Simplicius and Ambrose

ON SS. SIMPLICIUS AND AMBROSE MARTYRS IN CATALONIA.

Simplicius, Martyr in Catalonia (St.) Ambrose, Martyr in Catalonia (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR G. H.

Philippus Ferrarius, in the general Catalogue of the Saints, in few words of these Martyrs thus makes mention: Sacred worship In Spain in the territory of Vich of the holy Martyrs Simplicius and Ambrose. And these, he says, from the Tables of the Church of Vich and the convent of St. John of Ripoll, where their bodies are preserved. Tamayo Salazar in the Spanish Martyrology, Near Vich, he says, in the valley of Ripoll of the County of Osona in Catalonia of Spain, the deposition of SS. Simplicius and Ambrose Martyrs, whose sacred remains in shrines enclosed are honorably kept among the illustrious, and with an annual festivity are venerated. Antonius Vincentius Domeneccus, in the general History of the Saints of Catalonia on this second of May, sets forth a title, on the blessed Martyrs Simplicius and Ambrose, whose sacred Relics with great veneration keeps the Church of St. John de Abbatissis, once a celebrated monastery of Canons Regular of St. Augustine in the Episcopate of Vich. And then this history he subjoins, in Latin by Tamayo Salazar edited. In the year of the Lord eight hundred eighty-seven, Wifred ruling in Catalonia, Count of Barcelona, surnamed the Hairy, in the monastery of Ripoll. Lord Wifred and Lady Guidinilla his wife, Counts of Besalú, when they had built the monastery of St. John de Abbatissis in the County of Osona, in the valley of Ripoll, procured from the Lord Gothmarus Bishop of Osona, now Vich, the church of the said monastery to be consecrated: to which after Emo his daughter, that there in the habit of religion she might serve God, they also offered some castles, churches and houses, likewise fields, woods and many possessions, especially in the town of Ripoll and Scaranum, in which also houses, gardens and fields they gave: nor less in Congost, the County of Berga, and Ampurdán: whence the said monastery among the richest of that province was reckoned. With these riches offered not yet content the Counts, also into the service of the nuns gave male and female slaves: nay even Gothmarus the Bishop the tithes of some peoples of his district to St. John granted. Afterward because the nuns the aforesaid monastery deserted, into their place succeeded Canons Regular of St. Augustine. Into this monastery therefore were translated the Relics of the holy Martyrs Simplicius and Ambrose, whose solemn feast is recalled on the VI Nones of May under a double rite, and this is recited the Prayer: O God who us by the annual solemnity of thy holy Martyrs Simplicius and Ambrose makest glad, grant propitiously, that we who rejoice in their merits, may be kindled by their examples. Through the Lord &c. But assigns them the said convent for the Patrons of its Church. Their sacred Relics are laid up in two separate caskets: in one of which is read this inscription: This is the shrine of St. Simplicius Martyr, in which his body is laid. But in the other this is the inscription: This is the shrine of Ambrose Martyr, in which his body is laid. All these Domeneccus. Of Wifred, by some Guifred, and Gryphus, surnamed the Hairy, largely treats Francisco Diago in book 2 of the History of the Counts of Barcelona chapter 7 and following, and asserts his wife Guinidildis or Guidinilla, to have been the daughter of Baldwin Iron-arm and Judith daughter of Charles the Bald King of the Franks. But Ripoll, as if pollens with banks he thinks said, because at the confluence of the rivers Ter and Freser it is situated: but the monastery not for his daughter Emo, but for Rodulfus his son built he adds. The Bishop Gothmarus, by others Gundemarus is called, to whom Vich the city and its rights Odo King of the Franks had given. The rest of the Acts of the martyrdom, with the place and time at which they flourished, plainly lie hidden.

ST. ATHANASIUS BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA

IN THE YEAR CCCLXXI.

THE LIFE

Collected from his own and other ancient writings.

Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

PROLOGUE.

To narrate all the acts of the great Athanasius, and with admiration to weigh them, would be the work of a just history, says his distinguished encomiast Gregory Nazianzen, If Nazianzen had written the Life, and ἐυχῆς ἔργον, a thing with much prayer to be sought for himself it would be he says, for the instruction and delight of posterity, those things expressly to commit to letters; just as he himself the divine Antony's Life wrote, which under the form of a narration, the norm contains of the monastic conversation. A laudable wish indeed, and worthy of such a writer; who would that he also had carried it into effect! For just as through that Life of Antony which Athanasius wrote, the Solitaries are formed to the private cultivation of their own soul; so in the Life of Athanasius, which Gregory should have written, would have had the Bishops a most perfect idea of a true Prelate in the public administration of the Churches, and a mirror of constancy and endurance invincible against whatever incursions of heretics.

[2] There are indeed after some many centuries both in Greek and in Latin written some things, it would not have been from the books of posterity bearing a certain appearance of a history through the whole life of the Saint deduced, of which at the end of this treatise we shall speak: but these, although mostly received from ancient authors, Rufinus, Palladius, Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomen, to a certain extent also from the coeval Eusebius of Caesarea; yet, besides their own faults with which they labor, many other things also they err together with those whom I have cited as authors, neither among themselves nor with the Saint himself sufficiently agreeing: which either to reconcile severally or to refute, or laboriously to be sought from the writings of the Saint himself, a great, and not much useful labor would be required: which it is so much the easier to decline, the more about his own matters the Saint himself was compelled to write. From which, to historical order reduced, a copious and to this work abundantly sufficient Commentary can be composed, if only from other writers a few things, not altogether to be passed over, and having no contrariety with the more certain testimony of the Saint himself, be premised and intermingled.

[3] This did in the French language, but with the sources indicated in the margin, Godefroid Hermant, This was lately done in French, Doctor of the Sorbonne and Canon of Beauvais; and so did that the whole history almost of the IV century, in which lived and contended Athanasius, in two volumes he comprised. By whose happy labor I gladly confess myself relieved and aided; since I had the purpose, those things especially, which St. Athanasius touch, in the proper words of Athanasius himself explained to give: now it will be done in Latin. in Latin indeed, yet not word for word from his Latin interpreter Nannius; since he often too loose, nor sufficiently solicitous always was, that his author's mind he should examine more closely. As often therefore as anything with us otherwise, otherwise in the vulgar editions thou shalt read, remember to recur to the faith of the Greek text; and I being silent, easily through thyself thou wilt be able to recognize, that to this Saint also was a fortune common with the rest of the holy Fathers for the most part, that an interpreter in many things drowsy I may say, or hasty, he should obtain: which that it may be easier for thee, I will express in the margin the numbers of the pages, by the example of Hermant, according to the Paris last edition of the year MDCXXVII, which he himself and I have used.

[4] Further if the sloth or too great precipitancy of interpreters often poured something of obscurity on works most worthy to be read; But the order of the works of Athanasius is to be noted. an almost inexplicable confusion introduced those, who first the same from various codices, as there either entire or by halves they were contained, collected; with a misfortune no less than was done in the books of St. Gregory of Nyssa against Eunomius, or in the Apology of St. Justin the Philosopher: of which this one to have been wrongly drawn apart in two parts, that the defect of the first which perished might be supplied, we showed on the day XIII of April; those to have been most ineptly divided and digested we proved on the day IX of March. But it is so much the more desirable to have an ordered notice of the works of Athanasius, especially the apologetic ones; as it seems the more necessary for the history which we have in hand.

[5] And first indeed it is certain enough, that the Apology to Constantius is an oration, composed to this end that it might be recited by the Saint himself, Of which the Apology to Constantius if at any time to his sight he should merit to be admitted. Hence it comes that not but with the greatest respect he everywhere addresses him, the odium of the things impiously and cruelly done, as it can be done, upon his adversaries declining; and evidently demonstrating, that he had neither ever spoken ill of him before his brother Constans, nor had been able to have any commerce with Magnentius the tyrant the slayer of Constans, nor was to be accused for the delay which in his Episcopate he drew out, relying on his very letters and the contrary mandates not appearing; nor finally could be argued for his flight, to which the savagery of the persecution stirred up against him compelled. And this Apology was written in the year at the most CCCLVII, written in the year 357, when in February of the prior year he had betaken himself to the hiding-places of the desert. About the same time was written the other, an Apology call it or an Epistle it matters not, on his flight.

[6] To these next, in my judgment indeed, succeeded a treatise, much longer than now appears, in one part polemical, then the Epistle to the Solitaries in two parts, historical in the other, with a dedicatory epistle directed to all everywhere cultivating the solitary life, founded in the faith of God, sanctified in Christ, and saying, Behold we have left all and followed thee, beloved and most longed-for Brethren. 1 p. 808 Of the aforesaid Epistle this is the beginning, and at the same time the argument of the whole work, thus is set forth. Induced by your benevolence, and much asked by you, I have written briefly of those things which we and the Church have suffered, on the divinity of the Word and his persecutions. as much as I could refuting the impure heresy of the Ariomanites, and showing how far it is from the truth. Then he begins to narrate what amid the writing he suffered; how namely, on account of the incomprehensible argument's sublimity concerning the divinity of the Word, often to subsist and to desist from writing he wished; yet violence he himself did to himself, lest either to those very asking, or to others on account of his silence about to be in peril he should fail: and finally what he wrote he asks to be received by them, not as having a full interpretation of the divinity of the Word, but only as refuting the impiety of the Christ-fighters, and to the willing affording occasion of holding better the piety of the salutary faith in Christ; he bids also from the divine judgment, in the death of Arius exercised and otherwise sufficiently understood, to know how hateful to God his heresy is; and once read several times to be sent back as soon as possible to him, no copy being transcribed.

[7] The same afterward being asked by Serapion to write to him, both those things which then against him had been done, which also was sent to Serapion the Bishop. and of the most impious Arian heresy on whose occasion such things he had endured, and what end of life Arius had; Of three, he says, requests two indeed I have done willingly, and to thy piety I have sent what I wrote to the monks; for from these thou couldst learn what either against me or against the heresy were: but of the third I have much deliberated, fearing lest anyone should think me to insult a man's death. 1 p. 67. Yet simply narrating what from an eye-witness he had heard, to lay the question concerning Arius arisen whether he died in the Church's communion; he bids them be recited to those, who had moved this question, together with those things which to the monks in compendium about the heresy were written; forbidding meanwhile, lest their copy he should wish either to others to hand over or to transcribe for himself; and that on account of those things which in the epistle to the monks suffered amid the writing he had said, and because it is not safe to hand over to the unlearned writings, especially about the highest and chief dogmas.

[8] And hence easily it appears the work's argument to have been bipartite; and although about each one δἰ ὀλίγων in few words to have written himself says Athanasius, The first part, believed to have perished that yet is to be understood with respect to the matter on both sides almost infinite amplitude. Further as the work itself, in the part where it is historical and known commonly, although headless, is very prolix; so nonetheless prolix it would have been on the other part, where it was Theological; although under that form of a bipartite work nowhere it appears. But that it so appears not, thence to me it seems to have come about; because, with some the history, with others the doctrine for themselves afterward to be described electing, the parts were torn asunder from one another: which, since they were in argument and style so disparate, no one of the scribes afterward took care or knew to be joined.

[9] Indeed I think not the Theological part, of which so much greater the use to the faithful could be in preference to the historical, it seems to survive in the 4 orations against the Arians. was neglected by posterity; and therefore to one looking around all the works of St. Athanasius, it occurs to suspect, that of the five Orations, of which the first has the title of an encyclical epistle to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya against the Arians, 1 p. 283 and no connexion with the following, the four remaining, of which this is the beginning, Those heresies indeed, which against the truth have devised madnesses for themselves, are manifest… but this newest of all … which Arian is called… its appearance dissembles, and with the words of the sacred letters as if with an honest dress is clothed. 1 p. 306 These, I say, four, of which none besides the last is closed with the wonted otherwise invocation of the most holy Trinity, I suspect by the author into one four-membered body to have been compacted: and prefixed to the other part of equal prolixity, which by others together with the dedicatory epistle described separately, alone now and indeed not entire, obtains the title of the work to the Solitaries.

[10] That this part lacks its own beginning we noted in March on the day XXVI, where of St. Eutychius, the Alexandrian Subdeacon and Martyr, we gave a narration hence received. For it is evident, that, with the Epistle thus ending, The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you, Amen, The second part is had headless: not aptly is continued the following, But they those things, on account of which such things they had machinated, not long after fulfilled. For soon from those snares the Arians they received into communion, despising so many judgments against them, but the Imperial mandate concerning the same again pretexting: nor did they blush thus to speak writing, Athanasius being afflicted, the hatred subsided, but the Arians we will receive; and to the hearers' terror to add, that this the Emperor commanded. 1 p. 810 These regard the Hierosolymitan conventicle, after Athanasius' most unworthy crimination by the tumultuating Eusebians of Tyre made, the great Constantine yet living: wherefore, if this latter part of the work to the Solitaries, even from the Nicene council, the first contests of Athanasius with the Arians even to the year CCCXXX in like manner explained, in which the rest thenceforth under Constantius done we have narrated; that also will remain evident, that nearly half the history is wanting.

[11] This loss the collectors of the works seem to have wished to supply, by prefixing to the Epistle and the rest of the work to the Solitaries, another certain writing of the same Athanasius, of almost equal length, nor is its beginning the second Apology, which they called the second Apologetic against the Arians; 1 p. 719 at each page repeating the title of the Apology to the Emperor Constantius: of which altogether nothing can be proved. For neither to the Emperor, as most clearly is done in the Apology praised above, nor to any other altogether anyone is it directed; nor has it any form of an Apology, except perhaps in a brief exordium and an equally brief conclusion: and finally Athanasius himself, in that which remains to the Solitaries work, manifestly another name, another order assigns to it; in five places altogether indicating, that the monuments, only at the beginning by him described, there entire are to be sought.

[12] in the Epistle to the Solitaries itself often cited, But these places, not accurately enough expressed by unskilled scribes, were not by the interpreter Nannius understood: who when at the double letter of Constantius he had found written, as also he printed, ἐγράφη ὀπίσω τὸν ξελόγον καὶ ἔστιν ἐκ ὁλοκλήρῳ ὁμοία τάυτῃ; 1 p. 824 as if the scribes' error wishing to correct, in Latin put, The whole epistle above is written: and soon below, where is ἐγράφη δὲ ἅυτη ὁμοίως εἰς τὸν ἀυτὸν ξελόγον; he himself wrote, And this also above is described. 1 p. 826 The same formulas, both in Greek and in Latin, are repeated on a similar occasion after the next page; with this only difference, that where before was ξελόγον, not as something preceding, is had ξηλόγον; when about the beginning alleging the Epistle of Constantine the Younger, was read ἐγράφη ὀπίσω εἰς τὸν λόγον ἀπαραλλάκτως. 1 p. 814 Not so drowsy I believe Nannius was, that he thought the adverb ὀπίσω, which without controversy means, afterward, below, to be the same as ἔμπροσθεν and to signify before or above: but this indulgence to be granted to himself he judged, that what now were read before printed, those also above to be sought the reader should understand.

[13] But at τὸν λόγον, ξελόγον, ξηλόγον he altogether stuck; by no conjecture attaining, what by those at length was indicated. For although many in Athanasius λόγοι are extant on various arguments, none yet appeared anywhere, as the Interpreter did, who either by antonomasia was called λόγος, or the very epistles which are indicated contained; and only it he found in the preceding Apologetic of whatever name. Besides although ξε᾽ is worth 65, and ξη᾽ 68; yet the property of Greek writing such a syntax rejected; and if some number was to be indicated, it ought to have been written τὸν λόγον ξε᾽ and ξη᾽. Not to say that that is an enormous number, and not even to κεφαλίοις or Chapters to agree, into which (in a manner nowhere else used in Athanasius) that little work should be conceived to have been divided. For howsoever minutely thou divide by imagining, yet not more than sixteen sections canst thou make before that epistle, which is said εἰς τὸν ξηλόγον referred.

[14] All things therefore considered, plainly I judge that in those five places is to be read εἰς τὸν ξύλλογον, that is, in the Collection, of epistles namely Synodic, Imperial, and others rendering the innocence of Athanasius evident; which Collection he himself made, all the epistles by the interposition of most brief narrations into one as it were body compaginating, but as a collection of documents to be added at the end, and that after the death of Constantine the Younger, when the Eusebians at Antioch the former calumnies were reviving. The same Collection Athanasius afterward judged, for greater evidence of certitude, to be subjoined to the work to the Solitaries; in that altogether manner in which the Alexandrian Synod, writing in defense of Athanasius to Pope Julius (which defense the first place in this Collection has) at the same time judged to be sent the copies of the letters alleged by it, namely of Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica, and of the Mareotic Presbyters, and of Ischyras confessing that to calumniate himself by force he was driven, and of the Father of the Emperors, that is the great Constantine, execrating the Meletians for the feigned crimination concerning Arsenius slain. 1 p. 735

[15] [so that this is as it were the third part of the work to the Solitaries, though long before composed.] So that this as it were a third part of the work to the Solitaries sent is to be reckoned: which since it contains no acts after the return from exile performed, deservedly we reckon it itself indeed to have been written about the year CCCXLII; afterward however when it the Saint subjoined to the work to the Solitaries to be sent, there was added at the end a clause about Valens and Ursacius, that they ought to be believed once truly and from the heart to have retracted their calumnies; and about the Bishops, for Athanasius' cause exile sustaining rather, than that so many and so great Bishops' judgments they should abrogate, in whose number was also Liberius the Roman Prelate … and Hosius that great one … But these words since alone were added, but then indeed augmented with some additaments. when that Collection he subjoined to the work to the Solitaries to be sent; afterward, when the same work to Serapion sent the Saint, to each name he added a parenthesis about the lapse of Hosius and Liberius, of Arian violence a witness. In that altogether manner Athanasius, after the writing in the year CCCLVIII of the Epistle on the Synods, into the same he inserted some parentheses about the Constantinopolitan Council and Constantius' death, as in its place we shall show. Here only we say, that both this treatise, of prolixity not least; and the former, about which so much we have said, an Epistle is called by the ancient describers of the works of St. Athanasius, when between the two this annotation they placed. That bipartite work is called an epistle, The Epistle which precedes to all everywhere monks, ends in the things done about Georgius the Cappadocian's ordination through his receivers the Arians: but the following Epistle on the Synods held at Ariminum and Seleucia in Isauria, says the aforesaid Georgius at Seleucia to have been deposed.

[16] These things for the easier and clearer use of the aforesaid works observed, I conclude and say; By the name of the Apology, simply put, that alone Oration in the following Commentary is to be understood, which openly and without controversy to the Emperor is directed. The Epistle to the Solitaries, is to be called, by us also, that part of the history, which from the said work survives; but what an appendix of it to have been we showed, we shall not call, from the common error, and its appendix is called the Syllogus. the second Apology; but, from its own author's prescript and mind, the Syllogus: but if it be also needful to cite the lucubrations against the Arians, those by the now received word we shall call Orations, although likely they could be called a part of the work to the Solitaries. For an usage is to be tolerated, from whose correction no advantage to the history to be elucidated arises: for in such things avails what is commonly said, One must speak as the many, be wise as the few.

CHAPTER I.

The boyhood of St. Athanasius, memorable for baptism conferred on his companions in play.

[17] That the fatherland of Athanasius was Alexandria, the metropolis of Egypt, both he himself sufficiently in his writings intimates, Born at Alexandria and Constantius the Emperor declares, when stripped of his paternal household gods, and at length to his fatherland to be restored, he admonishes him to come to the Court; that, after he had seen his sight, to Alexandria he should pass. 1 p. 769 There he had an aunt and kinsmen. In the same place also the Saint had a θείαν, an aunt or maternal aunt, whom he complains by Gregorius intruded into his place, was prohibited burial, after the Pascha of the year CCCXLI, of whom below num. 154. He had also kinsmen, whom in the Epistle to Lucifer of Cagliari written in Latin about the year CCCLXI, and below n. 283 to be cited, he names parents, from the usage of speaking of the Westerners in Italy and Gaul, where the Latin tongue he had learned: for that the father and mother of St. Athanasius to that very time were in the living, the less is it likely, the less of them we read in the writings of the son. For what injuries to them ought not to have been inflicted? and how pathetically those would the Saint have described, if anything they for his cause had suffered? But since not even their names are known, I judge altogether that both died, Athanasius being still quite young.

[18] What from a boy was his instruction here, to recount wishing Rufinus, as from those who with him had led their life, In a boyish game playing the Bishop, he baptizes catechumens received, in book 10 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 14 thus narrates: At the time when at Alexandria on the day of Peter the Martyr Alexander the Bishop was acting; when, after the solemnities completed, he awaited the Clerics about to come together to his banquet, in a place near the sea; he sees from afar a multitude of boys, upon the shore of the sea, in play, as is wont to be done, imitating the Bishop, and those things which in the churches to be done is the custom. But when more intently for a while he beheld the boys, he sees by these to be done certain things even more secret and mystical. Perturbed, immediately to be called to him the Clerics he orders; and to them, what from afar he himself saw, he shows. Then to go away, and the boys all being apprehended to lead to him he commands: and when they were present, what their play, and what they had done, and how, he inquires. They, as such an age has, fearful at first deny, then the thing done in order disclose: and that there were baptized by them certain Catechumens they confess through Athanasius, who of that play boyish the Bishop had been feigned.

[19] Then he, diligently inquiring from those who baptized were said, what being asked they had been, whom duly baptized Alexander the Bishop is said to have judged. or what they had answered, at the same time also from him who had asked; when he sees, according to the rite of our religion all to stand firm, having conferred with the council of the Clerics, to have decreed is handed down; to those, to whom with entire interrogations and answers water had been poured, the baptism to be repeated ought not, but to be fulfilled those things which by the Priests is the custom. But Athanasius, and those whom the play either as Presbyters it had seemed to have or as Ministers, the parents being called together under the obtestation of God he hands over, of his church to be nourished. But a small time being spent, when by a Notary entirely, and by a Grammarian sufficiently, Athanasius had been instructed; immediately, as a faithful commended one of the Lord, by the parents he is restored to the Priest, and as a certain Samuel in the temple of the Lord is nourished; and by him, going to the fathers in a good old age, to carry after him the Sacerdotal Ephod is chosen.

[20] These Rufinus, whose authority cited, the same in an epitome contracted reports Socrates in book 1 chapter 11. But Sozomen, Athanasius was then perhaps eight years old, equally as Socrates, a writer of the next age after Athanasius, the same Rufinus in just as many words describes, and to be said he says, these to have happened, Athanasius οὔπω προσήβῳ γενομενῳ, not yet the age of puberty entered. Nor indeed either Rufinus' words, or the matter itself allow, than an eight- or ten-year-old boy a larger one here to conceive Athanasius, who namely had not yet begun to learn letters: which of a twelve-year-old or one greater than that cannot conveniently be received. That nevertheless to do is necessary for those, who after the year CCCXI think done, the things which from Rufinus are narrated: although not even thus Athanasius, in the year CCCXXVI, in which to be made Bishop is established, the just age for that office would have attained: and yet this defect never objected we read by the adversaries, in every way striving to disparage his election, and as if not duly made to calumniate.

[21] The whole difficulty hangs on the year, in which St. Peter (on whose anniversary day the thing is said to have happened) with the distinguished crown of martyrdom endowed writes Eusebius book 7 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 26, after the martyrdom of St. Peter the Bishop in the year, not 311. designating the ninth year of the persecution. But of that persecution the beginning take most from the year CCCII or III, in which Diocletian and Maximian, edicts being everywhere promulgated, churches to be destroyed, Bishops to be slain, Christians wherever found ordered to be apprehended; and with extreme, unless from Christ they should depart, to be punished torments. But with the reverence of many most grave authors saved, I think it can be doubted whether Eusebius, at least there, not far earlier begins the years of that persecution. A cause of doubting affords Theophanes, an author indeed grave and diligent, whose Chronography by a peculiar exegesis before volume III of March I attempted to illustrate, when at that year, which to the year CCXCV of our vulgar era corresponds, thus he speaks: but in 303 slain, In this year Diocletian and Maximian Herculius, a vehement and horrible against the Christians persecution being stirred up, and of every kind devised torments, very many myriads of Martyrs dispatched, of whom whoever the eight books of the Ecclesiastical history by Eusebius composed shall have run through, notice shall receive. But afterward, at the year CCCIII, the resumed more atrociously persecution he describes, which martyrs innumerable consecrated; among whom if was Peter himself, consequent it will be that Eusebius in that place, where St. Peter's Martyrdom he refers to the ninth year of the persecution, followed the writings of the Alexandrians, from the year CCXCIV it beginning; although he himself, things in his own age done chiefly about to narrate in the following book, seems to begin the persecution from the year of the published decrees.

[22] But what in the year CCCIII was the most savage rage, that in the subsequent years interpolated with various accidents and less continuous it was, so that about the year 305 the thing could have happened. the tyrants of their own accord abdicating; and so could the anniversary of Peter, even in the first years from his death, more festively be acted at Alexandria by the Bishop and Clergy, yet to the boys the sacred Christian things on the shore to imitate the faculty was freer. Let him have celebrated therefore his predecessor's anniversary Alexander in the year CCCV or the following, and let him have seen with boys playing the boy Athanasius; he could yet, when in the year CCCXXVI made Bishop he was, and the saint in the year 326 to have been thirty years old. have been in the XXX year of his age; which to the present matter seems to be enough. Nor indeed for a much longer age to him to be attributed to contend absolutely are we compelled; since of the aforetouched persecution, which I said began in the year CCCXCIV treating Athanasius himself, not his own knowledge alleges in the epistle to the Solitaries, but only says, that he heard from his parents, and true to judge, that when the persecution had been moved under Maximian the grandfather of Constantius, heathen men hid in hiding-places the Christians, and often were punished with money and to prison were delivered, for no other thing, than that the fugitives to themselves to betray they would not. 1 p. 853 Which matter and distinction of the causes, for which by the tyrants were seized men, since under the boyish sense it fell less, prudently the testimony of his elders appealed Athanasius; by no means of it having need, if larger by birth he had been.

