased. And when Epiphanius had interrogated who indeed they were, answered Ammonius, The Tall we are, O Father: and by the monks whom he accused in some way appeased, gladly moreover we would learn, whether at some time into thy disciples or into thy books thou hast fallen. He denying, again asked Ammonius; Whence then heretics those to be hast thou judged, who no hast an argument, by which the opinion of those thou canst convince? And when Epiphanius said, that he by hearsay had received it. We indeed, said Ammonius, plainly the contrary did: for both thy disciples often we have seen, and the books read through; of which one is that which the Ancoratus is inscribed. And when many to vituperate thee and as a heretic to calumniate wished, we for the Father, as was fitting, fought, and of thy cause the defense undertook. Wherefore neither thou from only hearsay the absent to condemn oughtest, whom by no means thou thyself by certain arguments led hadst convinced, nor such a favor to repay to thy praisers. After these things Epiphanius more gently him having addressed, then indeed from himself dismissed, but a short interval being interposed of time to Cyprus he sailed, in the very of return apparatus, either because of the Constantinopolitan setting-out him it repented, or because God by an oracle him had admonished, and a death to him his own (as is probable) had prenounced. But when a ship to board he was about, to the Bishops, who him to the shore even had escorted, to have said is reported: The city to you and the palace and the stage I leave; but I depart: for I hasten, and indeed very much.

[40] Another besides something I heard, which by many's discourses even now is carried around; [it is said that to John his deposition he prenounced, and concerning his death in turn admonished,] that John indeed to Epiphanius had foretold, that he in the navigation would die; but Epiphanius had prenounced to John the abdication of the Episcopate. For while between themselves they dissented, Epiphanius indeed to John to have written is said, I hope thee by no means a Bishop to die: John indeed wrote back to Epiphanius, Nor I hope thee into thy city to be about to return. These things Sozomen, his history about years thirty after Epiphanius's death writing; to whom similar things in nearly the same words has Socrates book 6 chapter 14, of equal plainly with Sozomen age a Writer, and from whom his nearly history to have borrowed Sozomen is believed. according to Sozomen, Sozomen however more gladly used here I have not because of Salamis him to have been I believe, as thinks Nicephorus and others after him; since he himself book 5 chapter 15 not obscurely indicates himself a Palestinian, from a village a certain near Gaza to which the name Bethelia: but because already from adolescence familiarly with the monks there renowned, of Hilarion the disciples and his as it seems kinsmen, conversant; Salamanes namely, with whom a common name he had (was called for, as Photius notes, Salamanes Hermias Sozomen, which others deceived, that of Salamis they believed him) and his brothers Fusco, Malchio and Crispio, of whom the last to S. Epiphanius adhering, in the office of Archdeacon at Constantinople before him died, as above we saw. There is added that to Socrates some things also here added Sozomen, and more accurately some he seems to have edited. Notable is however that the related of Epiphanius and John mutual concerning each other prediction, adds Socrates; Socrates the matter as doubtful proposing, Whether moreover true to me said those who these things narrated, indeed I cannot affirm: to each however of those of this kind an issue happened. For neither Epiphanius the ship put in at Cyprus, after his departure for he died in the navigation: and John not much after from the Episcopate cast down was.

[41] Could indeed of this kind the issue of each occasion to have given to men, of the mutual between those dissension conscious, Baronius of the Saints unworthy judging it. and the men holy by their own foot measuring, that an altercation of words to each little worthy they fastened, just as judged Baronius, and after him of Socrates and Sozomen the illustrator and interpreter most recent Henry Valesius. Doubts also Baronius, whether truly Epiphanius, as writes Socrates, when to the Basilica of S. John he had put in, which seven of paces thousand from the city distant is, from the ship having gone out, a Collect there celebrated and a Deacon ordained, before the city he entered. He fears indeed lest the complaint of John of Jerusalem concerning Epiphanius, to John of Constantinople wrongly transferred Socrates, nor approving that at Constantinople a Deacon by Epiphanius ordained is said. although then when the matter was done at Constantinople living. For neither appears here as just as there of excusing Epiphanius the reason, since the church of S. John beyond controversy was under the disposition of the Constantinopolitan Bishop, where neither without this one's order would it have been permitted to Epiphanius the Masses solemnities, much less Ordinations to celebrate: of each however complaining Chrysostom Socrates introduces: nay even of those things which in the Apostles' temple to do was Epiphanius, unless by the denunciation of John through Serapio to himself made he had been deterred, of those, I say, which only constituted says Sozomen, as of in fact done less probably speaks Socrates, and then at last John says, lest the same on the morrow should be repeated, into the Church again entered Epiphanius having sent Serapio.