[23] Let it remain therefore, that from the part of the age, which in the first years of Alexander he had attained Athanasius, unless thou prefer to say there was an error in the name of Alexander, and which it behoves him to the Episcopal ordination to have brought, there be no convincing cause, for which the Alexandrians' relation about Athanasius, to us set forth by Rufinus, and by almost all who about this Saint have treated in writings and by word of mouth celebrated, ought to be called into doubt. If anyone yet, the substance of the matter being saved, to Rufinus, in other things also about this Saint not most accurate, and only things known by hearing narrating, think in naming the Bishop crept in an error; and to St. Peter himself, in memory of his predecessor St. Theonas a church dedicating, prefer to have happened that he should see playing Athanasius, and so to this one's age would wish eight or seven years to add, we will in nothing resist: because even thus the substance of the matter will remain saved, and only it will be defective in a circumstance, easily in such things alterable. But that to someone wonderful perhaps may seem the approbation of a baptism, as at first sight it appears, ludic, not so much to move anyone ought it, that on that account the whole narration he should pull apart; the substance of the history being saved, since a diligent consultation thereupon made, and the boys' discrete interrogation can persuade, that nothing was done rashly: and the very in Alexander or Peter present holiness, and in Athanasius grace precocious, could something beyond the common order in that case have done. Meanwhile observe, that from what has just been said something ought to be corrected or illustrated on the day XXVI of February, where of that St. Alexander the Acts we deduced, and this same matter we treated.

CHAPTER II.

The studies of St. Athanasius and his first contests with Arius at Alexandria and at Nicaea in the Council.

[24] Restored to his parents by the Bishop, under that which we said condition, Athanasius; to the liberal arts a very little of time gave, witness Nazianzen, lest namely of such things altogether rude and ignorant he should seem, and those to be ignorant which for himself he had reckoned to be contemned. As a boy he is imbued with the liberal arts, For neither a generous and magnificent soul with vain studies to be occupied did he endure, and in the same manner to be affected as the unskilled athletes, who while the air more often than the bodies they strike, of the prizes' hope are frustrated. And so that Sulpicius Severus in book 2 a Jurisconsult calls Athanasius, not likewise in the science of civil Law, for that time in which the Bishop of Alexandria he already was and advanced in age, that of the sole science of the ecclesiastical Canons I would have it received; not however in that latitude, in which to the end of the year 311 said Baronius, that not only greatly imbued he was in the Theological faculties, but also Jurisprudence very thoroughly he knew.

[25] However it be, I return to Nazianzen, Athanasius' studies and progresses setting forth in these words: but in the sacred letters Of the Old and New Testament the books all so having meditated through, that not even one indeed anyone else, not only of contemplation but also of an excellent and brilliant life with the riches he is augmented, and wondrously each he connects, a chain truly golden, and of such a kind that by no means by many it can be connected: this namely reason entering upon, that both life as a guide to contemplation he might use, and by contemplation his life and the elegance of his morals he might seal … Thus further nourished and erudite (as now also it would behove those, who of the people Prelates about to be, and the great body of Christ about to handle) according to the great counsel of God and prescience, which of great things the matter long before constitutes, into this great order of the Clerics is co-opted, He is ordained Cleric. and into the number of those who to God approach is enrolled, and with the honor of the sacrosanct station and order is affected: and all the offices of the Ecclesiastical grades thenceforth having discharged, (that what is intermediate I may cut off) to the Alexandrian people, which is the same as if I had said, to the universal orb of lands, is set over.

[26] Among the intermediate things, which to be cut off for himself thought Nazianzen, reckons Baronius that he did not always with Alexander remain, and without any retreat to the desert, but having set out into the desert clung to that great Antony, and that he thinks in his Life by Athanasius himself to be signified. But nothing such there I find, only in the preface thou mayest read, that often him he saw. 2 p. 453 Testifies indeed the Alexandrian Clergy, by letters inserted in the Syllogus, that by the people's clamors was demanded Athanasius, naming him through all most good, sedulous, pious, a Christian. One of the Ascetics, and truly a Bishop: but this exaggerated manner of speaking contains a certain figure of similitude, not of property. For just as not yet then was Bishop Athanasius, but only was indicated apt who he was; so neither was he ever an Ascetic in the desert, but in the midst of the people, he remains in the family of Alexander the Bishop. as to the exercise of virtue, to the Ascetics themselves to be compared he was said. Let it remain therefore absolutely and without restriction true what said Sozomen, that Athanasius, even from the first of his Clericate years, to Alexander ὁμοδίαιτον καὶ ὑπογραφέω a messmate and domestic scribe was, and as long as he lived from the most dear Father's society never departed.

[27] Two further things Alexander's Pontificate vehemently exercised, in which his parts to have acted Athanasius, by writing his Bishop's letters and the business handling, to doubt we cannot. He himself of each matter thus has in the Syllogus. 1 p. 777 Meletius, named Bishop of Egypt, of many crimes convicted, and especially that to idols he had sacrificed, in a common Synod of Bishops had deposed Peter, his scribe and helper against Meletius' schism, before the persecution Bishop, and in the persecution a Martyr declared; (which about the year CCC he could have done) he indeed not to another Synod fled, nor to their successors strove to purge himself, but made a schism; and who from the Lycopolitan Episcopate by right had fallen, in all Egypt power to himself arrogating, and of his faction Bishops and Clerics ordaining, first Peter, then his successor Achillas he calumniated, and after Achillas Alexander … But while these things did Meletius, and to his attempts strenuously himself opposed Alexander, as on February XXVIII is deduced; also the Arian heresy emerged, in that namely manner which Theodoret book 1 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 2 declares in these words.

[28] and the heresy of Arius. Arius, to the number of the Presbyters enrolled and to whom was entrusted the exposition of the sacred scriptures… a fit one having found by his suggestions the Devil, the enemy of truth… persuaded him, that the Apostolic doctrine of Alexander openly he should resist. For as this one, the discipline of the sacred letters following, the Son to the Father in honor equal and of the same with him to be of substance taught; so that one, against the truth manifestly fighting, him created and made affirmed…and these things not in the churches only, but also outside in the circles and meetings of men to discourse he began; through the houses also round about to range, that whom he could into the snares of those errors he might lead. Alexander therefore, of the Apostolic doctrine the Patron, first by exhortation and counsel him from the opinion to lead away attempts: but when in the manner of the Corybantes to rave he saw, and the impious doctrine openly to preach, from the dignity Sacerdotal he removes him, the Gospel's precept following, If thy right eye scandalize thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee.

[29] But since nonetheless went on Arius, with the heat of ambition inflamed, [to whose damnation, in the Council of Alexandria made and through epistles divulged,] as says the same chapter 3, those whom with pestiferous against God blasphemy he had ensnared into one to drive, and separately assemblies to celebrate, Alexander the impious his blasphemy to the Prelates of the Churches through epistles signified. Of these one to his namesake and gentile Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, by which the pernicious attempts of Arius perspicuously are explained, sets forth Theodoret chapter 4. Epiphanius in heresy 69 affirms, all in number seventy with the studious of his time to be kept. But the chief is, which has Socrates book 1 chapter 3 to all everywhere of nations in the Church's ministry joined; by which causes he renders, why himself with others almost a hundred of Egypt and Libya Bishops, into one coming together, to Arius and his fautors and followers anathema he denounced.

[30] Is this Epistle so much the more notable, that in the history of the Nicene Council, to Gelasius of Cyzicus ascribed, are added to the same the subscriptions of the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria and of the Mareotis, Athanasius the Deacon subscribes in the year 320 consenting to the aforesaid and to the dejection of Arius, and of those who with him impiously think: where among the Alexandrian Deacons in the fourth place is found Athanasius the Deacon likewise to have consented, no doubt but this our one, a Deacon still after the year CCCXX when celebrated to have been the Alexandrian Synod aforesaid is gathered from the epistle of St. Athanasius to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya, which by the title of the first Oration against the Arians not rightly is marked, and written was in the year CCCLVI; where he asserts that the Arians 1 p. 305 before the thirty-sixth year heretics declared and from the church removed were. For what about the judgment of the whole Oecumenical Synod he subjoins, namely the Nicene, otherwise to be understood it cannot, than that this the Alexandrian Synod's sentence confirmed: not that from it even to the time of the written Epistle years had flowed XXXVI.

[31] the Arians on the contrary every way writing, the dissension is increased: For the rest to that diligence of so many letters to be written compelled Alexander the indefatigable zeal of the Arians; who, soon from the sentence at Alexandria approved, had judged for themselves to be preoccupied the favor of the Bishops, and legates had sent with letters about their faith, demanding that if rightly about God to think they themselves should seem, they should signify to Alexander and him appease; but if not, they should teach how was to be believed. And this attempt, says book 1 chapter 14 Sozomen, not a little their cause had aided. For this their opinion among almost all dispersed, by all everywhere Bishops about it to be disputed began: of whom a part wrote to Alexander, that he should not admit the Arians into the church, unless their about the faith opinion they should cast off; but a part prayed, that them he should not repel.

[32] and by the craft of Eusebius of Nicomedia, The chief in these was Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, a man illustrious and in great honor held in the court of the Emperor Licinius, residing at Nicomedia, whose wife Constantia, sister of Constantine, altogether obnoxious to himself he had, and, as the more likely opinion has, by kinship near enough he touched. He the same with Arius thinking, yet by a certain respect of crafty politics, preferred of Arianism a Patron rather than a Master to seem; and the chief author was, that both from a Council in Bithynia assembled, for Arius, as rightly thinking, to all Bishops should be written; and from the sentence of another Synod in Palestine, should be permitted Arius his assemblies at Alexandria to have, yet so that they should subject themselves to Alexander, and that of peace with him to be made to treat not they should cease, as more fully in the aforecited place narrates Sozomen.

[33] Through these contentions, the scandals increasing in the church of God, Constantine the Emperor, after the Empire purged of the tyrants and Licinius conquered in a double battle, Constantine inclined in Arius' favor, nothing more caring than that the Church also pacified he should see; immediately as to Nicomedia he came, and what at Alexandria were disputed he learned, first indeed to Alexander and Arius wrote those letters, which in book 1 of the Ecclesiastical history chapter 4 recites Socrates as indices, of a mind indeed altogether most pious, but through Eusebius of Nicomedia not lightly preoccupied against Alexander, as if, A provincial Council at Alexandria, on account of questions of moment not great and with all zeal to be laid to rest, so many troubles he had excited: then Hosius Bishop of Cordova being sent to Alexandria he took care that a Synod there be assembled, in which about the restoring of the Churches' concord and about the Catholic celebration of the Pascha there should be treated. Which when little according to his wish succeeded and Hosius the matter unaccomplished returned, he wrote to the Bishops everywhere all, that to a universal Council, at Nicaea in Bithynia to be celebrated, then he orders an oecumenical one to be held at Nicaea. they should come together. Now there came together above three hundred: who except very few, τὸ Ὁμοούσιον receiving, Consubstantial to the Father the Son pronounced; the very Nicomedian Eusebius also and his followers into the same profession of faith consenting; but how little sincerely by them this was done soon appeared.

[34] These things thus briefly to have touched is enough, because by the Ecclesiastical history's writers they are so treated, that what properly did Athanasius no one expresses. St. Gregory Nazianzen says, that not yet into the number of Bishops chosen, In which Athanasius the Archdeacon of Alexander, but of the first Order among those who together with the Bishops came, the disease, as much as in him was, restrained. Gelasius of Cyzicus in the history of the Council wove a Catalogue of the Holy Bishops through whom the holy great and universal Synod at Nicaea assembled, sent to all in the whole orb of lands the Churches of God, what by them through the Holy Spirit in it had been constituted: and says that this to do was bidden Alexander with Athanasius then Archdeacon, to the Churches through all Egypt, Libya and the Pentapolis and the neighboring regions even to the provinces of India. bidden to publish the decrees with him, For indeed that he was a man of keen intellect and in Ecclesiastical affairs most thoroughly vigilant, sufficiently was known, says Rufinus chapter 14; as one by whose suggestions the wiles of heretics and fallacies vigilant were detected.

[35] But above all here is to be heard St. Cyril: who one century after Bishop of Alexandria also himself was. He when in Epistle I to the Solitaries to prove he intended, the holy Virgin Mary without hesitation to be called Mother of God, and that he had proved by authority sought from Athanasius' book on the Holy and consubstantial Trinity, he was chiefly in the esteem of the Fathers, A fit indeed this man is, he says, and thoroughly worthy, to whom intrepidly faith to adjoin, and whom safely to follow it is allowed. For by what manner that illustrious and celebrated Father, who in that holy and great Synod of Nicaea in such admiration of all was held, from the path of truth would err? For although through that time the Bishop's office not yet he sustained, but still among the Clerics ministered: nevertheless, on account of his excellent disposition and his life's notable probity, by the Bishop Alexander of blessed memory assumed then he was. But he was conversant with the old man, as a son with a father, to whatever usefully to accomplish himself a leader showing, and in all things which were to be done a convenient way showing. Sozomen further chapter 16 book 1 also more distinctly speaking says, that Athanasius, then still Deacon of the Alexandrian Church, the greatest part of the deliberations was seen to sustain: of which this was the issue, which as to the matter ours pertains, that as in his Apology says Athanasius himself, 1 p. 777 the Arian heresy with anathema condemned and the Arians rejected, the Meletians in some manner were received.

[36] The beginning of the Council take some from the day XX of the month of May: which of the consultations, previous to the Synodal sessions, The Council lasted three months, could not inconveniently be understood; and of that time, which by the Bishops' mutual criminations among themselves and the libels offered to the Emperor was spent it is established: but of the very beginning of the Actions seems Baronius most accurately to have found expressed, in his very ancient Cresconian collection, where thus he reads: There was a Council at Nicaea, the Metropolis of Bithynia, from the day XVIII of the Kalends of July to the day VIII of the Kalends of September, Paulinus and Julianus Consuls, who the year mark for us CCCXXV, with Constantine's vicennalia distinguished. of the year 325, finished 25 August, There were indeed who for the three months of the sitting Synod just as many years obtruded, and these either with the aforenamed Consuls ended or from the same began: but that aberration is so manifest, and to that period's history either way so evidently repugnant, that to be refuted it deserves not. But that trimester thus constituted, the rest of the chronology, both before and after to be ordered, a corner-stone as it were is held, to which of either time the acts may be annexed. Hence in that question, which about the year of Licinius conquered and routed is agitated by great authors on both sides, almost two years after Licinius was conquered. whether it was of the present era CCCXXIV, or only CCCXXIII, this latter is preferred. For since the last disaster of Licinius at Chalcedon only happened on the day XVIII of September, there seem not so many things, which after that and before the Council were done, conveniently to be able to be compressed within the narrow space of only eight or nine months. But if a year thou add, conveniently will flow all things; and it can be said, the diverse beginning of the civil and consular year to have given occasion, that confounded somewhere were the characters, by which the deposition of Licinius the authors annex.

[37] Socrates book 1 chapter 9 cites the Synodicum of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, Of it a book wrote Athanasius, which perished, and in it says to be had the names of all severally who at Nicaea came together, with the title of each one's province and city: which book would that it survived! for scarcely can we persuade ourselves, that it was nothing other than a little book of Canons, there for ecclesiastical discipline established, such as in the collections of Councils is extant, and indeed destitute of various canons, which some holy Fathers allege as at Nicaea established. I judge, that as afterward Athanasius wrote on the Synods of Ariminum and Seleucia, so now he wrote on the Nicene a history, to be esteemed with gold if preserved it had been. This loss could have supplied that most ancient book, containing the sayings, deeds, and ordinances of that sacrosanct assembly, described on parchments, which had made the divine and by fame celebrated Dalmatius, who was in the illustrious metropolis of the Cyzicenes of the holy and Catholic Church Bishop; as also the writings of Dalmatius Bishop of Cyzicus, which in the paternal house at Cyzicus found, and by himself studiously read through writes Gelasius of Cyzicus, when long afterward made Archbishop of Caesarea in Bithynia, from the memory of things once by himself there read and observed, and likewise from Eusebius, Rufinus and others, chiefly however from very ancient quaternions of John a certain Presbyter, an old man and most scribbling, compiled the aforesaid Council's history, in the time of Basiliscus the Emperor about the year CCCCLXXVI. and of John the Presbyter on the same argument. But neither that book of Dalmatius, nor John's quaternions survive; but Gelasius himself too much seems to have attributed to Eusebius, to cover his own and his Arian-favoring party's confusion intent. But about Dalmatius we could believe he came to Nicaea with his Bishop Theonas, just as thither came Athanasius with Alexander, and with faith and intention similar wrote.

CHAPTER III.

The concordant election of St. Athanasius to the Episcopate, and his virtues therein.

[38] Not yet five months, namely from the finished Nicene Synod, had passed, when B. Alexander died, says himself in the Syllogus St. Athanasius. 1 p. 777 St. Alexander being dead, not in February, He died therefore in the month of January Alexander; granted that in another month, and on another than his death day he is venerated, as of the same See several others, and namely St. Achillas his immediate predecessor, who is venerated on November VII, but died in some far earlier month, and St. Proterius, in the year CCCCLVII about the Pascha or on the very Paschal day XXI of March slain, who is venerated on February XXVIII. He was perhaps on February XXVI ordained Alexander: and that confirmed seems from the History of the Nicene Council, to Gelasius of Cyzicus attributed, where it is said, that from the slaughter of St. Peter, in the month of November made, a year elapsed (the whole namely or almost the whole, in which the Episcopate on account of the persecution was vacant) is ordained in the see of the holy Martyr Achillas: but since this one for months only five had survived (Epiphanius three only seems to put, Theodoret indefinitely a little time has) took up the primacy of the Priesthood Alexander: why not on that day on which he is venerated?

[39] nor in December, However it be, he died not in the month of December Alexander, and so neither well is it believed St. Athanasius the successor's Ordination was on the VI Kalends of January, as on the genuine Bede's Martyrology on the II day of May, is added in the MS. of the Vatican Church of St. Peter. They are venerated by the Greeks with a common feast, on the XVIII of January or the XV Kalends of February, SS. Athanasius and Cyril Bishops of Alexandria; hence it seems to have come about that from some more ancient one's error Usuard and Ado, whom following others, St. Cyril's memory to the XXVIII or V Kalends referred. Something similar could have befallen Athanasius, and by a new afterward scribe's fault, for the V Kalends of February, but in January, Athanasius is substituted, into that MS. of the Vatican church to have crept the VI Kalends of February. But whatever was for the Greeks the cause of those two Saints' worship on such a day to be joined; by a likely conjecture it can be said the XVIII of January was St. Athanasius' Birthday, not indeed in heaven (for to have died on II of May he is to be said, if he is venerated on some day on which he died, as below shall be proved) but into the Episcopate. perhaps the 18th of the same; For thus we know spoke of the Bishops' Ordinations anciently the Churches: and just as they were wont this their Birthday yearly most celebratedly to keep the Bishops while they lived, by an example from the Emperors taken, so often it happened, what already we have indicated, that even after death it remained festal, sometimes in preference to the very day of decease.

[40] These things about the time of the succession. About the manner is to be heard above all Apollinaris the Syrian, a coeval writer, the same likely about whose great with St. Athanasius familiarity more shall be said below. He in some writing of his, which now indeed has perished, but saw and transcribed Sozomen book 2 chapter 16, thus speaks: there succeeded into the Episcopate Athanasius, much indeed flight using, but God providing found: as one about whom by divine revelation it had been pre-shown to the blessed man Alexander, when to God he commended the Episcopate, according to a revelation made to St. Alexander dying, that no other than this his successor would be. For when from this life he was called, and was already to death near; Athanasius, who by no means was present, by name he calls: and, when of the same name another to the caller had answered, was silent himself, as one who this one by no means called; then again that name he calls. But while this often was done, he indeed who was present was silent, for it was established that the absent one was called; but Blessed Alexander, as if with a prophetic spirit chiding, about him absent or hiding, subjoined; Thou thinkest to have escaped, Athanasius: not indeed shalt thou escape, the contest namely indicating, to which he was called.

[41] Absent therefore was Athanasius, and if indeed he was absent by the very Alexander sent to the Court, as Epiphanius has, likely thither he had been sent on account of John, whom against the Nicene Synod's decrees had designated for himself as successor Meletius; and other followers of Meletius, who in the manner of dogs, not unmindful of their vomit, again the Churches to perturb had begun, as of them in the Syllogus complains Athanasius. 1 p. 777 But whether from this, or from the sole cause of declining the Episcopate, absent was from Alexandria the Saint; not so far was he absent, but that at the time of the election, immediately after Alexander's death begun to be made, either within or about the city hidden he was; and quickly found, was by common consent ordained, as soon from the Alexandrian Clergy's own testimony shall appear. Nor indeed is to be heard here Epiphanius, in heresy 69 writing, that to Alexander succeeded Achillas … and to Achillas after three months B. Athanasius. yet quickly being found: This certainly error manifestly refutes the Saint himself, in several places Peter, Achillas, Alexander, as in the same order preceding, naming. Such an error nevertheless being admitted, consequent it was that Epiphanius, knowing it was not in the Alexandrian Church a custom, that the Bishop dying the successor's election and ordination should be deferred, should excuse the necessity by which had been elected Achillas, but not immediately, he who from God called had been and by B. Alexander decreed, Athanasius.

[42] The same error also the Arians themselves refute, saying according to Sozomen in the cited place, that Alexander being dead they entered communion among themselves, who not by guile filched the ordination, both who Alexander's and who Meletius' parts followed; and from the Thebaid and all Egypt coming together Bishops fifty-four, conspired by common suffragation to elect him who the Alexandrian Church ought to preside over: but certain of them seven in number, the oath being violated against the opinion of all filched the ordination of Athanasius, whose communion many on that account from the people, many through Egypt Clerics declined. These same those, to whom no kind of lies seems to be dreaded, to the Emperors wrote. But we, says the Alexandrian Synod in the Syllogus, 1 p. 726 on the contrary testify, with the whole city and the entire province, all the multitude and the people of the whole Church into one assembled, but he was demanded by the people, as if into the appearance of one body and soul, with clamors and vociferations to have demanded, that Athanasius to the Church should be given as Bishop, and that with public vows from Christ to have sought, and us that we should do it through many days and nights with an oath to have besought; while meanwhile neither they themselves from the church departed, nor to us departing the faculty permitted…

[43] Further that of us most, under all's eyes and acclamations Bishop created Athanasius, we ourselves offer as witnesses: to whom as authors of the ordination greater faith ought to be had, than to those who then were absent and now lie … Then, and he was received with great gratulation of all, retorting upon Eusebius of Nicomedia his own promotion's uncertainty or rather invalidity, they return again to the things objected to Athanasius as fabrications; and altogether of the same vanity with the former are, they say, to have been at Athanasius' entrance seditions, mournings, and the peoples' lamentations, unworthily bearing his creation. Nothing there such happened, but altogether contrary all things; joys namely and alacrities of souls; and the peoples', desiring to see the man, concourses; and gladnesses and gratulations to the Lord through the churches. But the Ministers and Clerics so him beheld, that both in their souls joy they conceived, and that day of all the most auspicious they reckoned. But our, who Bishops are, inexpressible gladness, what need is there to write? since already before we have testified, whatever to him should happen to us to have happened to seem. 1 p. 727, 1 p. 728

[44] Neither sufficiently can I determine, says St. Gregory Nazianzen in the encomium of Athanasius, as a most certain pillar of the Church. whether he received the priesthood, as a prize of virtue, or as a life and fountain of the Church? For her it behoved, with the thirst of truth languishing and almost done for, like Ishmael, with drink to be refreshed; or as Elijah, to be revived from the torrent, and scarcely breathing to be recalled to life; and a seed to Israel to be left, lest as Sodom and Gomorrah we should become. Therefore for us already lying a horn of salvation was raised; and a corner-stone, us both with itself and among ourselves opportunely binding, was cast in; or a fire, of bad and vicious matter the purger; or a fan, by which from heavy dogmas the light are discerned; or a sword, of vice the roots cutting; and God's Son a war-companion obtains, and the Spirit finds a man who for it may breathe. So therefore and for those causes by the whole people's suffrages, not however according to the perverse example which afterward grew up, nor by force and slaughter, but Apostolically and spiritually to Mark's throne is raised, no less of piety than of the primary See a successor…

[45] But after in this manner Prelate he was designated, him by the virtues fitting a Bishop praises Nazianzen, in the same also manner he administered the rule. For not as soon as to the throne he came, like those who a certain tyranny or an inheritance unhoped-for received, immediately on account of the abundance of things was lifted up with insolence: for this is of adulterine Prelates … who more for their own than for the people's ignorances sacrifices owe, and altogether one of two things sin, that either beyond measure easily they forgive others, because they themselves of pardon have need; or more bitterly use their rule, to their own sins to cover. Of which each fleeing Athanasius, in life indeed was sublime, but humble in soul; and of such virtue that to it no one could aspire; with affability yet so great, that to his converse to all easy lay the access; clement, alien from anger, with pity endowed, in speech pleasant, in morals more pleasant; in form Angelic, but in soul more so: in rebuking placid, in praising having a force instructive; so each tempering, that neither virtue by immoderation he weakened; but a correction he used paternal, a praise magisterial; neither dissolute in gentle things, nor austere in grave; but to these discretion, to those prudence applying; but both in him were least, if the figure of diction thou regard, sufficient yet for instruction; and the least indeed he had of the rod, on account of the modesty of his speech; less even of the cutting, on account of that rod's most moderate use.

[46] as one who Christ's example and Paul's rule in himself expressed, But what need is there a man to describe, whom Paul anticipating depicted, partly when that great Pontiff penetrating the heavens he praises (for thither even to ascend dares speech, since indeed Christs I have learned to be those who according to Christ's precepts live) partly when to Timothy, in that which to him he writes Epistle, laws he establishes; him who of the Church a Prelate is about to be, in speech fashioning and forming: for if those laws, as a certain rule to this one, whose praise we have woven, man thou apply; how right it is, clearly thou wilt find. Come therefore and with me, of speech the want laboring, divide the parts of the praise: for many things to pass over I desire; but one after another draws me; and, as in a body with all parts equally beautiful, whatever occurs seems more beautiful, and the speech to itself converts.

[47] Come, I say, and his excellent gifts pursue, you who of them both praisers and witnesses are. and all the ages and conditions of men, An illustrious among you contest undertake, men together and women, youths and virgins, old and young; Priests and laymen, monks and cenobites, who in contemplation and who in action are conversant. Let one praise his zeal, in fastings and prayers so assiduous, as if of body he had been devoid: another the vigils' and psalmodies' constancy; another of the needy the care and patronage; another how either the proud he resisted, or to the humble himself he lowered, let him tell. Let virgins praise the bridesman, of those bound by the yoke of Matrimony the moderator, the instructor of the Solitary, of those placed in the common life the lawgiver, of the simple the leader of the way, of the contemplative the Theologian; severally he invites to commend the same. of the cheerful the bridle, of the calamitous the solace; of grey hairs the staff, of youth the discipline; of poverty the bestower, of riches the keeper. They seem to me also the widow's defender, the orphan's father, of the destitute of the poor the zealous, of guests the hospitable, of brotherhood the lover the brethren, of the sick the physician of whatever disease and the medicine, of the well the conserver of health; all in fine to extol him with praises, who all things made is to all, that all or most he might gain. So far Nazianzen.

CHAPTER IV.

The conspiracy of the Arians with the Meletians against Athanasius. The calumny and retractation of Ischyras.

[48] Which in the preceding chapter are related, however they be great, The infinite contests of Athanasius for the faith, the least of the praises of Athanasius to be proclaimed, acknowledges his encomiast Gregory, a torrent of eloquence in this place pouring forth, to whom in fewer words consonant Rufinus, His, he says, so great were for the Church contests, that even of this he seems said, what is written; For I will show him how great things it behoves him to suffer for my name. For into his persecutions the universal world conspired, and were moved the princes of the earth: nations, kingdoms, armies came together against him: but he that divine word preserved, saying, If they stand against me camps, my heart shall not fear; if there rise against me a battle, in this I will hope. These Rufinus, with uncertain deliberation wavering what he holds, what he omits, while so great and such are Athanasius' deeds, that the magnitude indeed of the matters nothing to be passed over allows, but the multitude compels very many things to omit. Let us take the beginning from the words of the Alexandrian Synod, in the Syllogus related.

[49] When Arius, whence the Ariomanites' heresy was forged, after the Nicene Synod, from the church through the blessed Bishop Alexander had been ejected; the Eusebians, disciples equally and companions of his impiety, themselves ejected to have been equally judging, with many exhortations to Alexander wrote, that Arius outside the Church he should not leave. But Alexander, for piety toward Christ, the impious man not receiving; under Alexander on account of Arius not received begun, against Athanasius his Deacon they turn their wraths; both because him assiduous to be with Alexander and to be held in esteem curiously they observed; both because already before his for Christ piety they had experienced in the Synod of Nicaea, where with great freedom against the Arian heresy he had disputed. But after God him to the Episcopate raised, the old already long malice they revived, fearing his orthodox mind and strength in repelling impiety; and in conscience mad, by all means conspiracies against him they began to cook. 1 p. 725

[50] The old malice to have revived the Eusebians, say the Alexandrian Synod's Fathers: for not in the first of Athanasius' to the throne raised beginnings to exert it immediately they had been able, destitute of their heads, they grew worse again after the return of Eusebius and Theognis from exile, Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea Bishops, because caught communicating with the Arians Constantine the Emperor, the third after the Nicene Council month, exiles into Gaul had sent away, as asserts Philostorgius book 1 chapter 10, and there for three years had detained, as the same says book 2 chapter 7: which although so distinctly are said by no other one, to be held nevertheless they seem to be able, and of the persecutions to St. Athanasius stirred up the beginning to the year of the vulgar Era CCCXXVIII to be ascribed. Then namely, in the year 328; the Emperor being persuaded of the true repentance of Eusebius and Theognis, and his sister Constantia perhaps striving therein, restored to their Sees, they began, the Bishops, if any contradicted, to construct snares, and in their place to bring heretics into the Churches; that, when they wished, Synods they might assemble, those whom for that they had raised supporters about to have; as says Athanasius in the epistle on the Synods. 1 p. 890 Thus St. Eustathius, who on July XVI by us shall be commemorated, from Antioch; but Asclepas Bishop of Gaza at length by their machinations were ejected: but first against Athanasius were prepared the engines in this manner.

[51] A certain Arian Presbyter, a familiar of Constantia, and by her dying to Constantine her brother commended, since in the greatest honor with the Emperor he was held, so softened his mind, by excusing Arius, who having brought Arius back into Constantine's favor, as if dissonant nothing from the Nicene faith thinking through envy only from the Church he was kept; that to hear him himself speaking for himself at Constantinople he did not refuse; and a confession of faith having received from him, in appearance right, the same to Alexandria he sent back, in the very time in which the Meletians (who because in some at least manner received they were and quiet and grateful ought to be) again the churches to disturb had begun. 1 p. 777 When therefore by the orthodox not was received Arius; the Meletians, now tumultuating, to himself to be joined judging Eusebius, the champion of the Arian heresy, to them letters gives; they joined the Meletians to themselves: and with great promises a society and friendship secretly enters, and to each other for business to be done a time they appoint. So Athanasius himself in the Syllogus, whose henceforth words from the first into the third person transferred I go on the rest of the conspiracy's progress and issue to exhibit; in few words for the history to be illustrated's sake under a mark of diverse character interjected: which once here admonished, in this rest of the Commentary ought to be present to the reader's mind; if however the reader needed to be admonished, in that which through this whole work is to be observed by its very use he can understand.

[52] then in the year 33. Entered therefore, which I said, with the Meletians a society, in the year CCCXXXI Eusebius, lest first harsher things he should attempt, than he should seem milder to have applied endeavors, first letters to Athanasius hortatory writes about Arius to be received, but so that without writing he threatened. 1 p. 778 But, when to him it had been answered, the inventors of heresy, to truth hostile, and condemned by the whole world's Council, by no means to be received are; Caesar he induces, that to Athanasius with threats he should write, those things himself to expect he ought, which also afterward he suffered, unless Arius he received. when Arius at Constantine's mandate to receive But part of the epistle, which brought Syncletius and Gaudentius the Palatines, thus had itself: Since therefore the sentence of my mind thou understandest, to all who the Church to enter ask, an access unimpeded thou shalt afford: but if thou shalt prohibit anyone who himself of the Church a partaker would, or if thou shalt exclude from the entrance, I will send immediately with my mandates, those who thee may depose and into another place may deport.

[53] Here when to Caesar writing Athanasius to him persuaded, Athanasius had refused, that none ought to be of the Catholic Church with a heresy of Christ the impugner communion, then at length, the Emperor not lightly moved, a time to have arrived judging Eusebius which with the Meletians he had appointed; letters to them writes, that crimes those about Athanasius they should feign, by which themselves against Peter, Achillas and Alexander they had exercised. But since to those catching at very many things nothing was found according to the wish of the Eusebians; through Ision, Eudaemon and Callinicus a crime they lyingly devise about linen garments, for the use of the Alexandrian Church to be furnished; as if Athanasius a canon of such a tribute on the Egyptians introduced, him before him through the Meletians they accuse, and first of all exacted. But that in vain was: for his Presbyters Apis and Macarius, who there by chance present were, them the Emperor hearing convicted of the calumny. But he condemned Ision, but Athanasius to come to him by letters ordered; but in vain; certainly about to learn the cause of the Meletians, who the ordinations prohibited to them by the Synod of Nicaea presumed to make; and that to themselves through the Emperor furthermore it might be allowed, importunately insisted; Athanasius on the contrary striving, and of the pernicious schism the roots to be extirpated persuading.

[54] Recognized, Eusebius to the Meletians is the author, that they move not from the place, Constantine rejecting their calumnies, that is Nicomedia, where resided the Emperor, and himself the Bishop of the whole engine's motion presided. By his further counsel the Meletians the matter before Caesar with new crimes attempt; accusing Macarius about a chalice, of which matter at more length to be treated below; but Athanasius not with any crime but with that which the greatest of all is they charged, as if an enemy of the Emperor, a purse of gold, to a certain Philumenus, of affecting tyranny charged, he had sent. 1 p. 779 But the Emperor at Psammathia, which a Nicomedian suburb was, with a palace distinguished, the cause heard; them indeed as calumnious rejected; and Athanasius praised sending back. but Athanasius returning into his fatherland, sent back with an epistle … to the people of the Catholic through Alexandria Church written, by which both he refuted odiously brawling, and Athanasius to them commends, as a man of God, whom fit and necessary he reckoned that to them as minister he should preside in sacred things, as, whose in protecting equity sedulity, not unworthy nor inept of our peaceful religion, the good of salutary doctrine ever may foster. 1 p. 781.

[55] These things thus done, when for a while the Meletians had been quiet, Ischyras, having feigned himself a Presbyter, again more hostilely rising up, a counsel such they entered, that they should gratify their works' redeemers. The Mareotis is a certain Alexandrian region, where Meletius once a schism to introduce could not. When therefore there churches in certain places were, and the Presbyters synaxes in them celebrated, and the people in quiet were; a certain Ischyras, as by no means a Cleric, so in morals most wicked, attempted his village's inhabitants to deceive, boasting himself a Cleric to be. This when had learned of that place the Presbyter, to Athanasius, then the Churches surveying, announced. Athanasius therefore him himself with Macarius the Presbyter sent off, and by Athanasius' order through Macarius restrained, to Ischyras to be summoned. Whom when with disease lying in a chamber they had found, his father they enjoined that to his son he should announce, that such a thing, which of him was reported, he should not attempt. But he when from the disease had risen, and by friends and even his own father was restrained, to the Meletians fled. Who, the matter with Eusebius being communicated, such a calumny composed; a chalice by Macarius broken, but Arsenius a Bishop by Athanasius killed to have been: and Arsenius, that the calumny might succeed, to Eusebius fled: in hidden places they have; that, if nowhere he appeared, slain to have been he might be believed. Meanwhile they a certain man's hand, as if from his body cut off, for show to carry about; Ischyras, whom they had not known, as a Presbyter to officiate; that when about the chalice he should speak, by the authority of the title more convenient he might be for deceiving.

[56] On account of these things when Ischyras was reproved by his own, then repenting of the deed, to feign a calumny Athanasius lamenting he went to, nothing at all saying such to have been done by Macarius, such as they boasted: but himself to have been suborned by the Meletians, to that crime to be devised: wherefore those things also in writing he produced. To the Blessed Pope Athanasius Ischyras in the Lord greeting. Since I came to Thee, Lord Bishop, wishing to be of the Church; thou indeed didst rebuke me for those things which heretofore I spoke, as if I of my own accord that had done, and not by force rather hither driven I had been; therefore this satisfaction to thee in writing to be offered I thought, that thou mightest know to me to have been done force, even inflicted blows by Isaac and Heraclides, (these were of the Meletian schism, Isaac of Cleopatris, and Heraclides called Bishop of Nicia) and Isaac of Letois, and their companions. 1 p. 782 But I, he confesses himself compelled by the Meletians. God as witness taking, for excuse say, that of none of those things which they that by thee done they boast conscious I am, nor any chalice broken to know, or a sacred table overturned; and me to all those things to attest by their violence to have been driven. These things therefore I excused and in writing delivered, … in the presence of the Presbyters, Ammon of Dicella, Heraclides of Pascus, Bocco of Chenebris, Achillas of Myrsene, Didymus of Taphosiris, and Justus of Bomotheum; then Paul, Peter and Olympius, Deacons of Alexandria; but of the Mareotis Olympius, Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius and Gaius. These when so had written Ischyras, again nonetheless the same accusation boast the adversaries, and the matter to Constantine the Emperor bring.

CHAPTER V.

The calumny about Arsenius the Bishop slain through Athanasius, and the judgment for this cause constituted at Tyre.

[57] The Saint is accused of Arsenius slain: Which in the preceding chapter about Ischyras, by Athanasius' own words deduced we gave; more accurately also refuted we shall exhibit, together with the other crimes, to the judgment afterward at Tyre brought: now about Arsenius' slaughter, how this also already long ago was of falsity convicted, declares in this manner Athanasius. 1 p. 782 He had heard already before at Psammathia being the Emperor about the chalice, when we also present there were; wherefore the adversaries' sycophancy being repudiated, to Antioch letters to Dalmatius the Censor he sent, that he should learn about the cause of the homicide. The Censor therefore writes that I should prepare myself for the crime's defense. But I, the letters received, at the beginning of that matter no care took, because to me conscious I was, nothing true by the adversaries to be said: but yet because the Emperor was moved, more certain of that matter I make the fellow-priests through Egypt; and a Deacon sending, who about Arsenius should learn, whom within five or six years altogether I had not seen.

[58] He, that in compendium I may speak, first indeed in Egypt while there he was hidden, was found; afterward him at Tyre hiding ours found: but here he is found alive, and, what thou mayest wonder, found and apprehended he would not acknowledge himself Arsenius to be, unless in judgment by Paul of that place the Bishop convicted: for from that time, by shame impeded, himself to deny he dared not. 1 p. 783 But that therefore he did, because the pacts with Eusebius preserved he desired, lest, himself being found, the argument of the fable should be dissolved. Nor deceived him his opinion. For when I had written to Caesar Arsenius found to be, and into memory had recalled what about Macarius at Psammathia he had heard; he inhibited the judgment of the Censor; and letters sent, by which the calumnies upon us cast he reprobated; and the Eusebians, to him into the East coming against us, the matter unaccomplished to go away ordered… But indeed Arsenius therefore hidden to have been, that a slaughter likely they might make, when by the Meletians in vain he had been hidden, testify his familiars; of whom one Pinnes, found at length after long tracking Arsenius, in this manner wrote to John the successor of Meletius, of the whole faction the head, and of this sycophancy the author. 1 p. 784

[59] To the beloved Father John Pinnes, Presbyter of the Monastery of Ptemengyrcis in the nome of Antaeopolis, greeting. We wish thee to know, that Athanasius sent into the Thebaid his Deacon, that he should scrutinize all things, for Arsenius to be sought. But first met and found Pecysius the Presbyter, Silvanus the brother of Elias, and Paul the monk of Hypsele, confessed him with us to be. Which when we had learned, we took care him into a ship to be cast, that to the lower parts with Elias the monk he might be conveyed. as from their own letters it was established. Not so long after the Deacon, with some coming upon and Arsenius seeking, into our Monastery rushed: but him, sent away already to the lower parts, as I said, they did not find; but me, with the monk Elias, who Arsenius had conveyed away, with them to Alexandria they carried, and to the Duke us they presented. There for me by no means was it allowed to deny, but I confessed him to live and slain not to be: the same also the monk, who him had conveyed away, confessed. These therefore to thee I have signified, Father, that thou mightest know, Athanasius by thee not to be accused … the matter indeed has become known to all Egypt, nor can it be concealed.

[60] The writings further of the Emperor, of Arsenius unharmed found admonished, are these. 1 p. 785 Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus. To Pope Athanasius. Thy prudence's letters read through into this I came opinion, that I should think thee by our writings to be exhorted, And so commanding Athanasius to be secure, that the people of God to modesty thou shouldst lead: for in my mind these among the chief I have, that both truth I cherish, and in my mind justice ever I conserve; and in those most I rejoice, who the right way of life walk. But about those worthy of all execration Meletians, monstrous I say and nefarious men, who with madness seized are stupefied, and only by envy, emulation and tumults to crimes are moved, their nefarious mind declaring, this only would I have said: Thou seest those men, the calumniators he refutes: whom they themselves slain by the sword said to be, in the midst to be conversant and life to enjoy. For what prejudice to their criminations can be opposed worse, and which so clearly their cause loads? … Now since in this business so great was of their malice the importunity, certain let them have me so to have decreed and of this to be the opinion; if anything such again they shall move, not by the custom of the Churches, but according to the public laws, I by my own work the cause's cognition will undertake; and then they shall learn, themselves not only of the human race, but of the divine also doctrine robbers to be. God preserve thee, beloved Brother.

[61] But that more might be shown the sycophants' wickedness, behold also Arsenius wrote after he was found, when for some time he had lain hidden. 1 p. 786 For just as Ischyras by letters confessed his calumny, then writes also Arsenius himself. so Arsenius' letters more evidently their perversity convict, while namely they declare how he himself and his Hypselites, over whom Meletian parts once following he himself as Bishop presided, the communion shunned of those, who themselves from Athanasius had separated. And we also, say he himself and his Presbyters and Deacons, 1 p. 787 loving peace and unanimity with the Catholic Church, of which thou through God's grace Prelate art, and wishing to the ecclesiastical canon according to the old institution to be subjected, we write to thee, Pope beloved, and promise in the name of the Lord us henceforth not to communicate with schismatics … nor without thy our Metropolitan's sentence, Athanasius' communion seeking: any about Bishops or another common and ecclesiastical dogma decree to issue, but to yield to the canons before received… Besides we beseech thy humanity, that to us as soon as possible thou write back, and about us to our in sacred things colleagues, and indicate to them us now to stand by the pristine decrees, and peace to keep with the catholic Church, and to that regions' Bishops joined to be; and we believe by thy prayers, both gratuitous and efficacious with God, that peace firm and indissoluble perpetually to be about to be…

[62] But a greater and clearer argument, that we were assailed with calumnies, John's penitence demonstrates, of which a witness was himself, to God most gracious and of blessed memory the Emperor, Constantine. the same does John the head of the Meletian faction, Who when he knew what kind of crimes to himself John had brought, and the letters of the same now repenting had received, in this manner wrote. From the heart to me grateful were thy prudence's letters: thence indeed I learned, what most I desired to know, thee all to have laid aside pusillanimity, and with the Church (as fitting it was) to have communicated, and with Athanasius the Bishop most to be reverenced into concord to have come. Certain therefore have thou thyself by us for those things to be praised … These things thus done it happened that Athanasius to Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica wrote, and the deed congratulates Alexander of Thessalonica. and his Serapion, the bearer of the epistle, to him praised and commended: to whom writing back Alexander, this besides added; Our beloved fellow-Deacon Macarius cheered me, at Constantinople writing, how the sycophant Archap (who also is John, witness Athanasius) was convicted a living man, as if slain, before all to have proclaimed. 1 p. 785 Which testimony of that Alexander, on account of the supreme man's authority, into his own Syllogus also Athanasius inserted.

[63] Thus, God making from the temptation an outcome, to the recall of those erring and the reconciliation of those dissenting was turned the engine, but Ischyras remained not in the faith: Arsenius remained, by the Eusebians against Athanasius prepared. For although Ischyras by moneys and promises, to the calumnies now recanted to be repeated, was seduced by the Eusebians: yet his kinsmen, to whom alone he had persuaded himself a Presbyter to be, the fraud being detected, to the catholic communion ever joined remained, not about to do namely, if even a little of injury they had received from us, say the Alexandrian Fathers. 1 p. 735 Arsenius not only not returned to the Eusebians, nor subscribed to the condemnation of Athanasius (which yet assented Socrates book 1 chapter 21, deservedly adding that almost incredible it could seem, that he to whom was reported by Athanasius inflicted death, this one the same disowned alive) but persevered in the communion and friendship of Athanasius constant, as testify the aforesaid Alexandrian Fathers, in the year after this the fourth, of Christ CCCXXXIX. Pope also Julius by an epistle, in the year CCCXLI written, this same confirms. Finally he is found subscribed to the Council of Sardica, as if God him therefore had wished to live longer, that to men's eyes a daily testimony he might give of the most base calumny, by the Eusebians against Athanasius so impudently reproduced at Tyre, when no one was in Egypt but that its falsity already he knew.

[64] For the rest in this also about Arsenius history, through the common people's mouths running, something to have changed, as is wont, is found fame. For there are who narrate, that Arsenius, about whom other less true things were scattered. of whom so great everywhere talk there was, only to the grade of Lector in the Alexandrian was promoted Church, when on account of an enormous certain crime just from Athanasius punishments fearing, by flight himself he had snatched away, nor was believed into the sight of men easily himself to give on account of the turpitude of the crime, an opportune one seemed to whom slaughter and hand's cutting off should be ascribed: Nonetheless is deceived in the place aforecited Socrates, when he says by mere curiosity led Arsenius, at the time of the judgment about Athanasius instituted came to Tyre, and by Archelaus the Consular's servants apprehended in a tavern, by Archelaus himself sought out and shut up, and by Paul Bishop of Tyre convicted, was offered to Athanasius. For already we have seen him by the aforesaid Paul convicted to have been, not in any manner, but in judgment: which if in the year CCCXXXV it had been at Tyre exercised, could not Arsenius' presence the Eusebians have escaped.

[65] But what John? Quickly to his nature he returned. For when he himself his about a chalice broken sycophancy had acknowledged, and accordingly into communion had been by us received, say the Alexandrians aforecited, 1 p. 788 by whose persuasion the emperor indicting a Council. observing the Eusebians with zeal and mind with the Meletians to coalesce, and a common faction to nourish; so yet that them openly to aid they would not, but other for that persons and of things pretexts they sought; offered to them his as on a stage histrionic service, to that play to be acted of which the argument was, the Arians' contest; but the first parts of the drama, the Arians' success; but a sewn-on appendix, John with his herd-mates; that the Arians' zealots, under such an occasion and appearance of judgment, the adversaries of impiety from the midst should take away, and impiety in place of religion should introduce, and the Arians in the Churches should place.

[66] For indeed the Meletians, so as above was said with shame departed, says himself in the Syllogus the Saint, not so even could the Eusebians be quiet; because to them not the Meletians, by whose persuasion the Emperor indicting a Council, but the Arians a care were: and fearing lest the Meletians being quiet, they should be destitute of such calumnies' actors, again them they exasperate against Athanasius, again to be indicted at Tyre a Synod the Emperor persuading. 1 p. 788 For to Caesarea of Palestine (where Bishop was Eusebius, and the other Eusebius of Nicomedia) could all things) to come the Saint had refused. But not even to Tyre indeed, he compels Athanasius to come to Tyre, whither for holding a Synod was sent the Count Dionysius, and to the Eusebians a military garrison added, would have appeared Athanasius; unless by severe from the Emperor mandates it had been written, that he be present; and so the necessity of coming was adjoined, that unless he came he should be brought unwilling. He came therefore with Egyptian Bishops forty-nine, for his Metropolitan's innocence and the laboring with him truth of the orthodox faith to be sustained, among themselves and with him most closely joined.

[67] From the Epistle, which, the conventicle still lasting, the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis gave, to the Consuls, Julius Constantius the Most Illustrious Patrician, brother of the Most Religious Constantine Augustus; in the year 335, and Rufinus Albinus; most renowned and to God most pleasing men; 1 p. 795 From this, I say, epistle it can be established, that in the year of the Christian era CCCXXXV was acted the tragedy, which to narrate we undertake, and in the very year XXX of Constantine the Emperor; on occasion namely of the Bishops, from the whole East invited to the dedication of the Hierosolymitan church, the next September, which to the Greeks about to begin was the year CCCXXXVI, to be celebrated. Namely this they were doing the Eusebians, on occasion of the Hierosolymitan dedication: that Athanasius' subversion, which they were machinating, thereby might be precipitated the more, because as it were a by-work this was to the Bishops elsewhere hastening; so much yet might come out more celebrated and more known, and more just, also might seem, the greater was the number of those judging. These when Socrates sixty to have been says, it appears of those alone he treats, who from the part of Eusebius had come together by name called: for even from Egypt alone, as we said, were present with Athanasius forty-nine, that of others of other regions I be silent.

[68] But, that of the Alexandrian Council's words I may use, with what face such an assembly can be called a Synod, over which a Count presided? where an executioner appeared? where a Commentariensian, where no form of an ecclesiastical judgment was preserved. in place of the Deacons of the church, introduced those arriving? where the Count words made, the rest present in silence were, or rather to the Count their obsequiousness accommodated? where what commonly to the Bishops pleased by him was impeded? 1 p. 728 He used command, the Bishops by soldiers were led; or rather to the orders of the Eusebians and their sentences he himself the Count was subservient. In sum, what appearance there of a Synod, where either slaughter or exile, if to Caesar it had pleased, was constituted? … If as Bishops themselves judges they wished to be, what need was there either of a Count or of soldiers, or of edicts for coming together Imperial? But if Caesar they needed, and from him they wished to receive strength their acts, by what right they themselves the judgment of Caesar void should make? or for what cause, since Caesar the Meletians pronounced in writing calumniators to be and nefarious, for a slaughter about a living man feigned, but Athanasius most innocent; they themselves the Meletians true to say, and Athanasius guilty to be define?

CHAPTER VI.

The public refutation of the calumnies, objected to Athanasius before the judges.

[69] If anything in accusing Athanasius was done thou ask, with admiration far the greatest seized necessary it is, say the Alexandrian Fathers: 1 p. 728 A woman accusing Athanasius of debauchery, but while to more atrocious they hasten crimes, they pass over a comedy, in the very beginning of the accusation acted, which Rufinus book II chapter 17, and from him Theodoret and Sozomen narrate. The words of Rufinus are these: First is introduced the accusation of a woman a certain one, who said herself once with hospitality Athanasius to have received, and by him at night, nothing suspecting, force of corruption to have endured. To be introduced for this is ordered Athanasius: he enters with Timothy his, and admonishes him, that after the woman the speaking end had made, himself being silent, he should to those things which she had said respond. And when the woman those things which she had been taught had perorated; Timothy turned to her, In truth, he says, he is convicted not even to know him. woman, did I stay with thee at any time? or force to thee, as thou assertest, did I do? Then she, as of such women the petulance itself has, chiding Timothy, Thou, thou, she says, to me force didst do, thou in that place didst defile my chastity: at once and turned to the Judges, to attest the faith of God she began, true herself to say. Then all a ridiculous shame began to hold: that so easily, he being silent, the faction of the composed crime had lain open: nor yet were permitted the Judges to have about the woman a question, whence this, through whom, or how had been compacted the calumny: since the liberty of judging with the accusers was.