[42] However it be, it appears, the best otherwise and most holy old man, to have been deceived by Theophilus, however it be, deceived not lightly by Theophilus, both in the cause of those whom John tolerated monks, and of John himself; and from the abundance of zeal to have suffered something human, of which himself quickly it repented, and more could have repented, if what after his departure followed he had seen. Meanwhile by this of his machinations success elated Theophilus, before to Constantinople he set out to the Synod, by which of John the deposition was decreed, thus concerning him to S. Jerome wrote, The Origenists into his familiarity receiving and of these very many to the Priesthood promoting, and on account of this crime of blessed memory the man of God Epiphanius, who among the Bishops a bright in the world star shone, with no small grief saddening, deserved to hear: It has fallen, It has fallen, Babylon. Which place therefore here adduced I wished, that it may be understood by no means to be doubted, he died soon after his departure, but that straightway after his from Constantinople departure, as Sozomen writes, died Epiphanius, of whom as now dead Theophilus speaks; and since the XII of May at least is the day of the deposition in Cyprus, nor long before he could have died, whose ship, that beyond his will it should proceed slowly, a month however or a month and a half to the journey scarcely could have spent; consequent it is that he died in the month at least of April of the year CCCCIII, May certainly with difficulty to have attained. Whence to wonder it occurs, by what reason said Baronius, at least on the 12th of May in the year 403 deposed in Cyprus it is ignored in what of the Lord year he died. Just as for from the Apologies of Jerome to Rufinus, written in the year CCCCII, rightly he proves, that he did not die in the same year in the month of May; so from the already said it is gathered, that in this indeed year not he died, but neither beyond the first days of May of the following year his life prolonged.

[44] Excuses the same Baronius Epiphanius, and deservedly excuses, in those things which concerning Ammonius and his companions he believed; in that Theophilus not by private only letters, but by Synodal from the Council of Alexandria written, of heresy them convicted and condemned had signified: the same before Theophilus, but not therefore Sozomen would I accuse of injury against Epiphanius, or of too much toward Origen favor, while he introduces him confessing, that by only hearsay concerning these things he knew. For neither rashly believed those Theophilus's letters Epiphanius, as being those which were known into the world divulged and received by Anastasius the Roman Pontiff: nor however to the question of Ammonius otherwise ought he to answer, who his and his companions' cause through himself not had known; and hearing how much those toward themselves had acted more circumspectly, could not but by some of humanity sense be moved. But that says Ammonius, that defended himself the fame of Epiphanius against those who him of heresy accused, it must be known that in these, Sozomen being witness book 8 chapter 14, was Theophilus himself, not yet of Ammonius and brothers his an enemy; who before Epiphanius reprehended as if God of human appearance endowed he thought; afterwards indeed, as if resipiscent the true at last opinion of him to be he had acknowledged, as an Anthropomorphite having blamed him, the same himself with him to think wrote, and Origen's books to calumniate set, in which to be reproved, if he had a helper Epiphanius, an easy to himself he promised concerning monks those a victory, who while to the incorporeal God of a human body the form not to be defended by the authority of Origen, under the envy of this name seemed to be able to be oppressed. Which when to do Theophilus saw Chrysostom, the monks those not except rightly concerning God so far to think finding, he deserved outside of fault to be held in that which to them he showed favor. But as Epiphanius of the Anthropomorphosis heresy suspected Theophilus undeservedly held, a heretic and of schism the author in an epistle a certain former calling, but undeservedly. as writes Palladius in the dialogue concerning S. John Chrysostom; so deservedly could him with himself excused and approved signify, not as an Anthropomorphite (which in fact also Theophilus was not) but as commodiously now understood, as to be able to be understood also Ammonius had approved.

[45] Many are other things not of great moment, which in Sozomen's concerning Epiphanius narration brands Baronius, the same one's contention with the Empress on which it is not worth the trouble to delay: one however I would not pass over, which pertains to the contention of Epiphanius with the Empress, as if most far it stray from the truth, that Eudoxia, very hostile to Chrysostom, favored the monks those, and Epiphanius shunned, them to be condemned thus demanding. For both they without John could themselves immediately into his favor have insinuated; and after the first on account of the field of the widow taken away quarrels, so far had subsided the Empress's indignation, that into favor with John ought to have returned to be thought; inasmuch as she not long after between John and Severian of concord a mediatrix, in the church of the Apostles her son Theodosius, then quite a boy, at the knees of John casting, and through his head frequently adjuring, from him obtained that Severian into friendship his he should admit, as writes Socrates book 6 chapter 11. Which moreover then followed graver complaints, those first began after at Constantinople had departed Epiphanius. But nothing in this Baronius's censure I wonder more, than that the Acts of Epiphanius, which are at Lipomanus and Surius under the name of Metaphrastes, not rightly into doubt is recalled. with lies to swarm saying, as in fact to swarm presently I will show; from those altogether to truth contrary he brings forth a narration concerning the meeting and contention of Epiphanius and Eudoxia. Nor does it matter that the same in nearly the same manner in S. John's Chrysostom encomium wrote Leo the Emperor: he for, five after the matter done centuries, deceived was by those spurious Acts; and them transcribed so far as to his argument to make they seemed.