[70] Little it is in the Alexandrians', which I said, for Athanasius epistle this so splendid of the public confusion argument to be passed over in silence: nor he himself indeed Athanasius of it anywhere makes mention, as neither of several other of less celebrity accusations of which some Sozomen book 2 chapter 24 thus reports: Several others about force to themselves by him offered complain, Callinicus a Bishop and a certain Ischyrion of the faction of John (Ischyras this is to others and to Athanasius himself) accused the Saint, that a chalice mystic he had broken, and that the throne Episcopal he had overturned; and Ischyrion himself, who was a Presbyter, often in prison he had shut up: nay also that in his name to Hyginus prefect of Egypt falsely informed, as if stones at the statue of the Emperor he had cast, with chains to be bound he had caused. And likewise that Callinicus, Bishop of the catholic church which is in Pelusium and assemblies with Alexander wont to keep, he had disowned, not willing to communicate with him, unless persuaded to himself he should allow, of the breaking of the mystic cup the crime to be false. Besides that to a certain Marcus, who had been from the Presbyterate disowned, of the Pelusiac Church the governance he had committed; and Callinicus himself by soldiers to be guarded, with blows to be beaten, and into judgment to be brought he had effected. Further Euplus, Pachomius, Isaac, Achilles and Hermaeon, of the faction of John, him charged, that by him they had been beaten.

[71] Finally all commonly to him objected, that by some men's perjury to the Episcopate he had ascended; about his ordination surreptitious, and that when all the Bishops had asseverated, that no one ought first to be ordained than the crimes upon him brought he had cleared; and themselves so into fraud led, on that account from his communion to have abstained. But him to have disdained his cause by persuading to obtain; but by force compelling men and into chains casting, his into opinion to have attempted to lead. To these the crime about Arsenius was renewed: and, as is wont to happen in snares which of set purpose are stretched to men, those who were thought his friends to be, on a sudden accusers stood forth: nay also tablets were read, in which written were the vociferations of the people against him, and by the people disapproved; as if the Alexandrian common people on account of him to assemblies in the Church to be held to come had refused. But Athanasius bidden for himself to respond, often into judgment entered, of the crimes to him objected some he cleared, of others a day for deliberating he asked. But he wavered in mind greatly, when he saw both the accusers to the Judges' nod and will themselves to accommodate, and many against himself witnesses, partly from the Arians, partly from the Meletians, to have been procured; and the calumniators, although crimes false, which he himself had refuted, they had brought back, pardon yet to have obtained.

[72] These Sozomen: who when both about the woman and about Arsenius things objected had set forth, and about many others; I believe, he says, of them earlier in the Acts of the Council therefore not to be extant, because a matter so base and so ridiculous was not into the tablets to be referred: and I believe, because related it was not, therefore less worthy of Athanasius it seemed of which by name he should make mention; as neither of others less pertinaciously ventilated crimes anywhere makes mention; this one in general to answer content, There are from Egypt and Libya and the Pentapolis Bishops almost a hundred, which by his Bishops' testimony refutes Athanasius: of whom no one us charged, nor a Presbyter any complained, nor anyone us from the people detracted. 1 p. 788 But the Meletians, by Peter ejected, and the Arians, so among themselves partitioned the snares are, that these the accusation, those the office of judging to themselves claimed. How the Egyptian Bishops cleared the vice to St. Athanasius' Ordination objected already above we have seen: about Arsenius how the matter was done, it pleases again from Rufinus to hear.

[73] and Arsenius, whose slain hand was displayed, There is produced a crime, by ages unheard. Behold, they say, where no one can by the prestiges of words deceive: with eyes the matter is acted: words ceasing, this arm cut off thee, they say, Athanasius, accuses: this is Arsenius' right hand, which thou, how and for what uses thou didst cut off, declare. Then he: Who indeed, he says, of you Arsenius knew, that this his right hand to be ye recognize. There rose up some, who said themselves excellently to know Arsenius, among whom some were without the conscience of the faction. He begs thereupon Athanasius from the Judges, that his man, whom the business demanded, they order to be introduced. And when introduced was Arsenius, his face being raised, Athanasius to the Council and Judges says, This is Arsenius: and lifting his nonetheless right hand, alive and whole to the judges he presents. This is, he says, his right hand, this is also his left: but this, which these offer, the hand whence it is, you inquire. Then as a certain night and darkness on the accusers' eyes was poured: what they should do, whither they should turn they knew not: for Arsenius himself the witnesses, who a little before to know themselves had said, confirmed. But, because not of judging but of oppressing the man's cause the Council was held, a din of all suddenly is raised: a magician to be Athanasius, and not ought further such a man to live: and an onslaught being made with their hands him to tear apart they prepare. But Archelaus, who with the rest from the precept of the Emperor the Council presided over, snatched him from the hands of those tearing apart through hidden exits led out.

[74] who since not then first himself opened, But how at Tyre, in that article of time, was found and produced Arsenius? The matter nowhere distinctly and faithfully enough explained thou wouldst find. For where it is said, by the fame of the judgment for his cause to be made moved, secretly himself to have presented to Athanasius, about to do whatever should be ordered; in the same place are added circumstances certainly false, that a Lector ordained by Athanasius, lest the punishments of the disgraceful crime he should sustain by flight and hiding-places to himself had taken counsel, until the holy man's evident danger had compelled again to come into the light. But already long ago was convicted the calumny, and it had been established Arsenius to live, both by the confession of Pinnes who him had hidden, both by his own bringing to the Bishop of Tyre; then when to himself about the Catholic communion pleasing, as say the Alexandrians, nor from elsewhere testimonies expecting that alive to be he might be shown, he himself himself confessed to live, by letters to Athanasius written: by which also to the Emperor was proved the calumny's falsity. 1 p. 729 Why therefore, thou wilt say, with the other Egyptian Bishops forty- nine, this one also with him Athanasius did not lead, about to be of his innocence a testimony evident?

[75] Indeed I judge the Meletians, never about to dare to have been again this cause to stir up, he seems from a repeated custody escaped unless again in their power they had had Arsenius. Which to indicate to me seem the Fathers Alexandrian, when they say: Nor did it shame the impious, a man by so great an interval of places and journeys by land and sea separated, by Athanasius slain to devise, whose through those times the place, where he was, to no mortal was known; so he, by no evil yet touched by the accusers was hidden: whom, as long as it was allowed, into another orb they had transferred, about to slay him willingly, that even the man truly extinguished Athanasius convicted they truly might slay. But to the divine here providence thanks to be given, which nothing unjust to prevail allows, and Arsenius under the eyes of all produced, clearly by his presence their calumnies and figments uncovering. From which to us likely it becomes, again to Tyre to have come. Arsenius by a divine miracle or his own industry escaped from custody, secretly from all to have come to Tyre, and by Athanasius for a while hidden to have been, until himself to be presented to the judges the opportunity of the cause and of the time, should persuade.

[76] But this nothing to Athanasius profited, says Rufinus, but that oppressed by calumny, as a true homicide, into exile at length he was driven. But when longer afterward in life remaining Arsenius, What afterward the Arians feigned both about Arsenius, of prestiges the opinion by his too much most certain life cleared away; then the Arians for excusing the Meletians, lest altogether without foundation they should seem to have undertaken the accusation of homicide, enough to be they believed, if they should say, that Plusianus, one of the Bishops who to Athanasius were obedient, by his mandate Arsenius' house had burned, him himself had bound to a column, with thongs had beaten, into a little chamber at last had thrust; but Arsenius through a window thence had fled, and when he was to be sought out for some time hidden had lain concealed; and because he appeared not, to men the opinion to have been not without cause brought, that he had died: for which cause the Bishops who to the parts of John favored, him as an illustrious man and Confessor sought, and the matter brought to the magistrates. So from afterward fabricated of the Arians excuses Sozomen; which how falsely they were feigned, openly to make wishing the Bishops Egyptian, Arsenius, they say, us by no means shuns as his slayers, or as injurious hates (for nothing of evil from us he suffered) but our communion eager, in our flock to be conversant desires, which his writings declare. 1 p. 729

[77] There is extant by Jacobus Gothofredus brought into light a peculiar little work of Photius, in his Library hitherto wanting, in which into an epitome contracted are had the twelve books of the ecclesiastical history, than about the woman, by Philostorgius the Cappadocian a heretical man compiled, from the beginnings of Constantine the great and of Arius, to his own, that is of Theodosius the Younger, even times; where the said Photius, among the rest which Philopseudes Cacostorgius about St. Athanasius portentously narrates, book 2 num. 12 the calumny about the woman thus to have inverted him says, as if she by Athanasius against Eusebius had been hired, that by him herself impregnated she should profess: and when about her adulterer, whether him she knew, through Eusebius himself she was interrogated, so incongruously she answered, that the truth beginning to be laid bare, Eusebius from all calumny clear appeared; but Athanasius not only not avoided the crime of an illegitimate ordination, but on the contrary doubly guilty was convicted of calumny.

[78] Namely with equal faith before n. II, that impious of lying instrument he had written, and about the ordination of Athanasius. Alexander being dead the suffrages varying for some time, Athanasius about the night obscure, into the church which was called of Dionysius to have withdrawn; and the gates being shut most firmly, by two certain Egyptians there found his ordination to have extorted, and about it, as by the common consent of the city made to have written to the Emperor; who by that fraud deceived, possession of the See confirmed to Athanasius, although him the present troop of Bishops to anathema had subjected. So nothing of weight have heretics, for their faction's to be covered disgraces, to heap upon lies lies, which in the following more clearly also will appear.

CHAPTER VII.

The calumny about the chalice at Ischyras' broken is resumed, and for it to be proved are delegated into the Mareotis of the adversaries the most suspect.

[79] As to the crime of the mystic cup by Macarius shattered, on account of which to Tyre he had been brought in chains, and Athanasius was charged guilty; since Athanasius himself in the Syllogus says, that the whole conspiracy in feigning the crime from the letters of the Egyptian Bishops can be known; 1 p. 788 it helps of the same words to use, This crime refutes the Alexandrian Synod, and for the other which repeatedly are alleged writings originally and entirely to be read, to dismiss the reader to the said Syllogus, to which both these letters, and several others to Athanasius' purgation pertaining, word for word are inserted. The Meletians are, they say, who here themselves as accusers offer, men altogether of faith unworthy, as being schismatics and enemies of the Church; nor those new or recent, but old already long from the times of B. Peter Bishop and Martyr, declaring the bad faith of the Meletians, to whom snares they laid; and of Achillas his successor, whom they calumniated; and of Alexander, whom even to the tribunals of Caesar by accusing they persecuted; and at last so in meditating crimes exercised, Athanasius they invaded, nothing alien from their malice doing … whose calumnies before ineffective, now at length a success have had, from which the Eusebians; into the favor of the Arian impiety, companions and patrons obtained they have, for which to be defended, as upon many other Bishops, so also upon Athanasius accusations they make. 1 p. 731

[80] But that place in which the broken cup they boast, and how falsely Ischyras was said to have had the sacred chalice, a church it was not; nor any of the Presbyters to that place near; nor the day, on which it done by Macarius they will, a Sunday. Since therefore neither a church there was, nor one who sacred things made, nor a day this very thing required; what, or when, or where mystic that cup was broken? Cups many everywhere in houses and even in the middle of the forum to be had, to no one is doubtful, which the one striking do not make impious: but a mystic cup, which impious renders him who it of his own accord breaks, nowhere except with the legitimate Prelates of the Church wouldst thou find … But a Presbyter, and to be a Presbyter, who is feigned to have been present, is that so often by rumors bandied Ischyras, who neither by the Church ordained was a Presbyter; nor, when those by Meletius constituted Presbyters Alexander into the church received, in their number ever was held. By what manner therefore is Ischyras a Presbyter, or by what at length author constituted? 1 p. 732 Whether namely by Coluthus? for that remains. But that Coluthus in the grade of the Presbyterate died, and all by him ordained into the order of laymen were reduced, so among all is established, that no one about that matter to be doubted thinks. How therefore a private man, and private houses inhabiting, a cup mystic to himself entrusted had?

[81] although to him afterward a church was built. But they a private man call a Presbyter; and to our injury, this name to him gave; and to the same for the reward of his calumnies, a church to be built power procured. Who therefore through that time no church had, now, for the recompense of his crime and obsequiousness in accusing shown, a church has received, perhaps even with an Episcopate to be endowed: for that everywhere he boasts and threatening roars. Such, alas! rewards through Bishops to accusers and sycophants are conferred. Nor that undeservedly: whom indeed an administer of their lust they had, him, as of affairs and counsels a companion, with a like Episcopate worthy they held … Unequal yet to the truth, although themselves in all ways they had fortified, because Ischyras at Tyre for a calumniator held nothing could prove, Sent nonetheless those who should examine the matter, and the calumny itself by its own vanity collapsed, the judgment of the cause suspended they wished, until about the proofs it should be established. 1 p. 733 They promise therefore themselves some of their own to the Mareotis to be about to send away, who the matter curiously should scrutinize: about whom forthwith you we informed, that for many causes they were to be rejected; especially because both Arians they were, and on account of Arianism to us openly hostile.

[82] But they, on the power of the magistrates relying, secretly send forth Diognius, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, and indeed most suspect in years and dispositions rotten and venal: to these they add two, in age and morals younger, Ursacius and Valens, men Pannonian, who from those farthest bounds to Tyre set out, that a sentence against the adversary they should say; and after so much journey, from Tyre to Alexandria they hastened, with no shame that themselves from judges witnesses they should make: because rather, with all means of plotting openly undertaken, whatever labors and journeys they underwent, that the calumny once begun they might complete. The enemies therefore of Athanasius, Athanasius abroad detained, to Alexandria, in the people and the church to rage about, hasten: nay, what more absurd is, Ischyras the accuser with them led, the accused Macarius they permitted not to follow; but at Tyre a captive they left, whom before under the same crime's pretext up and down they had dragged.

[83] On the contrary said Athanasius, that superfluous was the Mareotic legation; and that they should not feign, as if about those things which already long they had meditated, together with the accuser Ischyras: not yet enough they had discoursed; and that they should not seek delays, since what themselves to detect they had hoped could, all already into the midst they had brought forth; and accordingly themselves, of things destitute, tergiversations to hunt. 1 p. 790 But if altogether the Mareotic legation necessary should seem, at least not men suspect thither they should send. The Count therefore, as to the suspect pertains, complied: but they the same thing so much the more keenly did; whom indeed on account of the Arian heresy rejected Athanasius, those they with all power to the same place sent away. By which matter's indignity moved Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica, to Dionysius the Count and of the judgment Prelate this wrote epistle.

[84] Clearly I see for Athanasius a calumny to be constructed, for all whom he refused, which although disapproved Alexander of Thessalonica, I know not by what manner those to send forth they wished, no to us of that matter indication being made, for it was decreed that a consultation should be had, whom thither to send away it behoved. 1 p. 798 Take counsel therefore for them, lest anything rashly they do. For they came to me turbid with these words; that beasts had bristled up, and in proximity it to be that they should leap out, because by sound and noise dismayed they are, and had heard John some to have sent forth. Thou knowest further the Coluthians, together with the Arians and Meletians, enemies of the Church to be. These now among themselves, with minds and votes reconciled, huge evils to perpetrate can. See therefore what useful is, lest anything sad emerge; lest we be subjected to detraction as if by no means justly we had judged. But that especially about them suspicion is, lest, the Churches traversed, whose Bishops here are, through fear and force all Egypt they perturb, that so to the Meletians the Churches be handed over, which indeed to be agitated already long has been observed.

[85] To this suggestion willing something to have deferred to seem Dionysius the Count, to the Eusebians wrote in this manner. and the Count Dionysius himself, These very things were what I said to my Lord Flacillus (of Antioch this was the Archbishop, and if any at Tyre was of the Synod an appearance to it either presided in fact, or to preside ought) Athanasius will rise up, and will say, those whom he himself had rejected, those to that business to be sent down; and himself with injury to be treated and circumvented, he will vociferate. 1 p. 799 These also the same things they are, which the Lord of my soul Alexander by his epistles to us signified. But that you might know with reason to stand, what to me by him were written, his epistle, that by you also it be read, I have subjoined. Mindful but be you of those things which before I wrote, when I admonished your goodness, that the legates by common judgment and suffrage were to be chosen. See therefore lest the matter to fault liable be, nor a just of accusing us occasion to the accusers we afford: for as of those accusing the part to be burdened ought not, so neither of the accused. I judge further not the least of detracting from us matter to be about to be given, if my Lord Alexander to our acts shall not seem to suffrage.

[86] Nor more slothfully acted the Eusebians than admonished they had been, carrying about a libel, yet by many it is held a forged thing: by which the legation by common consent made might be said, and to each to be subscribed offering; with wished-for among many success, and (which thou mayest wonder) even with that very of Thessalonica Alexander; for thus about him speak the Alexandrian Fathers: But if him in their flock number the adversaries, and a companion of their faction boast, by that very their force upon the man, by which his subscription they extorted, they will declare. 1 p. 735 These things when to be done perceived the Bishops, who with Athanasius from Egypt to the Council came, other Bishops at Tyre congregated, those namely who not yet openly to the Eusebians and Arians themselves had joined, wrote to through Adamantius the Bishop; and what letters he gave with their names' subscription confirmed about thirty-six Prelates. 1 p. 795 But of the letters this was the tenor.

[87] We think not further uncertain and doubtful to be held the conspiracy of Eusebius, the rest, lest the same they do, admonish the Egyptians, Theognis, Maris, Narcissus, Theophilus and Patrophilus. At the beginning indeed all we exclaimed, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, that to them, since they were present, of the cause the cognition should not be permitted; as not ignorant, that even of one enemy the presence, much more of several, judgments to be confounded and harmed can be. Nor indeed hidden is to us the hatred of them, not only against us, but against all the orthodox; and how to the Arian matter with furious and monstrous zeal, and to the impious doctrine with zeal, they threaten all, and against all conspire. But when we, on truth relying, the Meletians' calumnies to refute wished, by I know not what arts the Meletians our attempts to disturb strove, and great pains to expend that our sayings should be rejected, now to those sincerely judging threatening, now even contumelies inflicting on some, to that only end that a success should have what against us they were machinating.

[88] Perhaps your divine religion, most reverend Lords, was ignorant at that time of their conspiracy: but now we think it to you to be manifest since themselves what they were so clearly they have shown. [and that at length they may acknowledge by a manifest conspiracy all things are done.] For as many as from the whole flock most suspect were, into the Mareotis they sent away, that through our absence, we to whom here is to be adhered, the peoples they may perturb and their zeal accomplish. For because they knew the Arians, Coluthians and Meletians to be of the Catholic Church enemies, therefore them especially they strove to send forth, that through our enemies' presence, a web such as they will against us they may weave. Certainly the Meletians, who here with us at Tyre are, before four days, as if certain they were this in the Council to be decreed, certain of their own at evening through couriers sent away; who also from the rest of Egypt to the Mareotis should convoke the Meletians, who there are none; and to the same place from elsewhere should gather the Coluthians, and should instruct what against us said they would have. For mindful you are that Ischyras himself said before you, not more himself to have than seven who might come together.

[89] protesting about the fraud But because after those tricks and the suborned most suspect men, we have heard them each one of you canvassing, to ask your subscription, that by all your counsel it done to seem it might, therefore we both these things write, and protest, that snares from them and through them we suffer: and we pray that the fear of God receiving in your mind, and being indignant that without your consent they sent forth whom they would, from subscribing you abstain … and as an account in God's judgment about to render, beware anything against us to do, or the Eusebians' counsels to aid … Similarly writing to Flavius Dionysius the Count most illustrious they offered a libel, that the cognition of their causes to the Most August Emperor himself he should reserve … before whom it might be allowed both the rights of the Church and their own to set forth, also before the Count Dionysius. … obtesting and adjuring through the omnipotent God, and the Emperor's and his children's safety, that nothing in their affairs henceforth he should do, nor to himself indulge, that anything against them in the Synod he should move. 1 p. 797

CHAPTER VIII.

The legates' insolence among the Mareotic and Alexandrian people. Athanasius' departure from Tyre to the Emperor.

[90] Meanwhile the delegates, to Alexandria with the accuser Ischyras, their tent-mate, comrade, Into the Mareotis having set out the legates, boon-companion entered, taking together the prefect Philagrius, (whom St. Athanasius a deserter of our religion to have been says; and his soldiers heathen men 1 p. 790) for those things to scrutinize, which not even to catechumens is it lawful to behold, into the Mareotis they withdraw: and there alone according to their lust on the questions they lean: nor did they permit the Presbyters that they should be present, although it with many prayers they required. 1 p. 733 But those who these things asked were, all both of the Alexandrian city and of the whole province Presbyters, the Presbyters who wished to be present being rejected, asking that to them to show it might be allowed whom Ischyras had suborned as witnesses, of what kind, and whence. The ministers of sacred things therefore being excluded, before heathen men questions about the church, about the chalice, about the table of the Lord, about the holy of holies they had; and what is more grave, heathen men in the question about the mystic cup as witnesses they cited … Nor did it shame them their testimonies before themselves and the sole Prefect to receive, who whence of the nations they were knew not: nor were they afraid them to say by Athanasius slain, by whose testimonies against Athanasius they abused.

[91] Nay rather death to Athanasius machinating, with new lies the fable about the lying slaughter of Arsenius imitating, those who alive are dead they feigned; they exercise a question and still surviving and in their sees before men's eyes appearing, before those placed far off most wretchedly they deplored; that since from afar were to be sought the matters' documents, Athanasius they might calumniate, as by force and power raging, while they themselves through force and power all things did. 1 p. 734 For the same things again at the Mareotis as at Tyre were performed. most similar to the Tyrian judgment; For as there a Count was with a military guard; nothing which to the Eusebians displeased either to be said or to be done permitting: so also here the Prefect of Egypt, with a military hand girt, all the Ecclesiastics terrifying, to no one permitted from the truth to say testimony: and, what more absurd is, in the very houses of the accuser they dwelt, and according to their pleasure decided the work to the questions to be given; and so both judges and witnesses, and the rest of the same zeal, or, what more true is, of the Eusebian faction the administers, came together …

[92] So far the Alexandrian Fathers; but Athanasius himself, about the manner of the question exercised, somewhat more distinctly thus writes: About the mysteries inquiring Jews they interrogated and Catechumens; Where, saying, were you, when Macarius came and the table overturned? 1 p. 800 And they answered, We within were. Now this if true is, then at that time the Oblation to be celebrated could not, and they cite to say testimony Jews and Catechumens, since indeed the Catechumens within were. Nonetheless everywhere they wrote, the Presbyter standing and the sacred making, Macarius entered to have overturned all things. And, when they interrogated whom they would, thus they inquired: In what place was Ischyras when Macarius came upon? and they answered, In the chamber sick he lay. Therefore in the Sacred he stood not, who through disease lay; nor the Oblation to make could, who in his cell sick lay. Besides, Ischyras saying the books to have been burned by Macarius, suborned for that matter witnesses, nothing such to have been done and Ischyras to lie asseverated. Now, what thou mayest wonder, when by their letters the fame everywhere of lands they had spread by Athanasius taken away to have been, those who conscious testimony to bear could; the same nevertheless, when now they appeared, they inquired of; and by no shame meanwhile were they touched, seeing that everywhere they were declared informers.

[93] Such things and in such a manner doing, the Clerics all being excluded, as already said, the Alexandrians protesting against them lest also, as at Tyre happened, their own they should have refuters; to lie hid altogether they could not: but the Presbyters and Deacons under the Most Reverend Bishop Athanasius of the Catholic Church of Alexandria, their malice being observed, to Theognis, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, Valens, Bishops from Tyre set out, in this manner wrote and protested themselves. 1 p. 790 It behoved especially, since hither you came with the accuser himself, to bring also with you the Presbyter Macarius. For so judgments to be instituted ought according to the sacred Scripture, that the accused and accuser at the same time appear. But after neither Macarius you brought, that nothing legitimately was done: nor the Most Reverend Bishop our Athanasius to the judgment was received; we asked, that at least to us to be present it might be allowed, so that we being present a certain question to be instituted could, and in this manner the matters being done faith to your judgments deservedly we should have. But this also to us you denied, and alone with the Prefect of Egypt and the accuser that you do which pleases. We profess therefore in your acts a suspicion of malice; and we observe your coming nothing else in itself to have than a conspiracy and snares; and for that cause this epistle to you we have given, a monument and testimony of this matter at some time to be in a true and legitimate Synod, that to all it may become known, that, the other part unheard, nothing else you strove to do, than that us by a conspiracy you should oppress: but that it could not be concealed from you, a copy of these letters also to Palladius we gave, the Emperor's Curious one: for the crimes which you have done, make us that also to suspect about you.

[94] Their names, after Dionysius the Presbyter who the letters gave, similarly also the Mareotic men protest, subscribed, Presbyters fifteen, Deacons five. But of the Catholic Church the Mareotic all Presbyters fourteen, and Deacons just as many, first writing to Flavius Philagrius, and Flavius Palladius the Ducenarian Palatine Curious, and Flavius Antoninus of the Supplies Prefect Centenarian of the most illustrious Prefects of the sacred Praetorium, with a subscription an epistle for testimony offering. 1 p. 794 These when already they had shown Ischyras a Presbyter not to be, as by Coluthus alone, who a Bishop never had been, ordained; they adjured them through omnipotent God and through Constantine Augustus and his children the Most Illustrious Caesars, and to Tyre also to the Bishops they write, that into the cognition of their piety they should refer, that neither Ischyras a Presbyter is of the Catholic Church, nor a Church has, nor ever a chalice with him was broken: but these all false and feigned are. 1 p. 792 With these further not content, they wrote also to the holy Synod of the Blessed Bishops who at Tyre were, under this exordium. Knowing it written to be, What thy eyes have seen speak; and that, A false witness unpunished was not: those things which we have seen to be testified we judge; and especially because this our testimony necessary rendered the conspiracy, against Athanasius our Bishop entered.

[95] and they convict the calumny, Then to wonder themselves they say, by what at length reason Ischyras for an Ecclesiastic is held … God as witness they make, nothing in his words to be except calumny; and that as certainly conscious, as being, they say, who neither by long bounds from the Bishop are distant, and companions to him in surveying the Mareotis we have adhered. For never he alone for the sake of visiting is wont to undertake journeys; but companions with himself to draw Presbyters and Deacons, and not few of the common people … Accordingly they conclude, that Theognis and his companions into the Mareotis gone, no documents of the guilt to detect could. 1 p. 793 But what and how they did, thus they set forth. When the matter was at that point that the sycophancy against Athanasius about to come forth openly seemed; Theognis, the enemy of Athanasius, his kinsmen and certain Ariomanites instructed, that what he himself would for testimony they should speak. and testimonies by force extorted: For no one of the people anything against Athanasius would have spoken, unless by the terror of Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt, and the importunity of the Arians vehemently insisting, conquered and compelled they had been to those things to do which to themselves it should please. Since we, they say, to refute the calumnies thither coming, did not they admit; and us being rejected those, whom fit they thought for fraud to be instructed, they received: who through fear of Philagrius the Prefect into their parts had withdrawn. And therefore namely us removed they wished; lest namely the criminators suborned by them, either Ecclesiastics not to be; or, if they were, Arians to be we should teach.

[96] But yet although separately, without others' authority, so according to their lust they did, and by nods the witnesses they admonished; and the Prefect indeed threats cast, which Acts although the adversaries concealed, but the soldiers weapons and wounds threatened; nonetheless yet the Lord the truth disclosed, and them of sycophancy convicted, says these reciting Athanasius. 1 p. 800 They therefore, as the same pursues, suppressed of the Acts the monuments which they had, and to the notaries enjoined that them they should hide, nor any copies to be divulged should allow. But in vain all these things. For he who them wrote is Rufus, who now in the Augustalian office an Executioner acts, and a witness of it can be recited: they came into the hands of Athanasius. and even the Eusebians themselves them through their own to Rome sent, and the same those by Julius the Bishop to me were transmitted. They are mad therefore, since those things which to be concealed they themselves wished, in our hands we have and read. So Athanasius, from those very Acts indeed, not from others' relation having whatever about the things done in the Mareotis he wrote, and by others' for himself testimonies a faith establishing indubitable.

[97] But what at Alexandria they dared, returned from the Mareotis the egregious inquisitors, Returned to Alexandria the legates cruelly rage. those everywhere of nations by fame divulged to have been, assert the Alexandrian Fathers, under whose eyes were perpetrated the crimes. 1 p. 734 Drawn namely swords threatened to have been against holy Virgins and Brethren, scourges on the precious with God bodies inflicted; and feet weakened by cudgeling to have been to those, who their mind in chastity and in all solid goods exercised: meanwhile to the gentiles commonly to have been allowed to strip the bodies of Virgins, to beat, to defile, the altars of idols and victims to threaten. So that a certain insolent man, as if such a power thenceforth had been granted in favor of the Bishops, a Virgin by the hand seized, to an altar which by chance was at hand dragged, the necessity of sacrificing and the force of persecution representing. Amid these things the Virgins to have fled. The heathen to have insulted the Church, the Bishops within those very houses where such things were perpetrated being conversant: in whose favor the Virgins wretched drawn swords, all kinds of dangers, and whatever contumely and violence to experience were compelled: and these things indeed to have suffered fasting while the Bishops within feasted.

[98] Say the Alexandrian Fathers, in their for Athanasius prolix defense, Meanwhile Athanasius to the Emperor flees: that, since the Bishops at Tyre nothing of fault in Athanasius found, and the Count with supreme force pressing more against him machinated; he himself the Count's violence fleeing, to the most religious Emperor went up: which I think not to obstruct that it be believed the Saint, from Tyre departed, to have followed the Inquisitors against himself into the Mareotis sent; since so expressly protest the Presbyters and Clerics Alexandrian, of whom above, that neither Macarius by them was brought, nor his Bishop Athanasius to the judgment received. 1 p. 729 I think also likely, that his life he preferred to a ship to commit, than to a land journey, in which to the Eusebians' snares more opportune he would have been: and again from Alexandria, when in vain himself he saw, to have sailed to Constantinople to seek out the Emperor. The Bishops, ordered to go away to Jerusalem, Meanwhile soon as at Tyre to appear he ceased, first by the Council the cause unheard he is condemned, as Socrates says: Then, as soon as those things which in the Mareotis were done, concurred, an abdication to him is decreed. After these things done, says the same Socrates book 1 chapter 22 letters of the Emperor are brought, which signified that the Council quickly to Jerusalem should betake itself: and so the Bishops, no delay interposed, from Tyre to Jerusalem hastily journey make.

[99] This order of the things done everywhere follow writers other: the dedication of the church being performed, but as much as by conjecture and arguments I attain less rightly. For from the oration of St. Sophronius Bishop of Jerusalem on the Exaltation of the holy Cross, and likewise from the Typicum of St. Sabas for the use of the monasteries and churches to the holy city subject composed, and from the Menaea and Synaxaria everywhere all it seems established, the tradition in the very Hierosolymitan Church received from elders, and to the whole East communicated to have been, that the same day XIII Sept. both of the dedicated church and of the exalted Cross by a solemnity was accumulated. In the Chronicle however, which everywhere Alexandrian is called when Constantinopolitan more properly it should be named, thus is read: There were made the encaenia of the Church of the holy Cross, under Constantine built, in the month of September ιζ᾽, on the day 13 Sept. that is XVII. But a fault to be scribal, and ιγ᾽ to be read, to be doubted it cannot, since it adds. Hence began the feast of the Staurophania, that is of the manifested or exalted Cross: which on another than the XIII day to be acted no one ever has heard. But that it is of the Dedication of Jerusalem the feast Sozomen book 2 chapter 25 sufficiently indicates, when he says that from the time of the dedication aforesaid the Church of Jerusalem every year a feast-day splendidly very much celebrates, so that on it initiations of the sacred things are performed, and for eight days thereafter assemblies are made, and very many from all the parts of the earth according to the holy places' history, at the time of that solemnity come together; which by another name to be the solemnity of the exalted Cross, from the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian, not a whole after the begun festivity century written, appears.

[100] But that being posited it could not be, that those who into the Mareotis were sent away, they hear the legates returned from Egypt. and against whom illegitimately proceeding the Mareotic Clergy protested, to Philagrius and his companions writing on the tenth day of Thoth, that is, on the seventh day of September, the question performed they returned to Tyre so quickly, that having heard their relation, could the Synod Athanasius' abdication decree, letters everywhere dispatch, and at Jerusalem be present before the tenth third of the same month. And so willingly thus I would order of the matters already indicated the series; that the Bishops, not many after the legates' departure and Athanasius' flight days, a mandate received, that other whatever causes for a while omitted to Jerusalem they should hasten for the dedication aforesaid, and Athanasius they abdicate. and finally either to Tyre returned, which no one indicates, or there at Jerusalem, which I think most likely to be, and that about the beginning of October, received the returned from the Mareotis legates, and Athanasius' abdication precipitated, and then received from the Emperor through Athanasius approached and led an epistle, by which they were bidden to come to Constantinople, about to render an account of so unjust a judgment.

CHAPTER IX.

The Arians in the Synod of Jerusalem being received, absent Athanasius is condemned.

[101] The things at Tyre and in the Mareotis done being narrated, the rest pursuing Athanasius in the Syllogus, The Epistle of the Synod, and the adversaries luculently convicting, the cause, he says, why these they did, manifest they rendered. 1 p. 801 For both in their departure their own Arians, with themselves to Jerusalem brought, into communion they received, writings of this kind upon that matter letters, of which the beginning and part this is. The sacred Synod, by God's grace at Jerusalem congregated, to the Church of God among the Alexandrians, and to all through Egypt, the Thebaid, Libya, the Pentapolis and everywhere through the orb Bishops, Presbyters, Deacons, in the Lord greeting. To all of us into the same place, from diverse provinces, to a great and festal day congregated, that the dedication of the temple of the Saviour, the Arians as orthodox receiving, by the care of the most religious Emperor Constantine to the King of all Christ built, we might celebrate; a more accumulated force of gladness brought God's grace, and the Emperor himself most religious, by his own letters admonishing us to that which most was expedient; namely that the hatreds being put far from the Church and all malignity, on account of which its members dissented; with a simple and peaceful mind we should receive the Arians, whom the iniquity of envy for a while retained outside the Church. The Emperor himself indeed to God most dear gave to them through an epistle a testimony of their right faith, of which both by them with living voice persuaded the same he had received, and to us manifest he made, to his letters subjoining their written about the faith confession orthodox.

[102] The rest by the Pseudo-council done Sozomen pursues book 2 chapter 25 in these words. there follows the abdication of Athanasius, It condemns the cause unsaid Athanasius the Synod, and the Episcopate disowns him, and decrees that at Alexandria he should not dwell, lest tumults and seditions, if he be present, to excite he attempt: but John and all who from him stood, as by injury incommoded affected, into communion it receives; and what of them each one a dignity in the Clergy had obtained, it restores. The Bishops further, in the same assembled Council, the Acts of the Council to the Emperor transmitted, and wrote to other everywhere Bishops, that from the communion of Athanasius abstaining neither to him let them write nor from him receive letters; and encyclicals against the same. since indeed both of the crimes, of which more certain made they had been, convicted he was; partly by flight, partly because his cause in judgment to plead he refused, guilty detected. Besides through letters they showed, themselves to such a sentence against him to be pronounced impelled; first because grievously very much they bore, that when the Emperor had given a mandate the year before (a new one for them now with September to flow had begun) that the Bishops of the East to Caesarea for his cause should come together, he himself thither had not come and the Emperor's mandates had contemned, and that although he saw the Council by long for him waiting fatigued: then because, when very many Bishops to Tyre had come together, to the same place he had come thronged with a multitude of men and disturbances and tumults in the Council had excited, now for himself to respond declining, now the Bishops with contumelies loading … nay even, plainly ascertained to be that the chalice mystic he broke, they declared … each crime (as the forensic custom has) touching, and that one thing doing, that calumnies for Athanasius as artificially as possible they might weave.

[103] Who these hearing, says in the Syllogus Athanasius, their fabrications and tricks would not perceive? 1 p. 802 … For if I were he who the Arians kept off from the Church, By these things in favor of the Arians to be done and the Arians me oppressed were received; what else wouldst thou understand than all things in favor of the Arians to have been done, all things against me instituted … that a heresy into the Church they might let in, and themselves meanwhile not be held condemned of heresy. Nor do they fear in their letters to affirm that rightly think the Arians, whom the whole world's Council with anathema condemned; nor do they fear so distinguished a Synod, as much as in them is, secretly to demolish, anything rashly saying and doing. He adds however Sozomen book 2 chapter 24, St. Maximus is said to have led away Paphnutius. to very many Bishops it to have seemed that by no means a sincere judgment was being acted, and for that matter to be said that Paphnutius the Confessor, who the Council attended, took the hand of the Bishop of Jerusalem, and admonished that he should rise: for not fitting it was, that they themselves, who Confessors were and for piety dug-out eyes and weakened hams had, should communicate with a council of lost men. But that after the celebrated Jerusalem Church's dedication to have happened ought, nay in that very Jerusalem Synod: for who would believe St. Maximus, of so great a solemnity to the apparatus leaning, at Tyre in the Council to have appeared; or the dedication performed, to that impious Synodical, which we have reported, consenting to have subscribed?

[104] Such things while partly at Tyre partly at Jerusalem were done (nor indeed is it easy each in its places to discern) Athanasius, the Prince being approached who the Synod had indicted, in which also his Count had presided, the Eusebians' crimes disclosed, About the same by Athanasius appealed to Constantine, in that which Constantine himself in his epistle indicates manner. 1 p. 803, 1 p. 804 To me entering, he says, the namesake to me and happy fatherland mine Constantinople (I was however on horseback) suddenly Athanasius the Bishop in the middle of the way, with some others whom about himself he had, so unexpectedly met me, that not a slight to me a cause of admiration he afforded. A witness is to me God, of all the beholder, that I, who he was, at first sight could not recognize, unless certain of ours, who that one was, and what injustice having suffered, had indicated to us, that very thing as was fitting inquiring. I therefore at that time neither of my address nor of my conversation him a partaker made, and almost I ordered to be removed him, nothing else from me with great freedom asking, than that you hither to be called I should order, that, you being present, what by force he had suffered he might complain.

[105] The Bishops he chides for things turbulently done. These things Constantine to the Bishops at Tyre congregated, either because them already he knew to have returned to Tyre, or because also to Jerusalem departed by the Synod of Tyre's name to call he continued, an Epistle from a chiding of this kind beginning, I am ignorant what to themselves these things would, which by your Synod tumultuously and tempestuously have been judged. To me indeed it seems, by I know not what manner, the truth through immodesty to be oppressed … But it will be of the divine providence's work, both of that contentiousness the evils manifestly produced to dissipate, and to show to us, whether thither coming together a care any you had of the truth, and whether in things to be judged without hatred or favor you proceeded. Wherefore instantly I command, and to render an account to himself he cites: that all to my piety you come together, of your deeds an exact account about to render. The same again he repeats toward the end of the epistle, them as quickly as possible to be present bidding. 1 p. 805 Which being learned, conscious of their crimes, the rest of the Bishops from the journey being retained, lest namely some of them, with equal or greater than at Tyre and Jerusalem freedom, should protect Athanasius at Constantinople, there come to Constantinople, only six, and by discordant sentences the calumny disclose; alone Eusebius, Theognis, Patrophilus, and the other Eusebius, Ursacius and Valens the Prince approached, without any mention of the chalice or Arsenius: for there was wanting to them for this confidence.

[106] What then? Another crime, equally fabricated, they brought, namely that Athanasius had boasted that the transport of grain from Alexandria to Constantinople he could impede. 1 p. 729 by whom of a new crime accused the saint These, when they were said, and the Emperor indignant at them threatened; heard, who within with Athanasius were of the Bishops Egyptian, Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, Peter. And when Athanasius at such great calumnies groaned and affirmed them to be false, nor possible to be that a man private and poor so great of strength should have; Eusebius, not even publicly declining a calumniator's office, swore Athanasius exceedingly opulent to be, and enough of strength and authority for all these to be perpetrated to have, that so more likely the calumny might seem. 1 p. 805, 1 p. 730

[107] There flashed forth immediately Caesar's indignation: for he who before such things against Athanasius' calumniators, he is relegated into Gaul, as said it was, had written, and their injustice had known so clearly; immediately as he heard accusation that, he flared into a sudden anger: and the cause's hearing omitted, us he dismissed into Gaul, says Athanasius himself. But the Alexandrian Fathers, a milder using phrase, God's, they say, grace more in this business prevailed than of those sycophants the wicked malice: for the piety of the Emperor to a more humane he bent part, and in place of death exile gave. Others otherwise this deed of Constantine receive; through the too great facility of the Emperor, of all most prudently Theodoret book 1 chapter 33. To no one, he says, wonderful ought to seem, that the Emperor into fraud enticed, so illustrious a man proscribed; for he believed the Bishops deceiving him, the truth indeed concealing, far however another appearance bearing. Just as truly also the Prophet David deceived was, but deceived him not of the Pontiffs anyone, but a domestic homeborn slave, nay a knave, Siba I mean, who what false was to the King against Mephibosheth suggested, and his field to himself obtained. But these things I say, not as the Prophet refuting; but an excuse for the Emperor bringing, and human nature's weakness demonstrating, and admonishing not to be to accusers, however much of faith worthy they may seem, so to be believed, that the other ear be not preserved for the accused.

[108] These Theodoret: but Athanasius the produced Constantine the Younger's Epistle, which below we shall give, perhaps so wishing his life to be provided for. excusing therefore into Gaul sent the Saint, lest from the cruelty of his enemies he should suffer anything not easily afterward curable, the same seems an excuse to admit: for thus he speaks. 1 p. 806 When that therefore the cause was on account of which into Gaul I was sent, who does not see, hence indeed a pious toward me of the Emperor purpose, thence indeed of the Eusebians a bloodthirsty mind: and that the Prince therefore only this did, lest some graver evil to me they should machinate? So far in the Syllogus Athanasius, who besides in the epistle to the Solitaries more even declares, nothing against himself done by the Emperor with injury of the orthodox faith; whence it came that he could not be persuaded by the Eusebians that into Athanasius' place a Bishop, whom they themselves demanded, he should substitute: nay those who that machinated he restrained, and already the matter itself attempting with grave threats deterred. 1 p. 844

CHAPTER X.

In exile in the Gauls Athanasius writes certain things in Latin.

[109] Relegated, as said it was, Athanasius, to Augusta of the Treveri came, in the month about February of the year CCCXXXVI, St. Athanasius 28 months stayed at Trier since indeed it is established from Theodoret book 2 chapter 1 for two years and four months there to have stayed; but sent back to Alexandria to have been by Constantine the Younger, in the month of June of the year CCCXXXVIII. But he had there the Saint not inconvenient under Constantine the Younger then Caesar an exile, as from this now Emperor's epistle more clearly soon will be plain: and by St. Maximinus Bishop of Trier honorably was received, as writes in the Chronicle St. Hieronymus; but he errs when he adds this to have been done when by Constantius he was sought for punishment. To this meanwhile error the San-Maximinian monks, from popular tradition, superbuilt a fable, which the Annals' of Trier writer Browerus book 4 laboriously refutes, and Trithemius in the Catalogue under these words more exaggerated sets forth. Fleeing, he says, Athanasius from the face of the Emperor and of the Arians, came to Trier a city of the Gauls, and by St. Maximinus the Archbishop honorably received, not for 7 years, seven years with him lay hid in a cistern without water, which even to this day at the monastery of St. Maximinus at Trier in the crypt is shown. In this place for many years, as we said, lying hid, the sun he saw not; and there the Symbol, Whosoever wishes to be saved, he composed; until at length by a girl betrayed, by God's nod, by flight he escaped.

[110] St. Maximinus is venerated on the day XXIX of May, when about his distinguished basilica more fully to treat occasion will be given. the well which is shown for his own perhaps necessities used, Here to have admonished suffices, that the well which is shown by us also under the choir was beheld, and judged to Athanasius' lodging once adjoined, perhaps water to have afforded the Saint, when not yet there a church stood; whence a use it obtained among the common people, that St. Athanasius' well it should be called, and by that appellation occasion gave for the aforenarrated fable. Alexander Wilthemius in his most accurate Annals of the San-Maximinian monastery (which in manuscript we read, and at some time into light to be given we hope) the popular tradition of the Treveri as to the Symbol, thinks not altogether to be rejected; whether there the Symbol he wrote is not established. because Gregory IX in a definition of faith (which he himself to his Apocrisiaries to Constantinople to be conveyed gave in the year MCCXXXIII, and which from the Greek Vatican and Sforzian Latin made Gerardus Vossius) it in these words is alleged; Whence St. Athanasius, while in the Western parts he was in exile, in the exposition of faith which in Latin words he rendered, thus says: The Father by none is made. But who us will teach, either an exile properly so called, such as not but at Trier the Saint had, to be understood by Gregory, when he often elsewhere was in Italy a fugitive? or if it so understood Gregory, that he did it from a sufficiently certain of authority argument, so many after the matter done centuries?

[111] One thing for certain we have, that Athanasius who the books of Lucifer to Constantius in Latin written into the Greek speech translated, It seems he himself wrote it in Latin; as below shall be said n. 303, of the Latin tongue no less than of Greek skilled was; and therefore we doubt not but in Latin written was the Symbol, which another long afterward turned into Greek, as among his works now is found. Nor indeed among the more ancient Greeks any I find vestige of any typus or formula about the faith, by Athanasius issued: who in all his to the Easterners writings this most does, that besides the issued at Nicaea formula, no other they require or receive. With the Latins however diverse altogether ought to be the manner of acting: to whom that his doctrine, with the Nicene faith altogether the same, distinctly and clearly in their very tongue he should explain plainly was fitting; for the confutation namely of the Arians, feigning even by themselves to be held the Nicene faith, and Athanasius criminating as if by the sole zeal of contending he fought about words, by no means necessary to the right exposition of the faith.

[112] But the little book on the observances of monks, which Lucas Holstenius, as also the book on the observances of monks, Custodian of the Vatican Library, in the Appendix of the Codex of Rules, in the head of the exhortations to monks and virgins on the observance of the religious life, collected once by Benedict of Aniane the Abbot, from two manuscripts of Fleury of the Queen of Sweden edited, and to the same dedicated with those words, which I myself with my Master Henschenius sitting by the little bed of the dying man and his last things disposing, with my own hand, as also the other of the same Codex dedications, received the day before his death (for of such modesty of mind he was, that long before printed in type to that very time he had deferred to publish) This I say little book, already before among the works edited, as an Exhortation to monks not but in Latin to me written seems. requested by the monks under St. Maximinus instituted, And since the monastic profession still in the West rare was and almost unknown, but the monks of San-Maximinus their beginnings to Constantine the great referred (as from Dagobert the first's diploma appears) likely to me it is, that when with them treating Athanasius, and many things narrating about the multitude and discipline of the Egyptian monks, at their asking, themselves, who no yet had a Rule of life described, that little work he composed, thus beginning:

[113] Although to glory in Christ it is allowed, that with such beginnings you have been initiated, whose excellent beginnings vehemently he praises, that your inchoation be a perfection; and to the true of living fruit the steps interposed flying past, the apex of the very summit being occupied, of discipline the sum you hold; to me yet of this the license of the prerogative a paternal affection ascribed, and to be embraced by me your postulation's exaction: who while me you hear, not only willingly, but even avidly, shameless me by your love you have made. Going before I lead, and beyond the measure of my possibility, stretched, those whom to follow I desire, to lead I am compelled. I will go on therefore through the path of your life, and as one who in the first elements of letters is imbued, the depicted by shadowed prefigurations marks with an imitating stylus I will trace, those approaching to the hoped-for of the blessed institute rewards who are to be followed: for so namely I think these last words to be read, not which are to be followed.

[114] But after about the care of abstinence, the measure of fastings, the instancy of prayer, the interval of reading, of food and clothing the manner, the custody of the tongue, fraternal charity, the moderate and circumspect with pious women acting manner, yet he refuses not if any wish laxer things. of a good name the care, of poverty finally the rigor, he had discoursed solidly and briefly; at length about to conclude, these things if to anyone besides you too much seem strict, who God's gates to knock shall attempt, according as his reason shall bear, will relax; as if about to be foreseeing that elsewhere also congregations religious would come together, under a less than that by which the San-Maximinian had begun austerity. Not willing also, just as the monks themselves before he had admonished, those who outside are, and in secular yet act by worldly bonds are bound, by the austerity of a more attentive life to condemn; but rather by benign exhortations and an alluring blandishment, [and the seculars themselves to a virtue fitting their state he bids to be animated.] the way of truth shown, the cloud of error to open; that not to be drawn each one may begin but to follow step by step, as far as through the condition of his own state it shall be allowed. But if anyone, he says, either bound be by a spouse or by children impeded, has, besides these strict things, a substance more which he may follow; nor himself repulsed let him believe, but by the access of another vocation admitted.

[115] Which whole context although well Latin be, many yet has of the new testament places, In this book he seems from sole memory to have alleged the Scriptures, which seem not described according to some which then vulgate was version Latin; but rather from memory, suggesting the words of the text Greek, not always most faithfully as to words, faithfully yet as to sense, because there the Greek text perhaps was not at hand: which the author to have been Athanasius, as the title bears, to us confirms. Let an example be the place from I Peter 3 v. 26. Prepared always be to render an account to all, asking you about the word of your faith and your hope, and from I Cor. 12, v. 12 For as the body one members has many; but all the members of the body one, since they be many, the body one are, and 2 Cor. 11, v. 2 Being zealous of you with zeal I have betrothed you to one man, and Matth. 10, v. 37 Whoever shall have made more me a house or a wife &c.

[116] Such a thing it will be allowed to observe also in the following work to which the title, An Exhortation to the Spouse of Christ, as also in another which is an exhortation to the Spouse of Christ, which indeed a most excellent is instruction of Virgins, therefore by a public of the Church ceremony consecrated, that we may learn, says the author, a peculiar to her to subsist a merit, of whom a special is the consecration. For since the whole crowd of believers equal of grace gifts receives, and with the same all of the sacraments benedictions glory; those something proper before the rest have; when from that holy and immaculate of the Church flock, as holier and purer hosts, for the merits of their will, by the holy Spirit are chosen; and, through the supreme Priest, of God are offered to the altar. in which is cited some Roman canon, Certainly also in this work about the end admonishing the author the Spouse of Christ, lest to anyone either of lusting an occasion she give, and a reason adding, because more criminous is Christ's adulteress than a husband's; sufficiently he indicates himself among the Westerners a stranger to be, when he subjoins. Whence beautifully the Roman Church, by an Apostolic without doubt whose See it holds spirit animated, so severe lately about such a thing a sentence established, that scarcely even of penitence worthy it judged, who a body sanctified to God by lustful defilement should have violated.

[117] These words if anywhere be found among the Canons of the Roman Pontiffs, about the author and his age something more certain to teach us they will be able: meanwhile it will be allowed to believe the title, which St. Benedict of Aniane in the century of the Christian era IX found, prefixed to the work, as more likely I think, in Latin written; and it to St. Athanasius to leave. To these things he seems to have looked to a Synod Roman some under Sylvester Pope, or his successors Mark or Julius, held at that time in which in the Gauls in quiet enough was conversant Athanasius, and of such a writing to have an occasion he could amid the veiling of some Virgin more illustrious; perhaps of a certain Synod under Sylvester. not indeed to the claustral communion, which not yet perhaps to be used in the West had begun, and of which no in this exhortation vestige; but to the Church's ministry, and a private in one's own house of a more religious life exercise. Would that of the same Saint similar other little works more, either in Greek or in Latin, to be found it might happen! for to all ought to be applied what in the Spiritual Meadow Chapter 4 to John Moschus said the Abbot Cosinas, When thou shalt have found anything of the little works of St. Athanasius, nor shalt have papers for writing, on thy garments write it.

CHAPTER XI.

The death of Arius: Athanasius' return from exile.

[118] Not for many months in the Gauls had been Athanasius, when his cause of so great a defender deprived, himself undertaking God, openly declared, how to him hateful was the heresy Arian; that one's author by such a death taken away, which every from anyone doubt ought to take away. This himself Athanasius, in the Epistle to Serapion the brother and fellow-minister (he was indeed Bishop of Thmuis) set forth, Arius to Constantinople to come permitted by the Emperor, as he had learned from the relation of Macarius the Presbyter, who present was. 1 p. 670 Summoned had been by the Emperor Constantine Arius, by the work and zeal of the Eusebians: whom entering the Emperor interrogated, whether the faith of the Catholic Church he kept: he himself swore himself rightly to believe, and a copy of his faith written delivered; concealing those things for which he had been by Alexander ejected from the Church, and the Scriptures' locutions through hypocrisy imitating. Swearing therefore not to have thought those things for which had ejected him Alexander, with peace dismissed the Emperor: If right, saying, is thy faith, well hast thou sworn: God according to thy oath will judge of thee.