CHAPTER VI.

The edited Acts are examined, so far as by John written they are feigned.

[45] The Greek Life of S. Epiphanius, which formerly in Latin edited was had in volume 2 of his works, these Acts crammed with lies, also in many places by himself reviewed to give wished Dionysius Petavius, lest anything, which of Epiphanius by name in some way is inscribed, the reader should desire. Although for he himself also judged, that it in most a fable is than to history nearer, as already long ago in the Annals Baronius admonished, he hoped however it would be, that in that splendid narration there might be perhaps what to remove thou couldst: for otherwise, he says, much it contains, which with the true and received by all history consonant is, but the same mixed with false: in discerning which, if nothing else, thy, reader most humane, judgment and κριτικὴ τῆς ἱστορίας δύναμις could be exercised. Which and how far true to be believed they ought, sufficiently from the chapters preceding the Reader will understand: how many things are manifestly false, to Metaphrastes wrongly imputed, now I will set about to explain. This moreover being done, it will appear, the rest among these in the middle of this kind to be, that although through themselves faith they exclude not, it however a prudent no one can be given to them, as long as not another author they are known to have than the most lying of that Life compiler. Him thou beware lest Metaphrastes to be from the common error thou believe, since the style everywhere concise from the style of Metaphrastes periodic and fluid most diverse is. Presents that Life of two disciples John and Polybius, as I said, the names: who also in the first person everywhere speak, although one and the same is from the beginning unto the end the style, therefore not except one author it reports; not however altogether to be rejected, but than him more ancient, if the true of those two writings before his eyes having, his those only had adorned with speech, the sense being kept. By what age moreover he wrote, who by divining will attain? This certain, than the tenth century earlier to have been, when both Leo the Emperor surnamed the Wise, under whom also Metaphrastes flourished, that Life followed in praising Chrysostom; and an elogium from it taken is found in the Synaxarium of Basil the Emperor Porphyrogenitus, that of the Menaea printed nothing I may say.

[46] In this life Epiphanius, with a father a farmer, a mother a flax-worker, both Jews born is said with a sister Callitrope; many they feign concerning his conversion from Judaism and when ten years old his father being lost, ordered for nourishing the family the only which was available to sell beast, with so great the business sincerity to have done, that although untamed elsewhere, in the very forum placid himself he showed beyond custom, the vice however he indicated to the bidder Jacob, that a religion to himself he counted it to deceive a man of the same religion: wherefore three by him given coins, home he returned with the very beast: by which then shaken off on the way and grievously hurt, by a supervening a certain Cleobius a Christian, healed by the virtue of the Cross he was. Afterwards when the little paternal field to an Eleutheropolitan a certain of the law learned and rich Jew, to whom Tryphon the name, he offered for sale, by him adopted, that to the matrimony of his only daughter to be joined, unless she quickly had died; and so dead also Tryphon, of his both doctrine and opulence to have remained heir. Then indeed to have fallen upon a monk Lucian: whom when he had seen, a garment being given to a poor man, and the monastic life's beginning under Serapio, a white other from heaven to be clad, he asked both a Christian and a monk to be made: and fittingly instructed with his sister, and at the entrance of the church falling off of their own accord his shoes barefoot, baptized he was by a Bishop; and a thousand gold pieces being received, to Veronica, his aunt his and the same a nun, his sister commending, in Lucian's monastery he was made a monk, years old sixteen, and to S. Hilarion of the same Lucian a disciple commended, him after the death of the common master he had with the rest of the fraternity as Hegumen or Abbot.

[47] But already from elsewhere to be established we have seen, that of the monastic life the rudiments in Egypt placed Epiphanius, that perhaps which here is noted age, although I would prefer two years more to believe. To Lucian and Hilarion as to what pertains, is clear of the lie the evidence from of Hilarion himself the life, who years fifteen old to Antony to have gone away into Egypt is said by Jerome, who also himself of Lucian a disciple is feigned. and thence after two years returning the first of the monastic life example to have brought back into his fatherland, which in the year of his age XXII many began to imitate, so far moreover not yet had been monasteries in Palestine, nor anyone a monk before S. Hilarion in Syria had known. It is feigned besides his monastery which near Gaza to have been is known, in that place to have been that at five miles to be sought was the water: by which occasion when it had happened wine by Epiphanius into water to be converted for the refreshment of those passing by, he glory shunning elsewhere himself withdrew, where when of the Saracens passing by a certain one him to strike wishing had wondered to be opened to himself an eye the other, which always closed he had had; by that thing moved one from the crowd, to have undertaken the faith; who baptized by Hilarion and John called, adhered to Epiphanius, there follows a fabulous setting-out into Persia, and these all things wrote: and first, by a demoniac driven out the demon to have threatened, what into Persia to come made Epiphanius. Occupied therefore of the King the daughter to have indicated, that unless came Epiphanius, about to go out from the girl he was not. Sought therefore and in his Spanychium found, after a withered hand to one of the royal sent ones restored, to have come into the Royal-house, which was called Urion, the demon from the little daughter of the King him beholding to have expelled, to a flattering himself ineptly magician speech to have taken away and to the penitent to have restored, royal gifts and feasts to have refused with only bread content; and resuscitated, who dead was carried out, a youth, by the King honorifically to have been dismissed. I know not whether Ur of the Chaldees, Abraham's fatherland, understood in this place the fabulist (for Urion otherwise none I know: as to miracles what pertains, we have heard Sozomen expressly denying, that to the living it happened to put to flight demons and diseases to cure.

[48] Continues meanwhile Pseudo-John to narrate, how to Spanydrion returned with himself Epiphanius a fountain there elicited, beasts prohibited from the vegetables, an entire year's disputation with Epiphanius the Philosopher. and into new dwellings to himself by the Saracens, of the former hut the founders, built, received Brothers fifty, a lion to many noxious by his presence slew, a Synonymous to himself from Edessa Philosopher received, with whom an entire year disputed before Calistus of Aëtius of great Rome the Prefect a son, whom from a demon freed he had a disciple; and how the Theogony of Hesiod pertinaciously defending, the opposed more true of Genesis history to bend not being able, he challenged to a demoniac's liberation, which he who had effected his faith true would be reckoned: and so converted Epiphanius the Philosopher, and a monk made and a Presbyter ordained by the Eleutheropolitan Bishop: whom then into Egypt withdrawing Epiphanius the Saint to his monastery a Provost left. But besides that that of disputing delay and reason ridiculous altogether seems, and concerning the other that Epiphanius elsewhere is read nothing; one here of Aëtius the Roman City's Prefect I would wish the name noted, that from his brain a fiction the author it is clear from that most accurate Catalogue, which Bucherius from Bollandus our received edited at the Canon Paschal of Victorius chapter 13 page 236, where from the times of Gallienus, from the year CCLIV unto CCCLIV, is indicated, who, how much of time the Prefecture of the City administered, sometimes Prefects successively four within the same year placed; nor only the names, but also the prenames are expressed. Meanwhile from the very fabulist's calculation, of years fifty six an Episcopate to Epiphanius attributing, acts these would be at the least before a decade the ordination preceding, and so before the year CCCXXXVIII.

[49] After these things at last the Saint, whom we quite a youth to have been in Egypt said, of celebrity too great fleeing, thither with himself to sail from Joppa makes Pseudo-John, after a demoniac at the going out of Jerusalem freed; a flight into Egypt, and to Alexandria put-in a Jew, Aquila by name by disputing to convert, and to S. Athanasius the Bishop to present to be baptized: then with S. Paphnutius, of the great Antony a disciple, in the Thebaid to meet, with this counsel that in Nitria's desert to dwell he might be permitted; but by this one prophetically ordered, gathered among the Fathers summer's hay, to go away into Cyprus and sheep to feed. Then near Leontopolis is feigned the Saint to approach to Hierax's most renowned monastery, Hierax's and Eudaemon's conversion, and him publicly teaching errors many mute by his command to render, and the penitent to heal; finally healed in upper Thebaid a demoniac, to come to places which are called Bucolia and there for seven years to have dwelt, where Eudaemon the Philosopher he converted his son's healed eye; and himself to the Episcopate to be sought knowing, returned into Syria, first forty days conversant in the monastery of S. Hilarion, after that one into Cyprus had withdrawn, that is after the year CCCLXIII according to Jerome; since however in the calculation of the very fabulist, long before Hilarion's coming into Cyprus, there a Bishop to have been Epiphanius should have. In Hierax moreover a notable anachronism also noted Baronius at the year 372 number 110, observing plainly here the same to be described, of whom himself Epiphanius fully treats heresy LXVII, as by Manes next, and before the Meletian schism and Arius's heresy among the Egyptians known; although in the Ancoratus he says at number 83 himself to have found some lately raised, that is about the year CCCLXX, to whom most of all the monastic in Egypt, the Thebaid, and the rest of the regions exercising easily the first they defer, who in the same with the Hieracites error are conversant, and just as they not the resurrection of the flesh, not of this which we have now, but of another in this one's place to be substituted they preach. As to Paphnutius what pertains, among the renowned of Nitria monks, whom S. Paula the Roman approached, numbers Palladius hist. Lausiac chapter 117 Paphnutius the Scetiote, who in some way could be reduced to of this feigned in Egypt peregrination the time: the rest of his name renowned others younger are, for of the Bishop Confessor under Maximinus, who in the Nicene Council was present, is not in this place to be thought.