[119] yet not to the church received by the Bishop, Thus going out from the Emperor, wished the Eusebians to bring into the church, with their wonted violence: but the Constantinopolitan Bishop Blessed Alexander opposed himself saying, the inventor of a heresy not ought into communion to be received. To whom threatening the Eusebians answered: Just as unwilling thee we made him to be called by the Emperor, so on the day tomorrow, however much to thee grievous it be, with us in this church will communicate Arius: for it was the sabbath, when these things they said. These heard vehemently grieved the Bishop Alexander, and entered into the church and his hands to God extending, wept: and on his face himself casting in the sacrarium, prone upon the pavement prayed both he, and who with him was Macarius, and the voice of him praying he heard. at whose prayer But he asked of two one or the other, saying; If tomorrow hither to be brought to communion Arius is, dismiss me, Lord, thy servant, nor together with the impious the pious destroy: but if thy church thou sparest (and I know that thou sparest) look upon the words of the Eusebians, nor give into destruction and reproach thy heritage: but Arius from the midst take away, lest, him into the church entering, together with him to enter seem also a heresy, and impiety thenceforth for piety be held.

[120] he is burst asunder in a latrine, Such things when had prayed Alexander, he withdrew vehemently solicitous: and immediately a stupendous thing and wonderful happened. The Eusebians threatening prayed the Bishop, and Arius on them relying and much babbling into the latrines withdrew, as for the belly's necessity: and there suddenly prone leaning, according to what is written, he burst in the middle; and collapsed on the earth expired, at once both of life and of communion frustrated. And this was Arius' end: but the Eusebians greatly confounded their comrade buried. extinguished by a divine judgment. But of blessed memory Alexander, the Church exulting, celebrated the synaxis with all the brethren, in true piety and right faith praying, and glorifying greatly God; not as rejoicing over that death (far be it, for to all proposed it is once to die) but because beyond human judgments that happened. For the Lord himself, judging the Eusebians' threats and Alexander's prayers, had condemned the heresy Arian, and had shown it to be of ecclesiastical communion unworthy.

[121] But him thus extinguished, not was quiet the disputation about those things which he had invented dogmas, says Sozomen book 2 chapter 29, nor did they cease the same with him thinking against those thinking differently to be adversaries. Nay even, the Alexandrians with St. Antony seeking the return of Athanasius, when the people Alexandrian continually vociferated, and in their supplications for Athanasius' return prayed, and that great monk Antony often for the same cause wrote, and persuaded not to be believed the Meletians, and their accusations to be held for calumnies; by no means persuaded was the Emperor: but to the Alexandrians indeed he wrote, of madness and petulance them accusing; but to the Clerics and the holy Virgins he commanded that they should be quiet; affirming himself by no means to be moved from his purpose, nor to be revoked by himself Athanasius, as seditious and by an ecclesiastical judgment condemned, to Antony finally he answered, the sentence of the Synod by him not to be able lightly to be esteemed: For although, he said, a few some to hatred or favor judged; the Emperor desirous of peace repels them; not yet credible it is, so great a multitude of so illustrious and notable Bishops to the same part to have been led. Athanasius certainly contumelious and arrogant, and of disturbances the cause to be: for those who more alien were from him in mind about these things most him accused, knowing how vehemently such men the Emperor abhorred.

[122] For the same also cause John the successor of Meletius, although by the Council of Tyre to communion received, and John the Meletian into exile he sends; led he could not be that he should receive, but him also he punished with exile, because he had understood for his cause divided into factions the Alexandrians' Church, some him, some Athanasius commending. His however innocence at length at some time learning, in the last of life's time him to Alexandria to return he ordered, and that present Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and the contrary to persuade attempting, as says Theodoret book 1 chapter 32. Died then the great Constantine, on XXI of May, in the year CCCXXXVII: from whose testament the Empire partitioned the sons: so that to Constantine by birth the eldest fell Spain, Britain, Gaul also Belgic, of Germany the part about the Rhine and Danube and of Africa the part more Western; to Constans by birth the youngest Italy, Illyricum, and dies, the return of Athanasius first decreed: to the Pontus Euxine neighboring; Macedonia, Greece, Crete, Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa the rest; to Constantius Thrace with neighboring Mysia, Asia, Syria, Egypt, and of the East the Empire from Illyricum to Nisibis. But because Constantius the second-born had been drawn into the Arian heresy's defense, through that Presbyter, to whom his testament dying the Emperor had commended, was deferred St. Athanasius' return, for a whole and more year: the Eusebians meanwhile in the Arians' favor moving every stone, that both himself they might keep off, and whatever to their counsels opposing orthodox Bishops, with heretical men into their place substituted: who under Constantius retarded, as prolixly sets forth himself Athanasius in the epistle to the Solitaries, asserting the Eusebians, because through women a commendation they had to the Emperor, to all themselves to have shown terrible. 1 p. 813 To the women further, among whom was the wife herself of Constantius, to be numbered also the Eunuchs of the palace ought: who as themselves to the Eusebians' wishes altogether had fitted, so also obnoxious to themselves immoderately the Emperor drew whithersoever they would.

[123] Nonetheless, when in the year CCCXXXVIII somewhere had come together the three brothers, and among the rest about peace to the Churches to be restored had treated, as from Athanasius himself is gathered, at length it is granted, they ordered each to his fatherland and his Church to return, about others indeed writing to each one's proper Church; but about Athanasius these, Constantine Caesar to the people of the Catholic Church of the city Alexandrian. 1 p. 814 I think not to your holy mind to be unknown, that Athanasius the of the adorable law interpreter, therefore for a time sent into the Gauls was, since the ferocity of the bloodthirsty enemies of him perilously threatened his sacred head, lest perchance through the wicked, those machinations something incurable he should suffer. writing about that matter to the Alexandrians Constantine the Younger. But that to elude snatched from the jaws of men plotting against him, he was ordered with me so to live, that in whatever he stayed city with all necessaries he should abound; although the venerable man's virtue, on divine help relying, of a harsher fortune the weights lightly esteemed. Therefore since the Lord and Father mine Constantine Augustus, as much as he wished, on account of your distinguished piety, the same Bishop to his place to restore; but by human chance forestalled, before this his vow he fulfilled, fell asleep; congruous I judged, that I the purpose of the Emperor of pious memory should undertake and fulfill. When he to your sight shall have come, you will know in how great honor with me he was. Nor less, if anything graciously toward him I have done; for to this my mind moved and induced of desire your representation, and the very of so great a man appearance. Divine providence you preserve, beloved Brethren. Given XV Kalends of July. At Trier.

[124] Returning he twice treats with Constantius, To Athanasius' to Alexandria returning journey to look seems what in the Apology to Constantius he writes, that him the Emperor that deigned to see, first at Viminacium, which place is at the Danube in Moesia first, and again at Caesarea, which is in Cappadocia: of which two meetings and the later third at Antioch, as witness the Emperor himself's memory he appeals, whether either then about the Eusebians him afflicting with him he made mention; or accused any of them by whom he was affected with injury. 1 p. 676 he sees Paul Bishop at Constantinople, But if, he says, neither for those things about which me to speak it behoved I accused them, whence to me this madness, by which before the Emperor I should have traduced the Emperor, and brother with brother committed? of which namely falsely he was charged by his rivals. 1 p. 813 In the same journey at Constantinople passing Athanasius, present was at the accusation aimed at Paul the Constantinopolitan Bishop, as he indicates in the Epistle to the Solitaries, Paul's orthodox faith even by this proving, that who this made guilty Macedonius, even then with his guilty one, of whom a Presbyter he was, communicated.

[125] But since Alexandria not yet had entered the Saint, and through Syria on the journey from exile returned, 1 p. 725 by the Prefect of Egypt were condemned some, he passes through Syria, for whose cause it shamed not the adversaries, savagery to Athanasius to impute: which deservedly are indignant the Alexandrian Fathers, since, if even in Alexandria itself he had been, nothing to him would have pertained of the Judges or Prefect the acts, from a matter no ecclesiastical an occasion having. 1 p. 748 Note also the same Fathers, that returning from exile Athanasius, his church, by which he was received, even then vacant found: and thence they infer, him, when he was relegated into Gaul, not to have been held for truly condemned; and his Throne still vacant he receives. in whose place another constituted could have been and ought. How great then was of that Church the gladness nowhere is expressed: the comparison however which institutes Nazianzen, a later other of Athanasius reception describing, seems this most time to regard, in which, from a similar flight and for the same causes undertaken, to Alexandria he returned. 3 p. 18 For if that later one, with no other whatever meeting's festivity comparable, with this however could be conferred; it behoves it altogether the greatest and almost inexplicable to have been.

CHAPTER XII.

New machinations of the Eusebians, both with the Emp. Constantius, and at Rome with Pope Julius; whom Athanasius himself goes to.

[126] Scarcely had returned to Alexandria Athanasius, when his adversaries, fearing, From returned Athanasius fearing for themselves the adversaries, as Rufinus says book 11 chapter 15, lest if perchance of approaching the King Constantius a free at some time opportunity should be made for Athanasius, through him the truth's faith, which they perverted, according to the Scriptures he should be taught; in all ways him to charge before the Prince they undertake, and against him very many criminous at once and flagitious things compose. 1 p. 724 But especially, from that which above we touched occasion, on account of the Prefect's acts nothing to him then still absent pertaining; they object slaughters and homicides to have been perpetrated after Athanasius' entrance. Which the Alexandrian Synod refuting Slaughters, it says, altogether none, neither by Athanasius nor through Athanasius committed was … Slaughters and chains alien are from our Church: they calumniate that slaughters for his cause were done, to an executioner no one ever Athanasius delivered: nor a prison, as much as in him was, on account of him ever was wearied. Our sacraries, as ever, so also now clean are, and by Christ's blood alone and true into him piety sanctified. Not a Presbyter, not a Deacon slain by Athanasius was, nor death to anyone or exile he inflicted. Would that those, who truly persecution stir up, nothing such against him had done! for no one for his cause hence went into exile, except the very Bishop of Alexandria, Athanasius, by those driven: whom dismissed, again with the same and worse evils they study to involve, and altogether to false and deadly words their tongues they sharpen.

[127] Another then crime they devise, which the aforesaid Synod thus sets forth and refutes. Grain was given by the father of the Emperors for the sustenance of widows, partly Libyan partly Egyptian, which even now they receive, Athanasius nothing thence taking except labor. 1 p. 737 that the grain to be given to widows he turned to himself, Now however receiving they, nor complaining anything, but to be furnished to themselves confessing, is traduced Athanasius, that the whole grain he bought and into his own uses laid up: and this wrote the Emperor, by their criminations to complaints to be put down induced … while they themselves study the grain to turn away from the Church through such a calumny, and to the Arians to transfer.

[128] But especially accused Athanasius the adversaries, witness Socrates book 2 chapter 5, that by the Council of Tyre deposed, without the counsel and consent of a common Council of Bishops, that without the Council's assent he returned. the grade of the Priesthood again he had ascended; and from exile returning, by his own arbitration into the church he had rushed … nay even, what at Tyre against him had been done, they brought forth into the midst: not only with Constantius, to such to be undertaken prone, (as appears from his querulous about grain epistle, of which already we made mention) but also to Rome and to the Emperors Constantine and Constans writing. 1 p. 815 but in vain with Constantine and Constans. But because the legates sent by Athanasius, as he himself says in the epistle to the Solitaries, their lies refuted, were rejected with shame by the Emperors aforenamed. 1 p. 675 Elsewhere also confesses Athanasius, that at Alexandria being, necessary he had to excuse himself by letters with Constans, on account of those things which the Eusebians calumniously to him had written. Finally collected and everywhere sent were by the Synod Alexandrian testimonies of the Priests Libyan, Pentapolitan, and Egyptian, that even thence it might be established about the calumny to Athanasius inflicted.

[129] Meanwhile Eusebius, who long before his eyes had cast to the Episcopate of the city of Constantinople, which into the primary of the Empire seat erected had been by Constantine (for in the same manner from Berytus to Nicomedia he had leaped across) just as by accusing he had effected that by Constantine relegated into Pontus Paul the Constantinopolitan Bishop was; 1 p 813 so also with Constantius he acted, Paul of Constantinople being driven out his See occupies Eusebius, that a convened upon that business Synod, he should be deposed again from that See, and himself substituted, persuaded, as the Alexandrians about him complain, in the greatness of cities his religion to be, and the lot of God, according to which constituted and ordained he had been, for nothing reckoning. 1 p. 727 St. Paul is venerated on the day VII of July, when about his exiles and death more fully to be treated will be by us; now of him here to make mention suffices, for the Alexandrian Arians he takes care a Bishop to be ordained, insofar as his history involved is with the Acts of St. Athanasius: to whom that the same bean they might pound the Eusebians, Antioch they choose, for holding against him and the orthodox faith conventicles; but meanwhile for the Arians who at Alexandria were, by Secundus the Arian Bishop to be ordained they take care a Bishop, Pistus.

[130] Of those who at Antioch had come together the chief were Dianius of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Flacillus of Antioch, Narcissus of Neronias, Eusebius now of Constantinople, Maris of Chalcedon, Macedonius of Mopsuestia, Theodorus of Heraclea the Bishops: who to Julius the Roman Pope letters sent: and judging themselves Athanasius about to terrify, asked a Synod to be indicted, and himself if he would Julius to be made judge. 1 p. 739 These letters, together with the Acts of the Tyrian Conventicle, and to Rome to be cited Athanasius he asks. before so sedulously concealed, brought to Rome the Eusebians' legates, Macarius the Presbyter and Martyrius and Hesychius the Deacons: who seem also in their mandates to have had to insist with Julius, that to Pistus he should write, so that thus to seem the Pontiff with that one, whom an Arian to be they dissembled, he hither thither his Presbyters sends, to communicate. These being known not was wanting to himself and his cause Athanasius: but also himself Presbyters of his some to Rome dispatched; to whom the Eusebians, as in his epistle testifies himself Julius, in no way equal, and ever by them convicted and refuted, a Council to be indicted asked, and letters both to the Eusebians and to Alexandria to Athanasius to be sent, by which they should be convoked, that before all by a just judgment about the cause it might be learned: for then themselves about Athanasius about to prove to be, what now they could not… Athanasius' Presbyters with good confidence before Julius resisting.

[131] The same Presbyters also taught, that Pistus (for whom had begun to solicit the Pontiff the Eusebians, before those to judgment themselves presented) an Arian to be, who before Julius the adversaries confound. and on that name both by Alexander and by the Nicene Synod ejected: and the grade of his order from a certain Secundus, whom likewise the great Synod as an Arian had rejected, to have received. 1 p. 743 To these indeed neither Macarius' comrades contradicted, nor Pistus to have been by Secundus constituted denied … But Macarius himself the Presbyter when he had heard superior to be Athanasius' Presbyters, the Pontiff his and Martyrius and Hesychius' presence awaiting, although by bodily sickness he was held, by night however withdrew, confounded on account of the refutation of Pistus, as much as it was allowed by conjecturing to attain. These himself Julius.

[132] Meanwhile congregated was at Alexandria already often cited the holy Synod from Egypt, [to the same and other everywhere Bishops writes for Athanasius the Alexandrian Synod,] the Thebaid, Libya, the Pentapolis; 1 p. 722 which to all everywhere of the Catholic Church Bishops, to Julius especially, wrote for Athanasius that long Epistle, which all of it he reports in the Syllogus, and from which very many things in the preceding we have received, the history of the things about the Saint done and of the calumnies to him aimed containing. The exordium of that Epistle is this. We could indeed, most beloved Brethren, immediately from the beginning of the forged against Athanasius our fellow-minister calumny; then after his to Alexandria return, respond upon the feigned crimes of the Eusebians, and at the same time show how nothing except mere impostures they had objected. But because times those did not permit it, as you yourselves know, but afterward we judged for the restitution of the Bishop Athanasius they would lower their face and with shame to be suffused for so manifest injustice; on account of the old calumnies by the Eusebians impudently renewed, we thought the matter to be passed over with silence. But since after so great of that man's calamities, after the gone-to Gaul and life abroad spent, after the all-but endured death, on account of their accusations, unless a more humane Emperor he had used, after these finally all things, with which any enemy satiated however much fierce could have been; since, I say, they blush not, but again impudently are carried against the Church and Athanasius; and his dismissal grievously bearing and worse than the former machinating, they fear not what in the sacred Letters written is, A false witness unpunished shall not be, and, A mouth which lies kills the soul; we cannot be silent longer. Prov. 19 Sap. 1

[133] Hence entering into the matter proposed, each of the accusations against Athanasius aimed heads they set forth and refute, most efficaciously demonstrating their vanity, the same severally refuting, equally as of the judgment at Tyre exercised the injustice: finally in the conclusion of the Epistle about the Eusebians they complain, that now not secretly, but openly, the Arian men, and on that name by the whole Church condemned, against the Churches they incite, and a Bishop for them constitute, the Churches torn asunder from one another through fear, complaining that by them are fostered the Arians, that to them everywhere may abound cooperators of their impiety: and therefore both Deacons to be sent to the Arians, who with them communicating, and letters receiving and sending, the Church into a schism cast: those things also to be written everywhere which a heresy commend and the Church defame, as can be seen from the letters to the Roman Bishop, and perhaps to others severally written. And so all they pray, that this contestation undertaken, and under the false of the Egyptians name against the Saint to be written. with Athanasius they should condole, and a zeal and indignation should put on against the Eusebians … nor to them attend if again against Athanasius they write (for whatever from them proceeds, false is) not even if the Egyptians' Bishops' names they subscribe to the Epistles. 1 p. 738 Certain it is, they say, us not to subscribe, but the Meletians, men ever schismatic, who even now disturb the Churches, and seditions move, and decrees altogether absurd and almost heathen make; and those things perpetrate which a shame it is to commit to letters, but from their bearers they can be learned.

[134] for the same also others from elsewhere write. In the year CCCXXXIX these done and written seem (before in the following year a Council at Rome was indicted, of which below) but about the same time and zeal also from other provinces Bishops for Athanasius wrote, as Julius the Pope asserts in his to the Antiochene Synod Epistle, and, as in the Syllogus notes Athanasius, others both from Asia, both from Phrygia, both from Isauria, of which each one's names with their epistles are carried about nearly sixty- three. 1 p. 750, 1 p. 768 To which Julius the Pope opportunely adverting, the Eusebians admonishes, that if to their letters faith to be given they ask; fair equally it to be that to the letters of those who for Athanasius write faith be not denied; especially since, wherefore Julius a Council at Rome indicts; they from his fatherland far being distant, those who in the same places with Athanasius dwell, as about a man known and the things there done more certain, a good testimony about his life's innocence afford, affirming him not but with feigned crimes to be oppressed. 1 p. 746 Further Julius to the Eusebians and to Athanasius wrote, a Council to be made it behoves, where safely mutually they might object crimes, and the objected refute. 1 p. 815

[135] That of the Pontiff's mind being understood himself to himself to be approached determined Athanasius. whither when had come Athanasius, But when he to Rome had come, in the month about September of the year CCCXXXIX immediately Julius to the Eusebians letters wrote, and sent through two of his Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus; a certain day defining that either present themselves they should present, or should know themselves in all ways suspect to be held. 1 p. 739, 1 p. 816 But they when Athanasius at Rome to be present they heard, contrary to what they had hoped he would dare, and understanding an ecclesiastical assembly to be about to be, where neither a Count would be present, nor satellites before the doors keep watch, nor according to the prescript of Caesar would be done all things, by which reasons and not others the Bishops they had conquered; they dared not appear the Eusebians. who without that garrison not even to speak dared, so bristled and with fear were contracted, that the Presbyters they retained beyond the appointed day, an excuse-making meanwhile base feigning, themselves on account of the wars of the Persians to come not to be able. But in that matter nothing of truth; but the fear of conscience them urged. For what business of Bishops with war? or what of obstacle to them from the Persians arose, that the less to Rome they should come, a city indeed far-off and transmarine. Of the East meanwhile the places and their provinces going about, in the manner of lions they sought if anyone to them was adverse, that him through calumny they might cast into exile.

CHAPTER XIII.

The Antiochene conventicle's acts against Athanasius: Gregory the Arian's violent into his church entrance.

[136] A whole year and entire six months, says in his Epistle Julius, with us stuck Athanasius, the Eusebians' presence awaiting or however many to appear dared; and by his presence he shamed all: as one who to judgment himself had not presented, unless of himself confidence he had had. 1 p. 748 Nor indeed, says Julius, of his own accord he appeared, but by our letters called to judgment; just as also you we cited. Meanwhile Constantine the Younger forces against Constans moving, by a sedition military near Aquileia caught, Constantine the Younger being extinguished, to new hopes raised the Eusebians, and into the river Alsa precipitated perished, on the day VI of April in the year CCCXL. That death in Asia announced, that the Eusebians' minds vehemently it raised, doubt to be none can. And so the sent by Julius Presbyters variously to mock they began, many complaining about Julius himself, and namely, that the epistle which they had brought by Julius alone written alone addressed the Eusebians, and not also others at Antioch at the same time present, and together with the Eusebians constituting a Synod, which not universally rejected the Church; but the established in it Canons several approving confirmed, while them after the death of St. John Chrysostom it received into that celebrated compilation of CLXV Canons, in the Antiochene Council prevailing, as in the Councils of Nicaea, Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicea and Constantinople legitimately decreed: of which also two, which among the Antiochene are the fourth and fifth, the Chalcedonian General Council in Action 4 without scruple produced. A conventicle however in the title we said, because it in this history we consider, insofar as the first of authority parts in it having the Eusebians, and received to communion the Arians, made, that no by another eye it we ought to consider, than by which it considered St. Athanasius and St. Innocent Pope I, its outcome rather than its beginning considering; and more attending what the Eusebians intended, even in those things which otherwise rightly they constituted; than what regarded the Bishops several indeed orthodox, and from sole with the Arians communion reprehensible, so far however excusable, insofar as persuaded they were them by the sole of Consubstantiality word to be offended, the matter to admit.

[137] But Julius neither this excused to them writing back, but that freely he showed to be sinned in this, that the Arians, by all condemned, against the sentence of those who the cause judged, they received: nor however his communion to them on that account he denied, most beloved in Christ Brethren still them calling: but to the objected crimination, about Julius himself complaints they move most vain; as if to the Eusebians alone writing the rest of the Synod he had dishonored, he excuses himself not from elsewhere than from the Eusebians letters to have received against Athanasius, and therefore necessarily to those to have responded who had written. Similarly also to the other of the complaint's head, that alone to them he had written; consequent it is, he says, that you be indignant that they to me alone had written… although however alone I am who wrote, not my however alone sentence, but of all the Italians and of all in these regions Bishops I wrote. And this very thing testifies Athanasius in his to the orthodox Epistle, in the following year written, where he says, that, when not yet those crimes had come on (about which by Philagrius and Gregory perpetrated he complains, as soon we shall see) the Bishops at Rome, hostile to the former of the same men deeds, a council to be indicted and celebrated wished. 1 p. 950 But this dreading the Eusebians, says Athanasius, that the Church they might disturb and us from the midst take away, and a new assembly of their own at Antioch convened, and so without fear do what they would, and a censurer not have, entered counsel, and again at Antioch indicted an assembly, which Athanasius in the book on the Synods says to have been held at the time of the encaenia, namely of that Basilica whose foundations Constantine to be laid had ordered before ten years, to which came together in number ninety Bishops, the Consuls Marcellinus and Probinus, in the Indiction XIV, that is in the year CCCXLI, present there the most impious Constantius.

[138] Here the chief for the Eusebians care was, to confirm the deposition of Athanasius at Tyre decreed, they confirm the deposition of Athanasius and into the Alexandrian See to substitute another: for which Eusebius the faction's head to Antioch had summoned a certain to himself namesake, whose birth, instruction, doctrine from Georgius of Laodicea fully describes Theodoret book 2 chapter 6. But since this one to Alexandria to set out feared, because Athanasius by the Alexandrian people very much was loved, he preferred to the Church of Emesa to be set over; and from thirty- six mansions of Antioch a stranger Bishop was named, as says Julius. Gregorius was, by nation a Cappadocian, of whom to speak Nazianzen thinks his interpreter Nicetas and others, where excusing his fatherland Cappadocia, which him and likewise Georgius bore, the other afterward invader of the See (since indeed even in a vineyard thorns are born) immediately he subjoins: Nor indeed are there wanting who not even my namesake from fault free, who by doctrine's love and zeal at that time at Alexandria abroad acting, when by Athanasius himself most humanely, and for him they ordain Gregorius, not otherwise than of sons the dearest, he had been received; and so great with him favor he had obtained and authority, that matters of greatest weight to him were committed; counsel (as men's talk was) he had taken of rising up against his father and patron. And although others were actors of the tragedy, the hand however of Absalom, as it was said, with them was.