[50] Moreover while remaining near Spanydrion Epiphanius, a famine strong to have pressed on Phoenicia is said, and it being obtained a three-day rain to have cured the Saint; a withdrawal into Cyprus, wherefore for him to the Episcopate to be raised gathered the Bishops, when to the same to be sought a young monk Polybius they had sent; he himself the coming's cause divinely known, with the same Polybius with himself retained, and with John fled into Cyprus to S. Hilarion: by whom ordered Salamis to inhabit to go, and unwilling and by a tempest compelled thither putting in the ship, by which about to sail to Ascalon he had embarked, seized in the forum was by S. Pappus, concerning whom above at number 15, when by chance grapes he was bidding for, and drawn to the church ordained was by force a Bishop: in which office he had a Deacon Charinus, by whom a calumny he suffered on account of gold pieces a hundred for dissolving of the captive Eugnomon the debt from the goods of the church expended, although to the same restored; to the same Charinus, Charinus the Deacon's insolence. to himself at thrice repeated of the dinner time a crow's voice mocking, a death by this one prenounced he signified; the wife moreover of him from paralysis freed he ordained a Deaconess, not without a useful to the rest of the Clergy in their office to be contained example: nay even being wont not to perfect the oblation, until a vision he had seen; when it beyond custom was delayed, having prayed and known, in the cause of the delay to be the presence of a Deacon, in the same night having used his wife, wherefore alone celibates thereafter to the ministry of the altar he ordained.

CHAPTER VII.

The rest, as by Polybius added are obtruded, exploded. The book on the Life and sepulture of the Prophets.

[51] In the chapter above related all things to have written, the Saint not knowing and unwilling, is feigned the already often named John, Epiphanius's Presbyter and of all journeys a companion; who about to die having called to himself Polybius the lamp delivered. He therefore is introduced narrating, Here is feigned the Saint after a built with various miracles church how the holy Bishop, divinely admonished, for the so far small a great church from the foundations to build, by various miracles obtained the expenses to the work necessary. For first when of a Draco a certain one rich, but a gentile, to himself mocking the son sick he had healed; the disease into the father being transferred, and again to his blessing being taken away, he obtained from the same, converted with his family and baptized, five thousand coins: then when Eustorgius of Synesius similarly a gentile a son, the mother asking, he had raised from the dead, by her offered three thousand of coins he sent back to the fabric. and the dead raised, Afterwards with Polybius now a Presbyter is narrated Epiphanius to have gone to Jerusalem to John the Bishop's, his under Hilarion's discipline fellow-disciple, to be chastised avarice, as said at number 17, and thence returning to have met beggars two, of whom one himself dead simulated, which in Cyprus done seems to indicate Sozomen above n. 24. Hither moreover returned Isaac, a Jew of the law learned to himself he joined, and before the Roman envoys, by Arcadius and Honorius the Emperors to himself to Rome to be brought sent, his calumniator Faustinian, by an innocent otherwise of some workman's lapse oppressed, raising, a thousand coins by his wife offered is said to the fabric to have applied, and so to Rome to have sailed, with Isaac and Polybius, having left to the church of Constantia the vicarial care Philo, one of the legates, whom for the city of Carpasus a Bishop he had named. Of Carpasus a city such as I might know none there is: Carpathus an island, of the Cyclades the outermost between Crete and Rhodes, by a long of sea tract distant is from Cyprus, to whose Metropolitan by no means it pertained for it to provide.