[139] But, who would believe Gregorius the invader, whom openly to all it was the chief furious erynnys's part to have sustained in the Alexandrian theater, to be excluded from the actors' number to be able, as one who behind a curtain hiding, diverse from him who once Athanasius' guest, of those set forth on the stage persons the modes and acts by a hidden moderates suggestion, and by the sole common talk to have been brought into the suspicion of a crime so notorious? What? that of his own whatever namesake treating Nazianzen, and his as of Absalom once a hand to have been with the adversaries indicating, to far earlier times and the first of the persecution against Athanasius moved beginnings seems to look. For mention being made about the hand of Absalom, immediately he subjoins: If anyone of you is, who that hand, from which on the holy man a false crime was inflicted, and the dead one living, and the unjust exile knows, what I say he understands: for these all regard Arsenius, and the Tyrian judgment, and the Trier exile. Whatever therefore part in this tragedy had that hitherto hidden namesake of Nazianzen, by whose cause in the mouth of the common people defamed even Cappadocia was, as new repeatedly adversaries to Athanasius bringing forth, that one acted in the year CCCXXXV; accordingly diverse from him he was, who in the year CCCXLI only into the scene came forth and died in the year CCCXLIX. in the year 335 his adversaries secretly favored. Finally that of singular modesty and reverence full of his namesake accusation, does it not seem to indicate Nazianzen to treat of someone, when these things were said years after the invader Gregorius' death more than twenty, still living, and of virtue, doctrine and dignity in esteem with him comparable, and whom his own he himself namesake by antonomasia called? But if free thoughts freely to bring forth it be allowed, no one is into whom suspicion of favor against Athanasius shown and of work to his adversaries secretly given, with a notable of ingratitude mark, more easily can fall it seems, than into St. Basil's younger brother St. Gregory of Nyssa; who at that time, in the flower of adolescence and of studies, an age of years perhaps thirty had attained, worthy whom Athanasius should receive so lovingly, and so confidently employ in business, hopes from everywhere greatest about himself making. But that suspicion if vain is not; to the same, to the better afterward joined and a professed of the Arians enemy, a just retribution repaid God, when he permitted that even himself in the year CCCLXXII a not unlike should suffer persecution from those with whom once he had colluded, and whole eight years an exile from his Church should act: which and his other praises abundantly ought to have washed out the stain, if any once was by a younger man in vexing Athanasius contracted.

[140] I return to the of the Alexandrian See invader Gregorius, by the Eusebians ordained at Antioch: which matter by what reason it was done altogether I am ignorant, says Julius, for not it was fitting, when we to celebrate a Synod letters sent, some to preoccupy the judgment of the Synod: then not it was fitting new those modes against the Church to be introduced. 1 p. 784 Julius is indignant at the novelty of the crime: For where is such an ecclesiastical canon or Apostolic tradition, according to which, the Church peace having, and the Bishops Provincial with the Alexandrian Bishop Athanasius consenting, should be sent in Gregorius, an external man, neither at Alexandria baptized, nor to the people known, nor asked by the Presbyters; and he at Antioch, should be created Bishop, thence to be conducted to Alexandria, not with the Presbyters or Deacons of the city, not with the Bishops of Egypt, the Eusebians, the Consubstantial being repudiated but with soldiers? as below we shall see. This matter accomplished, says Theodoret book 2 chapter 7, the faith to change they labored: who indeed to seem wished nothing of those things which in the Council of Nicaea were done to reprehend: but truly however they strove the faith of the Consubstantial with the Father Son to weaken, that gradually men to Arius' opinion they might impel. Therefore when formerly in the Hierosolymitan, as we saw, encaenia Arius' madness they had praised, and the Arians into communion to be received had decreed; understanding themselves therefore by all ill to be heard of for heresy, in various ways they wrote a Confession of faith. And first indeed they wrote an epistle, by which they deny themselves Arius' followers to be, or, since they are of Episcopal order, a new of faith formula they establish, a Presbyter to follow: nay rather they say, themselves of his faith, that is the Arian, examiners and approvers made, rather him to admit than to follow: but expressly to believe … in one son of God only-begotten, before all ages existing, and coexisting with the Father from whom he was begotten. 1 p. 892

[141] But since the former they had repented and new ones had devised, another in the same encaenia they issued epistle, professing themselves to believe in the son of God only-begotten, through whom all things; and him to have been born before the ages from the Father, and again another, God from God, Whole from Whole, Sole from Sole, Perfect from Perfect, King from King, Lord from Lord, the Word living, Wisdom living, Light true, the Way, the Truth, the Resurrection, the Shepherd, the Door; immutable and inalterable as to Divinity, and essence and will, power and glory; the Father's image of dissimilitude devoid, the First-born of all creation, and the same in the beginning with God the Word. 1 p. 894 Theophronius further Bishop of Tyana a faith of this kind in the presence of all promulgated; and another. to which all, the man's religion approved, subscribed. In this however is said the Only-begotten, through whom all things, to be begotten from the Father before the ages, God perfect from God perfect, and with the Father to exist in his own person. Which all, in words diverse, in sense the same and Catholic, to this looked, that it might be persuaded the Consubstantiality confession, since the word was unwonted to the Scriptures, not to be extorted from men, the matter itself as it seemed holding; and that excluded the Church could be pacified, received into it the Arians; and for disturbers to be held, who them under the pretext of the Nicene faith excluded wished.

[142] Such things at Antioch to be done and further to be done understanding Athanasius, thought not with so great of his Church danger, Returns meanwhile to Alexandria Athanasius, into which to be sent by force Gregorius daily to be feared could, longer for himself at Rome to be waited in vain to be the adversaries, whom judgment to escape sufficiently it appeared. To Alexandria therefore he hastened to return, where him in the Pascha that deadly storm caught, of which full is all the ecclesiastical history. The matter as it was done it helps from Athanasius himself to learn, who in the epistle to the Orthodox prolixly this argument treating, of this kind a history to us sets forth.

[143] The matters at Rome and Antioch begun, when ill to themselves everywhere conscious the Eusebians, and the Eusebians with Constantius treating, of their cause in an Ecclesiastical assembly despaired; Constantius, as of the heresy a champion, they go to with laments: and Thou seest, they say, all from us to fall away, few remaining we are: begin to persecute, since even by these few we are deserted and forsaken left: whom indeed by force to our communion through the exiles of Bishops we drove, they by the Bishops to their Sees returning, that against us they think, are persuaded. 1 p. 815 Write therefore to all, and send again Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt: for he, as in fact already it has been plain, fit is for things to be done: send likewise Gregorius a Bishop to Alexandria: for also that one will be able our heresy to stabilize. So Athanasius to the Solitaries, but to the Orthodox before he had written what follows. And so we according to custom living in peace, is set forth an edict about receiving Gregorius. and the peoples rejoicing over the frequentation of the synaxes; and in a good according to God conversation profiting the sacred fellow-ministers through Egypt, the Thebaid, and Africa, and by a mutual both among themselves, both toward us peace connected; behold there immediately the Prefect letters sets forth, in the form of an edict, as if a Gregorius certain Cappadocian, a successor to me came from the Court. 1 p. 944

[144] The people more frequent within the church gathered, The fame of that business then, as in a new matter, and now also after the matter performed, perturbed all. Greater therefore for that cause into the temples of the people the concourse, especially because they knew neither themselves, nor a Presbyter, nor a Bishop any to have complained of me; alone however the Arians with him they saw, and himself an Arian to be they knew, for the Arians sent by the Eusebians … The peoples therefore grievously it bearing and on account of such a novelty to the churches coming together, lest of the Arians the impiety to the ecclesiastical faith be mixed; Philagrius, who once the church and its holy Virgins with contumely had affected, breaks into it with armed men the Prefect Philagrius, and now of Egypt Prefect was, of our religion an Apostate and Gregorius' fellow-countryman, nothing holy in his morals having, but by the Eusebians' patronage supported, and so much the more zealously against the churches acting; of the gentiles troops and of the Jews and whatever dissolute men he hires with promises, which afterward he pays; and them suddenly sends into the churches against the people with swords and clubs … 1 p. 945

[145] And the church indeed and the baptistery were burned with fire; but howlings and lamentations were heard through the city, the citizens being indignant on account of those things which were done, and crying out and about the force done protesting. the Virgins and monks are dragged, For the holy Virgins and undefiled were stripped, and suffered nefarious things, or if they resisted, were in peril of life: the monks trodden with feet to public servitudes were delivered * or with swords and clubs beaten were taken from life; others were wounded or beaten. But upon the table sacrosanct what impiety was not committed! They offered birds and pine-nuts, idols they praised; our Saviour Jesus Christ, of the living God the son, they blasphemed within the very churches of the Lord; the church is defiled, the sacred books, there found, they delivered to the flames: but into the holy baptistery, alas the audacity! Christ-slaying Jews and profane gentiles, rashly entering and themselves stripping, said and did, such things as even to narrate would be a shame. Nor were there wanting men impious, who, imitating the persecutions of old their bitterness, the Virgins and continent women with injected hands they dragged, and dragging compelled to blaspheme and to abnegate Christ, but refusing they cut down and trampled.

[146] By such crimes that admirable and splendid of Gregorius the Arian entrance adorned, the ornaments and utensils are plundered, as a wage and prize of a wicked victory affording, to the Heathen and Jews and others such things against us daring to be plundered he gave the church. But by that insolence and wickedness once permitted, were committed things more terrible than in war, more atrocious than in robbery; while these plundered what was at hand, those in cells laid up divided, and a great of wine abundance either drank up or poured out or carried off, and oil laid up they plundered; the doors likewise and lattices as refuse they carried off, and candelabra to the wall they placed, and the church's wax-tapers to idols they kindled. Finally in the church another thing to see there was not than rapines and slaughters: nor at these did they blush the Arians impious, but worse besides and crueler they added. For Presbyters and laymen were exposed to contumely, lifted onto shoulders the Virgins were brought to the Prelate's tribunal and were cast into custody: others to the public were assigned and were beaten with scourges; bread also to the sacred Ministers and Virgins to be given was prohibited.

[147] These things were done in Lent about the Pascha; and when fasted the Brethren, and these about the Pascha: that admirable Gregorius, Caiaphas emulating, with the Prelate Pilate against the pious worshippers of Christ raged drunk. Certainly on the day of Parasceve, more atrocious things even done at Pentecost, with the Prelate and a multitude of gentiles, one of the churches having entered, because he saw the people his violent irruption to shun, made that the most cruel Prelate at the same hour thirty-four Virgins, matrons and freeborn men, should scourge publicly and into prison should send: among whom of the Virgins one, of reading studious and still the Psalter holding in her hands, when similarly the Prelate had ordered publicly to be beaten with scourges; the book itself indeed was torn apart by the executioners, but the Virgin into custody delivered. These things thus done not were they quiet not even into the following day: but counsel they entered that also into another church, two other churches being invaded. in which most I was conversant in those days, the same as before they should do. But therefore to this also they wished to extend their fury, that me there sought out they might kill: which also it would have been done, unless Christ's grace had helped me, that by flight escaped these few to you to narrate I might be able.

[148] So far in the epistle to the Orthodox Athanasius, which as now edited it stands perpetually for Gregorius Georgius exhibits, which all are wrongly ascribed to Georgius, afterward similarly raging. with an error so much the more prone, the more easily these two names are altered; and the more both of this Gregorius, who by Philagrius the Prefect by force was led in; and of Georgius, who after years fifteen by the Duke Syrianus introduced the same occupied See, more similar beginnings, perhaps also the outcomes were. But sufficiently each distinguish the names of the Magistrates, under whom and with whom the things done are narrated; nor one place manifestly corrupt, of which soon below num. 152 it can effect, that the epistle that to later times we transfer; which begins the Saint from the history of the Levite, who injury suffered in his wife, the dead one's body cut, and the parts into all the tribes sent; that to all to pertain might be believed a crime, such as in Israel never had happened; just as there Athanasius shows the Church Alexandrian never so dire things to have suffered, as under Gregorius the Arian it endured. But the Pascha of the year CCCXLI, in which these things were done, was celebrated on the day IX of April.

* ἐδημεύοντο

CHAPTER XIV.

Other crimes of Gregorius the intruder against the Orthodox.

[149] I, says Athanasius, his epistle to the Orthodox pursuing, Athanasius flees, when I saw them to the extreme to have come madness, and with myself reckoned by what reason to beware I could lest further harm should suffer the Church, the Virgins be defiled, and slaughters again be done, and with new injuries be vexed the people; secretly I withdrew myself from the multitude, the Saviour saying, If you in one city they shall have persecuted, foreseeing an onslaught also against himself to be about to be made: flee into another. 1 p. 947 For from those evils which they had perpetrated in the other church, I knew no crime against this one in which I was staying they would omit. Certainly not even the Lord's of the sacred Festivity day there did they revere, that the less then also into custody they thrust men, when the Lord from the chains of death all absolved; and Gregorius with his herd-mates, in attacking Christ on the Prefect's power relying, the liberating day of Christ to his servants turned into mourning (the Gentiles rejoicing at these things, and the feast itself deriding) and the Christians bound with the woes of chains, the mandates perhaps of the Eusebians fulfilling.

[150] By such therefore violence the churches the Prefect snatched, the snatched to Gregorius and the Arians delivered: So were the churches delivered to the Arians: and who by us on account of impiety excommunicated had been, about the churches' rapine congratulate themselves: but the people of God and of the Catholic Church the Clerics are compelled either to communicate with the heretics' perfidy, or from the churches to abstain from entering. Nay even to shipmasters and other sailing the sea no slight violence inflicted Gregorius, others through the Prefect subjecting to torments, others binding and into prison thrusting, that his injustice they should not contradict, but should receive from him letters, such namely as abroad setting out faithful, that by others also they might be received, and the Prefect to the Emperor writing against the Saint, to be given were wont. And not even with these content was he, but with our blood also to be satiated desiring, he persuaded the most cruel and his accomplice the Prefect, that, as from the will of the people a suffragation against me to the most pious Emperor Constans he should write, in most odious conceived words, by which not to be fled merely, but a thousand punishments worthy I might be esteemed. And the writer indeed of the suffragation, before this of the religion Christian a deserter, adores the idols of the heathen; but the subscribers either heathen are and of the idols sacristans, or Arians.

[151] Finally, lest more prolix in writing I seem, a persecution is at hand, a most savage persecution moved Gregorius against the Catholics, and indeed such as never against the Church was made. For in another before this persecution, if flight chose anyone, even lying hid he could be baptized; now however a greater cruelty is exercised, and to the Babylonians' impiety most like. For as then the adversaries of Daniel, so now this admirable Gregorius, those privately in his house praying to the Prefect delivers, and the sacred ministers most injuriously watches; so that on account of that violence many not baptized are in peril, many without visitors are sick and lament, the very disease bitterer esteeming such a calamity. For the ministers of the Church a persecution suffering, abominate the peoples the impiety of the heretic Arians: and they prefer rather so to be sick and to be in peril, than that upon their heads come the hands of those. For an Arian Gregorius is, and for the Arians sent; and therefore besides these indeed no one him asks; he himself indeed, as an alien and a mercenary, whatever bitter and grave things through the consenting to himself Prefect inflicts on the Catholic Church's people, as by no means his own.

[152] For since… him, whom for the Arians before the Eusebians had constituted, after I about him wrote, his communion shunning, you the Catholic Church's Bishops, his impiety learned, to anathema subjected and excommunicated declared; therefore Gregorius to the same Arians they sent. But lest also this one, me similarly about him writing, the same should suffer ignominy; an external force against us they used, that while the churches they possessed, of Arianism the suspicion they might seem to escape. But in this also frustrated of their hope they were: for no one of the Ecclesiastics himself joined to Gregorius unless either heretics, or for a cause ejected, or on account of the Prefect's violence to dissemble persuaded. Whom before to the Arians the Eusebians sent, Pistus was called, as above we saw: whose name and memory since it lay hid, just as before of Pistus. and the whole this about Gregorius narration, to be about Georgius believed the scribe, to some perhaps in the beginning of his manuscript error, the rest fitting the context, doubted not, but in that place, which by points we have marked; should be understood he who Georgius immediately had preceded, namely Gregorius.

[153] So far the related things briefly touching the same Athanasius, in the epistle to the Solitaries other certain things about Gregorius adds here by no means to be passed over, although after Athanasius' flight done, namely that thereafter even Bishops were scourged and with bitter chains bound: when namely, the Alexandrian Churches occupied, through the rest of Egypt force carried about the Duke Balacius and Gregorius himself, Vexed in like manner others through Egypt Bishops, that himself the Province whole the Primate to be acknowledged he might make. 1 p. 816 Then therefore Serapammon a Bishop and Confessor, into exile they drove: but Potamon, who a Confessor also himself an eye in the persecution had lost, cutting with blows on his neck inflicted, not before were quiet than a dead man to be they believed. Then namely cast away by them, and scarcely after some hours cured and revived, he resumed his spirit; God to him life granting, but very brief. After a little time, for from the blows' pain, he died, having in Christ the glory of a second Martyrdom: of whom see more to be said May XVIII, when his name in the Roman Martyrology is had.

[154] and variously rages Gregorius, How many other monks were scourged, sitting at the tribunal Gregorius, with Balacius who Duke is called! how many Bishops cut down! These however all afterward that miserable Gregorius invited that with him they should communicate… Nay even the Bishop's aunt thus he persecuted, that not even dead he allowed to be buried; and so unburied cast away she would have been, unless these who her received, as their own dead had carried out; so far was he impious. Besides when pilgrims various an alms received, he ordered to this given to be plundered, and the vessels in which oil and wine were brought to be broken … Finally many also other things he did, which of speech surpass the faculty, and one hearing them incredible would esteem. The Latin interpreter of Athanasius Philagrius writes, where in the Greek of either edition is said for a tribunal to have sat Gregorius: perhaps because that he believed less fitting to be for a Bishop: but it was fitting for a tyrant, and consonant are the rest which are noted of Gregorius' crimes: wherefore I judge, Philagrius immediately from expelled Athanasius to have returned to the Emperor; or to the to be reduced under the yoke of the Arians city intent, things abroad to be done to the soldiers' Duke Balacius to have committed.

[155] For the rest these things therefore thus he perpetrated, because neither according to an ecclesiastical canon ordained he was, as an illegitimate invader, nor according to the Apostolic tradition to the Episcopate called; but from the Palace with a military hand and magnificent pomp sent, as a Magistrate secular about to enter. For the same also cause of Princes more, than of Bishops or monks, he desired to be a friend. If at any time therefore even Father Antony himself to him from the mountain wrote, he abominated his writings (for piety to impiety an abomination is) but if the Emperor, a Duke, or a Judge letters to him sent, so he was cheered, just as those of whom in the Proverbs as if with a complaint it is said, O ye who leave the right ways, and of secular pomp alone an esteemer: ye who in depraved things delight and rejoice in the perversion of the wicked. Him certainly who of this kind brought epistles he remunerated with moneys; but of Antony at some time writing the letters to Balacius the Duke to be spat upon he gave. But the divine vengeance that by no means neglected: a little after, namely turned the horse, on which the aforesaid Duke was carried to the first mansion, him bit in the thigh, and on the ground prostrated death within three days took away. So far in the epistle to the Solitaries Athanasius: who afterward in the Life of St. Antony, number with us 109, that Balacius' deed and punishment, no made of Gregorius mention, more distinctly narrated: so that not by him on which sat himself Balacius, but by the equally riding Nestorius' horse most gentle, thrown down and lacerated the wretch is said: but is premised indeed that a Duke he was under Nestorius the Prefect, who although quickly after the intrusion of Gregorius had succeeded Philagrius, of which to us it is not established, can however Balacius' death after several years to have happened, since indeed Nestorius still held the Prefecture in the year CCCXLIX, as in the return of Athanasius will appear.

[156] Which since so were, deservedly wonders Julius, how dared the Eusebians to write, that through the institution of Gregorius and Athanasius' expulsion, whom lest they receive other Bishops, peace great at Alexandria and in Egypt was made. But prudently Athanasius, to the Orthodox Bishops concluding his Epistle, thus admonishes. 1 p. 747 If therefore Gregorius to you should write, or another about him; not, I pray, Brethren, receive the epistles of him; but tear them, and with indignation repel: but if also a pacificatory formula he dare to note, neither this admit: for those who it received, by fear of the Prefect manifoldly were compelled to it to carry through. But since likely it is even the Eusebians to you about to write about the same, I have studied you by admonishing to anticipate, that God, or his epistles or his fautors the Eusebians, with whom is not the acceptance of persons, imitating, you may expel them; because in this time persecutions, debaucheries, slaughters, rapines, burnings, and blasphemies, through heathen and Jews, in favor of the Arians, into the churches they introduced. What? that not even Gregorius himself can deny himself to be an Arian: for will convict him who to all the letters subscribes Ammon, already long by B. Alexander my predecessor, for many causes and on account of impiety ejected from the Church. Deign however to write back to us, and the impious to condemn; that the here is Clergy and people, your orthodox doctrine and a mind to wickedness contrary understanding, may rejoice in Christ of its with you in faith concord; but those who such things against the Church perpetrated, by your letters admonished, even late may be able to come to their senses.

[157] So far Athanasius, the next after the Roman Council's indiction year, namely the same CCCXLI, writes to all the Orthodox Athanasius: in which these things happened: that hence also doubted it cannot be, but to Gregorius, not to Georgius, the epistle regards. In which since no is made mention of Arsacius the Eunuch, whom to Philagrius joined to have been indicates the Epistle to the Solitaries, we suspect of him no so proper a crime to have been extant, on account of which he ought to be named. But it seems written not long after the Pascha, which in that year celebrated was on XIX of April; before certainly than from Alexandria having gone out Gregorius with Balacius the Duke, of whom here no mention, those things perpetrated against the Bishops and Monks (for these in the Paschal time so many as is supposed to have been at Alexandria not is credible) which we have reported from the aforesaid epistle to the Solitaries, after years from now sixteen written. [whose epistle's defects, from another after written to the Solitaries are supplied.] From this however we learn besides, that of Quirinus to have been named was the church, which the first and chief of Philagrius and Gregorius onslaught received. The same whether burned also with the baptistery was, or another of St. Dionysius called, not I divine: one thing I believe, to have erred those who wrote, the very indignant Catholics fire to the church of St. Dionysius to have cast. Objected that indeed was to Athanasius I know: but in the same as the other calumnies manner I receive, namely that devised the adversaries to of their own crime the infamy onto the orthodox to roll. From each also diverse to be it behoves that one, to which a similar lot feared Athanasius unless he departed, namely the greater to St. Theonas dedicated.

[158] for the Nicene Council's Capitula to be recovered, I will not here, to the exaggeration of the evils, to the Alexandrian Church inflicted, and sufficiently from Athanasius described, add, that the Arians the books all, even to the least going, nor one iota leaving, for the truth's faith, the Nicene Synod, by which the Clergy and people was imbued and most now imbued were, burned; 2 p. 623 so that therefore necessary they had Athanasius and the Bishops Egyptian to Mark Pope Roman to write, and to ask, that to them he should transmit of the same Council the capitula seventy, such as through blessed men Victor and Vincent the Presbyters, of the Apostolic See Apocrisiaries, were sent to Pope Sylvester, under the of Athanasius himself with his Bishop present testimony. For all that epistle, as to St. Athanasius' works is inserted, a pure and sheer figment is; equally as the answer of Mark himself, a transcript of those seventy capitula sending, it is feigned he wrote to Mark Pope, as it is borne; and Athanasius himself and his fellow Bishops animating amid so many adversities, and exhorting to the heretics with all by which they could severity to be extirpated, VIII Kal. of November Nepotian and Secundus most renowned men Consuls. In that indeed year, which was the year of Christ CCCXXXVI, lived St. Mark, nine not entire months Pontiff; but he died the day before the Nones of October, by all even most ancient catalogues' consent: but then St. Athanasius an exile was acting in Gaul: but the invasion which there is described, and through which would have been done that loss, of which no in the certain Saint's writings is mention, not but the fifth after St. Mark's death year happened. an altogether abnormal figment. Then escaped from the enemies' hands Athanasius, what convenience could he have of assembling immediately a Synod of Bishops, with whom he should strive for that loss to be repaired? But what need was there through an epistle to be sent, what soon at Rome present he could have received? By what then reason can it be credible, of those Canons, which through all severally Churches to be promulgated the Synod wished, as we saw, either a single only copy in Egypt to have been and the neighboring regions, or all to have been able to be abolished so quickly, that from Rome to be sought a copy should have been, when of the Nicene faith no one yet openly dared to contradict? Who further of the ancients, who about the Council of Nicaea sufficiently accurately wrote, anything said similar to those things which about the seventy Capitula are said in each Epistle?

[159] Omitting therefore so portentous figments, to the Eusebians, Athanasius' enemies, and of all that tragedy the authors, let the speech return. They were at Antioch, meanwhile while these things were done at Alexandria, Meanwhile the Eusebians again a new of faith formula establish, by no means idle; but to their matter intent, scattered everywhere calumnious Epistles, the abdication of Athanasius probable they attempted to effect. Nor less about their esteem solicitous, since everywhere themselves they understood to be noted as of Arianism fautors; not content with those faith formulas, which through the times of the encaenia they had formed; and judging, not enough perfectly to have written themselves, as fluctuating in mind; another again they compose writing about the faith, by which they could have seemed Catholic, after months not many; and they send into the Gauls Narcissus, Maris, Theodorus and Marcus; who, as by a Synod sent, to Constans Augustus, and to others there all, that delivered. 1 p. 894 In the same that, in words, as to the faith about the Son, conceived it is in which the former; but with this at the end a clause increased, But those who say, the Son from non-being or from another subsistence, and not from God to be; and, There was a time when not yet was the Son, if the Arians they fostered not. alien from itself reckons the Catholic Church. Rightly: but the same Church those errors had condemned in Arius: and yet went on they to communicate with the Arians, and their faith to excuse as true, and in all ways to be received to contend.

* read Vito

* read Facundus

CHAPTER XV.

Pope Julius and the Emperor Constans striving, is assembled the Synod of Sardica: from which themselves withdraw the Eusebians.