[52] But these are lighter: what follow what can they an appearance have even of a tolerable lie? Arcadius born was in the year CCCLXXIV, called to Rome by Arcadius and Honorius the Emperors, a decade after Honorius, each from baptism received a man in the Palace exalted by name Arsenius, and of each the youth to be informed presided over: together they at Rome were never, but neither Epiphanius that indeed is known except once only in the year CCCLXXXII, as at number 14 we said. Their sister only Galla Placidia; (but from the second of Theodosius the Emperor marriage, about the year only CCCLXXXVII contracted) in which indeed year precisely she was born is ignored; but as long as Arcadius lived, at Rome she was not. But him about the year CCCCVIII dead, to her brother Honorius into Italy having set out, while at Rome securely she acts still a virgin, in the year CCCCI by the Goths, to the city before a year captured unexpectedly returned, also she herself is taken, by their King Ataulphus into wife is taken, and into Spain is led away; to her brother moreover restored and to Constantius betrothed, Valentinian the Younger she bore in the year CCCCXVIII; nor another is known a son to have had, unless perhaps from a King barbarous in Spain SS. Theodulphus and Theodoric she bore, their sister to have healed, a nephew to have raised, all to have baptized. concerning whom at Trier dead it was treated by us I May. Although moreover these all things most certain are, is feigned however Epiphanius by Arcadius and Honorius, as I said, called to Rome to their sick sister to be cured: and that not only to have performed, but also her son dead to have raised, with such a condition, that the Emperors with their sister and nephew the faith should undertake Christian: which also they did, baptized all by Epiphanius, undertaking Arcadius Polybius, Honorius Isaac, their sister Proclisia the Patrician, and the son of this one a certain Eunuch, not without prodigies. And these indeed all things living still Theodosius the Elder Augustus, and so before the year CCCXCV, in which he from life migrated.

[53] From Rome into Cyprus returned, as is feigned, Epiphanius not a lasting there rest had, Theodosius the elder's gout at Constantinople to have cured, but after to the famine public, the corn of Faustinian being bought up prudently he had consulted; and snares of his life from Rufinus his Deacon, from the same Faustinian's suggestion, prepared by a divine prenotion he had escaped; he is called to Constantinople, to the aforesaid Emperor Theodosius; whom by the feet laboring he healed, gladness making not only to him, but also to his sons Arcadius and Honorius, through the same days from Rome to Constantinople returned. But before from these he should depart the Saint, Faustinian thither brought in chains ill is said to have perished; and to have returned Epiphanius into Cyprus with mandates, that whatsoever his had been should retain his pious wife who all things to the uses of the church consigned ordained a Deaconess. his rescript against heretics to have obtained, Then Aëtius of the Valentinians the Bishop to be made mute he caused: but also against the Ophites, Sabellians, Nicolaitans, Simonians, Carpocratians the heretics, in Cyprus nestling, a rescript of Theodosius he received, that they should be driven from the island. Of which how with difficulty anything can with truth consist, partly is clear from the said, partly as to the Sabellians can be refuted from Epiphanius, who heresy LXII acknowledging of this then new still sect very many then in Mesopotamia both at Rome to be conversant, not would have passed over Cyprus, if to it of those the venom had reached, just as that of the Valentinians he had said heresy XXXI. The Ophites, Nicolaitans, Simonians, Carpocratians, under these names still to have survived in the century IV ending, who would believe?

[54] There remains the last, or more truly the only Epiphanius's, to the Constantinopolitan city setting-out in the year CCCCII to its end verging or the following now begun. This from the egg beginning our fabulist, first narrates Theophilus's dissension with the brothers the Tall, three namely sons of Heracleon ruling Alexandria, which elsewhere is not read; and on their account the arisen between Theophilus and John discord: then a long concerning the field of the widow, by Eudoxia usurped through Chrysostom to be restored ordered, relation he weaves: and by the Empress on account of the widow's field to Chrysostom offended, which true in substance to be to doubt does not allow Mark the Deacon, in the Life of S. Porphyrius of Gaza XXVI Feb. n. 37; but the pretext of that field to be usurped he adduces the fabulist ours, who cannot not be of falsity suspected; that namely it is the custom of Emperors and Empresses, if even a foot they have brought into another's land, and if a fruit they have received from any of those things which fruit bear, that no other in it power may have except the Emperor: and so it was done he says, that since by chance thither having entered the Empress a cluster for herself had cut off, by this very thing compelled she seemed to the estate to herself to vindicate. He adds the Empress to have offered to the widow the price of it; which indeed that she should accept or offered elsewhere an estate, more advisable it would have been to persuade the injured one, than for the supreme right such great tumults to move, as great as to follow it was necessary, if through excommunication's rigor she were excluded from the Church the Empress. And so I judge neither such anything by her offered, the pretext moreover of that field to be usurped other not to have been, than that dead was in exile of the widow her husband and the goods formerly to the fisc assigned. Nor me moves that the same matter in the encomium of Chrysostom narrates Leo the Emperor: it appears for him to have adhered, without any examination, to this so portentous Life of S. Epiphanius.

[55] However it be, is feigned so far angry the Empress that concerning John to be deposed she began to agitate counsels. to his deposition to be approved invited, Which known Theophilus persuaded Epiphanius to sail to Constantinople. Hither put-in with Polybius and Isaac (no made mention of Crispio concerning, whom presently) solicited the Empress, that into John's, as a disturber and heretic, deposition consenting, himself into his place he should suffer to be substituted: but to the milder persuading Epiphanius threatened she saying, If thou shalt be an impediment that the less is sent John into exile, I will open the temples of the idols &c. And when at these things groaning Epiphanius himself from this judgment innocent protested, not however to have escaped, that the less it was said he had consented: and so John having received a paper to him wrote: Wise Epiphanius, hast thou assented to my exile? On thy throne thou wilt not sit any more; Epiphanius indeed wrote back: Athlete of Christ, be scourged, and conquer: into the place moreover, to which thou hast been relegated, not wilt thou come. Could these last for false, as necessarily they are most false, to have held Baronius; and not to see the colloquy of Epiphanius with the Empress, of the same as author so also of faith to be? Why therefore him did he oppose to the authority of Sozomen, as in favor of the Origenists on account of John more inclined? Each indeed would I wish equally rejected, when the former Eudoxia's with Chrysostom quarrel, [although it is established that the causes of the deposition afterwards were given.] which Theodosius the younger's nativity and perhaps even the year CCCXCI preceded, is established to have been composed: and the later complaints first to have arisen, when departed from the city Epiphanius, John in the church words making, a common against women vituperation instituted, which the people so received, as if against the Emperor's wife figuratively composed it had been, as writes Sozomen, in this conformable to Socrates. Then namely Theophilus, who alone had been called into the city, to be judged by John in the cause of the monks; the of John rivals acting and persuading the Empress, and a Synod against him to be convoked demanding, permitted was the Egyptian Bishops with himself to lead: who in the suburb of Chalcedon at the Oak gathered John deposed declared: but in vain, the people him even unwilling restoring. But when on account of the silver statue anew kindled was the indignation of the Empress, in another afterwards Synod was decreed the Saint's exile, with that only pretext, that condemned in a Synod, without of a more numerous than that at the Oak had been a Synod's sentence, his See he had received.

[56] At the extreme in the Acts, with so great right to be reproved, is said Epiphanius having exhorted in the ship his men, to have stilled by prayers a tempest three-day, and to have expired. Whose dead body, finally in the ship deceased to have raised a dead man, whether circumcised it was, to explore wishing the shipmaster, by a blow of the foot back driven and extinguished, at the same feet placed revived. And when at Constantia had put in the ship, darkness indeed the whole pressed on the city; three however blind to meet having advanced, with the rest themselves by the hand holding, the sight received: the body moreover embalmed with honey stood out in the church for days many, in that Longinus and Petronius Deacons, with the Valentinian heresy secretly infected, a sacrilege to be said within the city in the church to be buried a dead man: but because to bury him nevertheless wishing to those they themselves opposed, at the venerable Deacon Sabinus's, and after a long concerning the sepulture contention entombed Epiphanius invoking, prayers; Longinus indeed fell in the very place dead, Petronius indeed, carried thence paralytic and mute, on the fourth day died. Then indeed sent to Constantinople legates six, who Arcadius the Emperor's will should inquire: he indeed them detained, until his, as he called him, father he had mourned for days forty; and these being completed the same he sent back with a certain Maximus, a troublesome to himself demon carrying around. By this moreover, before the sacred body prostrated and freed, was read an Imperial epistle, in the verse second thus containing: Him who lived above our laws, we will not to lie conveniently to our laws: Polybius now being of the Rhinocorurans the Bishop. and so at last deposited was the Saint in a case for it built, in the very place where above Faustinian had fallen the fabricator, certainly months three or four according to this fable, after the Saint's death. These things moreover, as I indicated n. 5, is feigned to write Epiphanius's successor Sabinus to Polybius, on the eighth day of the lasting for the sepulture contention departed from the island, and after one year's delay in the Thebaid, snatched by Heracleon, of all Egypt the President, at Rhinocorura then dwelling, that he should be of that city the Bishop; when he had asked concerning that controversy's issue to be taught by Sabinus, because from Calippus the Deacon he had heard him of Constantia the Bishop ordained.

[57] Thou hast, Reader, in these two Chapters comprehended of the whole prolix otherwise fable the sum, [The book on the Life of the Prophets, although it is not demonstrated certainly supposititious to be,] with this end, that if anything elsewhere thou findest by us passed over in the first five Chapters which here also is touched; to discern thou mayest, whether it hence received to be esteemed it ought not; or indeed, as from a better author hither translated, faith it merits with the former to obtain. Similarly to thy judgment I leave, whether thou wouldst for a genuine S. Epiphanius's offspring hold with Bellarmine the book on the life of the Prophets and their sepulture, although unknown to Photius, n. 122 & ff. his works reckoning; or with the most recent his interpreter Petavius, ψευδεπίγραφον to believe, on account of six hundred of lies trifles, with which book that crammed is. To Petavius Sirmond and Labbe subscribed, the holy Father's honor favoring: and their opinion from the same motive more gladly I hold, although sufficiently I understand with Labbe, there to be who think, not all things from the ancient Fathers to be subtracted, in which Talmudic comments and Hebraic certain deuteroses are contained.

[58] So the book on the Life and death of the Just, by Baronius in the notes to the Roman Martyrology I May and XXV, (for also S. Isidore some such thing to have written is known and is excused) of someone other rather than S. Isidore to be seems, in that in it very many are found, of Isidore unworthy, joined together lies: concerning it however does not allow us to doubt S. Braulio in the prenotation of his books: so that this to excuse another not is available, than with Labbe either to acknowledge by some interpolator corrupted, or ingenuously to confess, that too credulous, what by others written he found, less discussed, not so much his own as another's brought forth faith. As long as however either to say, for defending the under Epiphanius's name controverted book, better however it is not received, of similar weight not compels the authority, well of it all to deserve I judge, who that which of his gravity unworthy to be reasonably they think, by himself written to be not gladly believe; ill on the contrary, who obstinately it to sustain wish, that by his authority, as also S. Isidore's, to be propped they may seem, what there concerning Elijah the Prophet's birth are read. Indeed I judge those Fathers, if such things they themselves in fact wrote, merely of interpreters and collectors to discharge the office to have wished, no moreover to them from themselves weight to add: whether moreover in fact worth the trouble it was of the Rabbis concerning the Saints old dreams, with which they all the sacred Scripture's histories interpolated, either already formerly collected in Greek and Latin to have rendered, [as not sufficiently worthy of S. Epiphanius and from Rabbinic figments sewn together.] or in their books several dispersed into one little book to have collected, of the more prudent let it be the judgment: to curiosity certainly and to delight not a little serve those things, nor to anyone harm can they who to them faith not great shall have had, understanding with Theophilus Raynaud our, concerning good and bad books n. 352, of them the much mendacity and fabulosity; and that (as the same n. 348 notes) to the Rabbis proper in a fourth way it is to fable, and what never were or will be ever, as true to propose, so crassly and stolidly, that not of ingenium even a crumb is detected in devising dexterously and aptly, and feigning probably and aptly to persuading. It agrees indeed not so much to consider who what wrote, concerning those things which before most long ages done are reported, by certain no of authors contemporary monuments testified: but whom he leaders in writing followed: these moreover, in that which we touch argument, others than the Rabbis were not, and they probably than the Jerusalem destruction later all.

[59] But, since the book divulged under the name of Epiphanius, first in the last century in Latin to be read began, just as also that which to S. Dorotheus was in Latin supposed. deservedly are presumed the writers Latin, especially those whom Greek not to have known is established, while anything of this kind concerning the law old's Prophets in writing they touched, not that under the name of Epiphanius book, but another under the name of S. Dorotheus, in Latin only extant, before their eyes to have had, as in the treatise concerning B. Albert of Jerusalem on VIII April I indicated. This moreover book, much earlier and more certainly, than that other to Epiphanius, denied to Dorotheus was, as soon as through printing made it was of more public right: the Synopsis I understand concerning the life and death of the Apostles, Prophets and Disciples of the Lord, which under Dorotheus's name was printed, both separately and in the Libraries of the old Fathers; this for, as noted Labbe, already long ago as with fables crammed and of no among the Learned authority, with an obelus marked, Molanus, Baronius, Bellarmine and other Catholics, to whom the heterodox subscribed: that of Theophilus Raynaud I be silent, by whose judgment the book is infantile, swarming with fabulous narrations. which perhaps by other synonymous ones were written. To which since similar are in the two already above indicated little works, S. Isidore indeed so is excused, that however better it would have been to his own honor about to consult, if with a precaution at least some used he had indicated not great to them by himself faith to be had; Epiphanius moreover nor an excuse even needs, as long as by no old and ineluctable testimony is proved, these truly his to be writing. Add that several Epiphanii were in subsequent centuries even in Cyprus Bishops, of whom some as is wont to happen commonly, to a more principal of this name writer could have been attributed, just as those orations which, by Epiphanius's name a disguise already long ago make, by Petavius's judgment, both with the style itself and other certain indications, of another either Epiphanius or author themselves to be declare.