[160] From Alexandria a fugitive Athanasius How Philagrius' and Gregorius' hands escaped Athanasius, where he lay hid, how long in Egypt he stayed, nowhere expressed I find. Credible it is, that, things so disturbed, as quickly and secretly as he could, a journey into Italy he retraced, without any digression. For thus he writes in the Apology to Constantius: I set out from Alexandria, not to the camp of thy brother, or to another anyone, but to Rome only, myself and my things to the Church about to commend. 1 p. 675 This one to me a care was. To Rome he betakes himself, Nor indeed vain. For soon as the time was at hand, for celebrating the Council indicted in the year preceding, about the beginning of the month of June; the Presbyter Vito, he who at the Nicene Synod for Sylvester the Pope Legate had been present, more Bishops than fifty into the Council brought, and he is absolved by the Council, who Athanasius' defense undertook, and decreed with him to be held communion and charity. 1 p. 739

[161] Further not only Athanasius, of the inflicted to himself injuries complaining, was present; but also very many other Bishops, says Julius, from Thrace, Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, to which from everywhere many had come similar complaints about to lay down: Palestine came together: but Presbyters not few, partly from Alexandria partly from elsewhere to the same Council ran together; and before all the Bishops there congregated, among the rest of their sayings complained they, force and injury to the Churches to have been inflicted, and their Churches the same to have suffered which the Alexandrian, and in them similar things to have been designated. 1 p. 751 But from Egypt and Alexandria since again had come upon Presbyters, letters with them they brought, by which of very many Bishops and Presbyters the complaint was contained, themselves, when hither to the Council they proceeded, to have been detained and still to be detained. and at length returned those who at Antioch were detained legates, There came upon finally the Council already begun the Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, the year before to the Eusebians legates, and beyond the day of the Roman Council's beginning indicted detained and mocked at Antioch: but where in a place about their return treats Julius, and even to January detained the Presbyters seems to say, for January to be read to be June, evident it is to one comparing the times. 1 p. 744

[162] They brought back from Antioch epistles, excusing their absence by that cold Persian war's pretext; and accusing Julius, as if rashly into communion he had received Athanasius, and the Council of Tyre's decrees had rescinded; while themselves a cause none could fit render, why Athanasius' deposition they had accomplished, and the Nicene Council's decrees they overturned. These letters read, great indignation arose against the Eusebians; and they asked Julius, and the Eusebians' epistle bringing, that to those from whom letters he had received he himself should write back. 1 p. 739 Did this Julius diligently, and sent letters through Gabianus the Count, especially complaining, that his Presbyters, whom with joy sent back it behoved, they sent back with mourning, on account of those things which there done they had beheld; he confesses also that when the letters of them he had unrolled, after various back and forth thoughts, them to be suppressed he thought, in that hope because he believed at least some of them about to come, nor need to be of such epistles: but when no one appeared, necessary it was that them he should produce. 1 p. 740

[163] And believe me, says Julius, all of admiration full scarcely persuaded could be, to the same writes back Julius. that such letters from you had set out, which of contention rather than of charity were. Then of the deeds and counsels by themselves entered the insolence, of Athanasius on the contrary the innocence most clearly sets forth the Pontiff; and finally concluding, I beseech, he says, that these things no further be done, that henceforth these injuries should not suffer the Churches, that a Bishop or Presbyter should not be affected with contumely … for each one of us of those things which here he has disturbed an account will render in the day of judgment: and I desire that all according to God the same think, that the Churches with their Bishops received perpetually may rejoice. With these admonitions nothing with the Eusebians availing, discerning Athanasius nowhere himself in the East safe to be about to be from their snares and violence, he stayed in the West under the quieter of Constans rule.

[164] Again the Eusebians a new formula write. But the Eusebians, after so many confessions of faith divulged, again as if the former they repented, after three years from the sent into Gaul legates of whom above, again into an assembly they come, perhaps at Antioch; and they send away Eudoxius, Martyrius, and Macedonius, with some others, into the parts of Italy, about to bring a faith prolixly written, and many appendices new having. 1 p. 895, 1 p. 899 Of which the most inept last thus has: These things compelled we are, after the faith in compendium issued more widely to explain, not of ambition's cause, but that ourselves from all suspicion we might purge to those who our things are ignorant; and that all in the West may understand, both the impudence of the heterodox us calumniating, both the Easterners' ecclesiastical in Christ mind, to which among the incorrupt all a testimony by no means violent by the sacred Scriptures is borne. To which Athanasius Orat. I against the Arians, well notes, the Eusebians, while perpetually they write, their own selves changing, their uncertain faith, or rather their certain infidelity and madness to show. 1 p. 289 But that in fact was plain at Milan, whither coming those three whom above from Athanasius I named, Constans the Emperor writes to his brother about calling a Council, since Arius' heretical opinion they would not condemn, from the Council with angry minds they went out, as says Liberius Pope in the Epistle to Constantius in the year CCCLIV written; in which that done saying before years eight, the time of that Council of Milan he shows to have been the year CCCXLV. 1 p. 818, 1 p. 676

[165] On this occasion Constans the Emperor, who at the Council was present, more certain was made about the Roman Synod, and about those things which both at Alexandria and in the East whole against the Churches were done. And so to his brother Constantius he wrote … and that as from the Apology is established, the fourth after the Synod Roman year, immediately after the Milan, which I said, Council. Then also to Athanasius he wrote that to him he should come to Milan, where then he was: … certain indeed Bishops … from him had asked, that to his brother he should write about a Synod to be made. When therefore I had come to Milan, says to Constantius himself Athanasius, I experienced much his humanity. He deigned indeed to me into his sight admitted to say, and about the same matter treats at Milan with Athanasius, how letters he had written and sent to Thee, asking that a Synod should be made: in which, as is said in the Epistle to the Solitaries, should be recognized what done were: lest further should be afflicted those who had suffered injury; and who it had done, lest such things further to dare they could. 1 p. 818

[166] The aforesaid Athanasius' with Constans meeting calumniated afterward his adversaries did, as if the mind of the Emperor against his brother he had moved by delations criminous. Of which he himself in the Apology purging himself, denies it to be credible, that before the Emperor, with standing by so many, ill he had about Constantius spoken. 1 p. 675 Never indeed, but neither then nor otherwise without witnesses. he says, without companions thy Brother I saw, nor he ever alone with me alone words mixed: but always with the Bishop of that place in which he was acting and others who were present, to converse I entered; together with them him I saw, together with them from the conversation I withdrew. Of this can testify Fortunatianus of Aquileia Bishop, can also Father Hosius, and Crispinus of Padua, and Lucillus of Verona, and Dionysius of Lydda, and Vincent in Campania Bishop: but since dead are Maximinus of Trier and Protasius of Milan, testify for them will be able Eugenius, who Master was: for he before the veil stood, and heard, both what I the Emperor asked, both what this one with me deigned to communicate.

[167] Ordered further Constantius and Constans the Bishops, both of the East and of the West, it itself at Sardica in the confine of either Empire he convenes, to come together at Sardica, a city of Thrace, in the confines of Upper Mysia toward Mount Haemus, between Naissus and Philippopolis, so that under Constantius it might be a place, lest anything could decline the Eusebians; but neighboring to the jurisdiction of Constans, lest the Westerners remoteness should excuse. 1 p. 754 Meanwhile Eusebius from the Nicomedian made of Constantinople, of the adverse faction the head, his day fulfilled; nay already he had died before four years, before than his and his companions' epistle Julius the Pope at Rome received, at the time of the Roman Council (if we believe Socrates, that asserting book 2 chapter 13) or at least (as book 3 chapter 6 Sozomen) the Council of Antioch finished, before the sentence of Julius from Rome he received. There remained however other zealots of dissent, in favor of the Arians to be continued, Theognis, Maris, Theodorus, and the rest, especially Ursacius and Valens, of whom thenceforth frequent to be made mention. These while themselves to the Council gird, after the death of Eusebius, and the rest from the Empire whole Bishops, the year of Christ CCCXLVI flowed by: to which we refer what says in the Apology Athanasius, himself in the city being (of Milan whether of which a little before he made mention, or the Roman? I judge that of Milan) transmitted into the Gauls, whither Father Hosius himself had betaken, that thence to Sardica they should set out. 1 p. 676

[168] But celebrated was the Council, as write Socrates and Sozomen, Rufinus and Eusebius the Consuls, in the year 347. which is the year of Christ CCCXLVII, after the death of the Great Constantine the tenth: which of time space notwithstanding about the Council, thus speaks Severus Sulpicius book 2 of the Sacred History as if he himself had ordered, by the impulse of eighty Bishops in Egypt, Athanasius unjustly condemned to have been pronouncing, at Sardica to be congregated; and every judgment by which Athanasius condemned had been to be retracted; but that, since meanwhile himself had died, that Synod at length was congregated, Constantius (for whom in the editions wrongly is read Constantine) now Emperor. But there came together (as to the Solitaries writes Athanasius) Bishops more or less a hundred seventy. 1 p. 818 to which the Eusebians bring a Count and a Castrensian. And from the West indeed mere came Bishops, with themselves having Father Hosius; but the Easterners led with themselves, pedagogues shall I say? or advocates, Musanius the Count and Hesychius the Castrensian; on account of which confidently they had come, hoping by their power supported themselves again whatever to effect: for through such men terrible themselves they showed, to whom it seemed; and to whom it was pleasing, they laid snares. But when they came, they found, an ecclesiastical custom only to be observed, and from each Church and city accusers to be at hand, and documents and of the matters proofs in readiness; and they saw Arius and Asterius venerable Bishops, who with themselves indeed had come, but from them had withdrawn, but a judgment purely ecclesiastical about to be seeing, and joining themselves to us narrated their solicitude, as for their matters fearing, and lest a judgment should be made dreading, nor convicted should be calumniators, and by those whom they had used accusers it should be proved themselves to have suggested all and instructed.

[169] These things therefore having beheld, although eager they had come, reckoning us by fear terrified by no means about to dare to approach; when they saw the promptitude of us, within the Palace they shut themselves (for there they lodged) and to each other thus spoke: To other things we came, than what we behold. We came with Counts, they deliberate about flight to be entered. and without Counts a judgment will be made: it is done: we shall be condemned. You see what mandates set forth are. Those who with Athanasius make, in their hands have the commentaries of the things in the Mareotis done, from which this one indeed will be justified, but we shall be confounded. Why then do we delay? why do we hesitate? Let us feign a cause and withdraw, lest if we stay we be condemned: better it is for fleeing us to blush, than that staying we be convicted to be calumniators: so perhaps in whatever manner we can the heresy we shall defend: but if us fugitives they condemn, we have a patron the Emperor, who will not permit that by the people from the churches we be expelled.

[170] So indeed they disputed: but Hosius and the rest all the Bishops frequently to them announced the confidence of those who were with Athanasius, in vain them inviting to appear Hosius, and how prepared for the cause to be pleaded, promising that their sycophancies were about to be uncovered. To these they said, If a judgment you fear, why hither came you? for it would have been better not to have come, than after you have come to flee. Such things hearing, and more and more dismayed, a more absurd than at Antioch excuse using, and saying themselves laureates about the Persians conquered from the Emperor to have received; they snatched flight, and this cause, nothing ashamed, sent through Eustathius of the Church of Sardica Presbyter. But neither so to them their flight according to their wish succeeded. Immediately the holy Synod, of which president was the great Hosius, and the Synod threatening judgment, plainly to them wrote. Either come about to answer to the accusations to you objected, and the calumnies which you have machinated; or know yourselves indeed for guilty to be condemned by the Synod, but those who with Athanasius are of all fault devoid and free to be judged. But them their own more urged conscience, than that by such letters to be persuaded to themselves return they should allow: for seeing those whom they had affected with injury, not even to look at those speaking daring, more quickly even they fled.

[171] Such therefore and so indecorous and base their flight was. 1 p. 839 and Athanasius himself even unjust conditions accepting, And yet even Hosius, as afterward in the epistle to Constantius he wrote, of his own accord Athanasius' enemies had provoked, when to the church, in which he was staying, they had come; that if anything against him they had, they should produce: and he had promised them security, nor anything else they should expect than a right in all things judgment. And that not once, but twice I did, he says; that if they would not the matter by the whole Synod to be discussed, at least me as judge they should use; and I promised even us Athanasius, if in fault he should be found, about to eject: but if innocent he be detected and you he shall have shown calumniators, and nonetheless him you refuse to admit; I him will persuade that with me into the Spains he come. Which all conditions received obediently Athanasius, nothing against gainsaying: but they, to all distrusting, withdrew. So Hosius: whose words Spaniards certain in Tamayo in the Martyrology interpreting more freely, even thither drew attempted, that he might be believed in fact into the Spains to have led away Athanasius, whose restitution into his own See Alexandrian he had not been able to obtain. Nor this only, but to such even they proceed of madness, that in a monastery of the Calahorra diocese, yet not into the Spains gone as feign some. today Valvanera, under a humble name and office of a cook to have lain hid him they say, and when of the wood to the hearth applied the remaining ashes more were accumulated, than for him convenient it was to carry out daily; to have obtained by prayers from God, that those thenceforth by an insensible decrement being taken away, he should not have need about them to be wearied; which to this very day there to be done perseveres. But that if a miracle is, Tamayo after Marieta to another far later Athanasius attributes; who by profession a layman, by office a cook, by life a saint, in that place under the rule of St. Benedict served; but by posterity unskillfully was with Athanasius the Great confused. About him whatever it be; we judge, us, departed from Sardica Athanasius advanced beyond Aquileia not to have been; nor any we find a fit argument for affirming either now or afterward a staying Spanish. For what are alleged instruments, of his mention making, of a later age are all, than that to a matter to ancient writers unheard faith they can establish: and perhaps another not they suppose than the presence of the Head which thither with the tongue, as below we shall see, translated to be had is believed. But the very Hosius' epistle, while a secession so far-off it conceals, which most opportunely could have been alleged for proving how he was from contention alien Athanasius, sufficiently proves it falsely to be established: that of Athanasius' own writings nothing I say, no anywhere of Spain by him gone-to mention making.

CHAPTER XVI.

The Sardican Fathers' rescripts for Athanasius: the Eusebians' violent counsels, to Constantius given: to whom at length their calumnies are disclosed.

[172] But the Synod (as writes Athanasius to the Solitaries, the begun narration pursuing) collected from provinces more than twenty-five, From 25 Provinces collected the Fathers (for so I correct, and where now in the Greek is had λε᾽, to be put it ought κε᾽ I am convinced from the same Provinces' enumeration, prefixed to the Synodic epistle to the Alexandrians) namely from Rome, the Spains, the Gauls, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, the Pannonias, the Mysias, the Dacias, Noricum, Siscia, Dardania, and second Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, Egypt; the Arians' malice known, they received Athanasius' followers for the defense of those things which they had suffered, Athanasius with his men innocent they declare, and about which they themselves them had calumniated. 1 p. 819, 1 p. 756, 1 p. 820 And when they had given an account of all, which before we have explained; undertook the defense the Synod, and above measure wondered; and their communion having embraced, wrote letters to each one's diocese, especially to Alexandria and into Egypt and Libya; by which it was signified, Athanasius indeed and his companions pure and of all fault devoid to be; but their accusers, sycophants and criminals, and anything rather than Christians ought to be called.

[173] The letters to the Alexandrian diocese's Presbyters and Deacons, and others more prolix to the Egyptians and Africans, and about that matter everywhere they write, Athanasius entire inserted in the Syllogus, which enough it is there to be read to be able; since to the history as to what pertains, and what already before more fully said not is, scarcely they contain anything. In the former however this singular is, that Aphthonius and Athanasius the son of Capito Fellow-presbyters, the same fraud from the Eusebians having endured, some of them into exile driven, others by fear of death threatened fugitives, similarly received and innocent declared are reported. But to the latter are subjoined the names of those, who since to be present they could not, the after Hosius subscribing each one, received however the Synodic already said, by Hosius and the rest of the Fathers at Sardica subscribed, themselves also with their suffrages the decrees of the Synod approved. But those names so are subjoined, that of those who in the Synod subscribed with the names mixed, and into seven classes according to the chief of the Christian orb regions distributed, are read. 1 p. 768 Adds further Athanasius, that there were very many likewise others, who before that Synod for himself wrote, both from Asia, both from Phrygia, both from Isauria, to whom acceded also the absents' suffrage of whom each one's names with their epistles were carried about, nearly sixty-three; but in all three hundred forty-four to be numbered, who to the Synod's decrees subscribed. 1 p. 768 Notable it is also that after Hosius from Spain, as the Council's President, and the Synodic letters to Julius is named Julius Bishop of Rome, as present through Archidamus and Philoxenus Presbyters his; and to these next Protogenes of Sardica.

[174] But those subscriptions, and especially of the Bishops of Cyprus, are not collected except after to Alexandria Athanasius returned. 1 p. 820 There is extant also, Of the adversaries are condemned some. among the fragments from the work historical of St. Hilary of Poitiers Bishop, a third certain epistle to Julius the Pope, briefly insinuating the acts of the Synod with the subscription of Bishops one and sixty; in which epistle's end is admonished the Pontiff, that his excellent prudence dispose ought, that through his writings those who in Sicily, in Sardinia, and in Italy are Brethren, what done are and what defined may know, and lest ignorant they should receive their communicatory Epistles whom a just sentence degraded; but should persevere Marcellus, Athanasius, Asclepius in communion, because to be a hindrance to them could not the unjust judgment and the flight and tergiversation of those, who to the judgment of all the Bishops to come would not. And these indeed Athanasius and others with injury accused dismissed with peace: but Stephanus and Menophantus, Acacius and Georgius who at Laodicea for Bishop was, Ursacius likewise and Valens, and Theodorus and Narcissus they deposed; but of Gregorius, to Alexandria sent, the name so in his condemnation they recited, that never him a Bishop, nor worthy who with the Christian name should be called, they reckoned: for they rescinded all the ordinations which to make he presumed, prescribing lest those even should be named in the Church, on account of the matter's new indignity.

[175] But what to these the Sardican fugitives? They had betaken themselves to Philippopolis of Thrace, a city very near; and there retaining the Sardican Council's title, these indeed to Philippopolis having set out, that more easily the world they might delude, their matters they on the contrary acted. And first, having protested themselves not to be able to come together as long as in the Synod sat Athanasius, at Tyre condemned and deposed, and others whom for duly convicted and condemned they wished to be held; when in vain themselves to protest they saw, contrary all things they defined than were at Sardica constituted: and, as has Sozomen book 3 chapter 10, established those things which about Athanasius and others they had decreed, first Julius Bishop Roman, under the name of the Sardican Synod contrary things they sanction, because with them he had communicated,… then Hosius the Confessor … and Maximinus of Trier Bishop they abdicated, and besides those also Protogenes of Sardica, and Gaudentius of Naissus. These same as pursues there Sozomen, to all Bishops by letters they signified, lest either into communion they should admit, or write to them, nor letters by them written should receive.

[176] as if Athanasius they had convicted of crimes, before But it is worth the trouble to hear the very of the calumnious epistle words, as it, in Hilary in the fragments, Latin we have under the name of the Council of Sardica. Of Athanasius, they say, once of the Alexandrian Church Bishop, receive what done are. Accused and grievously before God a sacrilegious, and according to the mysteries of the Church holy a profane, with his own hands he shattered a cup to God and Christ dedicated, and the altar itself venerable he broke, and the seat sacerdotal he overturned himself, and the very basilica, God's house, the church of Christ, demolished even to the ground was. But a Presbyter, a man grave and just, by name Narces, he delivered to a custody military. Accused besides he was of injuries, violence, slaughter and the very of a Bishop destruction: and who also in those very days most sacred of the Pascha in a tyrannical manner raged, to Dukes and Counts joined: who on account of him some into custody shut, others indeed with blows and scourges vexed, the rest with diverse torments to his communion sacrilegious drove. How false these are all sufficiently from the preceding it is plain, yet they to be well known and legitimately judged by several attempt to show; then to further lies they proceed, and their own crimes upon Athanasius retort, as if those he had done himself which Philagrius by Gregorius being introduced perpetrated. For thus they speak.

[177] But while Athanasius after his condemnation a return for himself from exile had procured, and after exile perpetrated. from Gaul to Alexandria after very much time came; and the past things into nothing reckoning, more keenly in wickedness prevailed: for in comparison of the following light are, what by him first committed were. For through all the way of his return the Church he overturned, condemned Bishops some he restored, to some hope to Episcopates of returning he promised, some of the unfaithful he constituted Bishops through fights and slaughters, nothing regarding the laws, to desperation attributing all. Thence by force, by slaughter, by war the Alexandrians' basilicas he plunders. Constituted already into his place, by the judgment of the Council, a holy and entire Priest, as a sacrilegious pest, the gentiles' peoples being brought, God's temple he burned, the altar he shattered, and secretly he goes out of the city and stealthily flees. To these similar they had premised about Marcellus of Ancyra, nor more true they subjoin about the cause of Paul of Constantinople; but about Julius the Pope, Hosius, Maximinus and the rest they add calumnies, which here to report nothing it concerns: and finally concluding, about God, says Sozomen, a faith formula they write; in that manner to think they bid, in which a formula of faith to the epistles subjoined prescribed: which as no of the Consubstantial made mention, so to those communion of the Church it interdicted, who should say three to be Gods, or Christ not, or the Father and Son and Spirit holy the same to be, or unbegotten the Son, or a time or age to have been when he was not. But not through this could they effect that the less they be rejected as Arians, whose obstinacy they imitated, and whose faith they wished to be and ever to have been orthodox.

[178] But these things omitted, the true of themselves crimes let us hear from Athanasius. But those who were unauthorized at Sardica, together with those who by so foul a flight had withdrawn, they rage against those not consenting with slaughters such things designated in their retreat, that the former crimes with these compared thou mayest least esteem. 1 p. 820 For since their communion, as of those fleeing from the Synod and noxious, the Adrianopolitan Presbyters shunned, the matter they brought to the Emperor Constantius, and effected that by the magistrate who there of the Fabric is named, * as laymen they were beheaded, subserving to them even to this Philagrius, who again a Count made had been. Of this matter the monuments before the city stand: which we, says Athanasius in the aforecited to the Solitaries epistle, among passing by saw: and so they confirmed therefore only to have fled themselves, lest as calumniators they should be convicted. But these things as persuaded they themselves, and with exiles: so the Emperor to be done ordered. Therefore also they effected, that from Alexandria into Armenia two Presbyters and three Deacons should be relegated. Arius also and Asterius, each a Bishop of Petra, the one of Arabia, the other of Palestine, who from them had defected, not only to be sent into Libya, but also with contumelies to be affected they took care.

[179] Further Lucius Bishop of Adrianople, whom they saw much against themselves confidence to use, and their to argue impiety; again, as before, they made with iron chains by the neck and hands to be bound, Bishops various to be relegated they make; and into exile to be cast, where also he died, just as those know. Diodorus also a Bishop (him likely who with the title of Tenedos subscribed to the council of Sardica) they removed from his place, and Olympius from Aenus, and Theodulus from Trajanopolis, both in Thrace Bishops, good and orthodox men, because the heresy they hated, they accused; first indeed the Eusebians, to whom the Emperor Constantius subscribed; now indeed by a new suggestion these, who from Sardica had fled. To Alexandria they write that from access be prohibited Athanasius; Written but was that not only they should be ejected from the cities and churches, but also that of the head the punishment they should undergo, wherever they should be found. Which indeed although wonderful, not however alien was from their minds; as those who such things from the Eusebians had learned, of impiety and of their intention the left heirs. But when, as their fathers, at Alexandria equally and in Thrace they wished themselves formidable to show; they make to be written, that the ports and of the cities the entrances be guarded, lest perchance on account of the faculty by the Synod made to the Churches they return; and likewise to the Judges Alexandrian about Athanasius and Presbyters certain by name, that whether the Bishop or any of them be found to have approached to the city or its confines, it may be allowed to the Judge the heads of those apprehended to cut off. So the Judaic heresy, not only to deny Christ, but also to kill learned.

[180] Nor however here were they quiet, but just as of their heresy the father as a lion goes about seeking whom he may devour; everywhere terrible themselves they render. so they, the convenience using of the public post, and everywhere going around, whomever they found, either flight to them reproaching, or of the Arian heresy a hatred bearing, they scourged, bound, from his fatherland an exile to be made they took care; so that many to feign preferred, many to deserted places to flee, than with them to be conversant. Such were the mad of them, even after the flight, daring deeds. Nay even something new they machinated, to their indeed heresy consonant, not yet however before heard, and perhaps not even done ever by more insolent heathen, so far is it that by Christians.

[181] The sent by the Synod to Constantius legates a prepared calumny The holy Synod had sent as legates Bishops, Vincent of Capua, which is of Campania the Metropolis, and Euphrates of Cologne, which is the Metropolis of Gaul, that the Emperor, as had judged itself to be done, should permit the Bishops exiles to return to their churches, since indeed himself them ejected. Had written also the most pious Constans to his brother, and the Bishops commended. These when at Antioch they saw those admirable and anything to dare prepared; they consult in common, but alone Stephanus (was this of Antioch Bishop an Arian) the tragedy to be adorned undertakes, as to similar things by far most apt. They hire therefore a public harlot, in the very most holy of the Pascha days; and her stripping, by night they send in to Euphrates the Bishop. And she indeed, a young man to be by whom she was called reckoning, promptly followed; but when sent in by them, it is detected through a harlot to them sent in: she saw lying a man and of those things which were done ignorant; then more diligently looking, she considered a senile face and an appearance Episcopal; crying out immediately, she protested force to herself to be made, although asked they that she should be silent, and a false crime on the Bishop she should impinge.

[182] its author Stephanus of the Episcopate is deprived: The day therefore made was divulged the crime, and the whole ran together the city: but those who in the palace were, by the matter's indignity moved, persuaded lest it should be pressed with silence. Came therefore to judgment, and the bawd indeed accused those who to her had come, but they himself Stephanus whose Clerics they were: who soon was deposed, and substituted for him a castrated Leontius, only lest should be wanting of the Arian heresy a champion. The matter the same at more length narrates Theodoret, and many smaller circumstances adds; Salian the Count urging that the Emperor the matter should learn, as that to the legates, by the Synod destined indeed, as says Athanasius, but either Constans' commands awaiting for a while, or after entered the first attempts returned, and again about to go away, as companion added Constans Salian the Praetor, a man for piety and justice distinguished. That Stephanus, whose crimes summarily he enumerates, a fifteen men troop, Onager a certain as leader, to the Bishops' lodging hid: who the harlot having entered a tumult should raise. That Euphrates, of the Legates the elder, in the outer chamber sleeping, and by the feet's noise roused, having heard and seen the woman, as at the sight of a demon was afraid, and to the cross's and prayer's arms fled. That from the number of the plotters seven, the doors being closed by Vincent were apprehended; and with insisting especially and being indignant Salian, was obtained from the Emperor and the Magistrates, that a question in the royal palace should be had.

[183] These and other things narrates Theodoret book 2 chapter 9: who the same chapter 8 had set forth a certain sum of the epistles, who moved by the threatening of his brother letters, by Constans to Constantius written, which not exhortation only and counsel contained, but also threats of a pious Emperor worthy … For unless he obeyed, himself to Alexandria about to set out, and Athanasius about to restore to the desiring him sheep. Adds Socrates book 2 chapter 18 Constantius, not moderately by these dismayed, to have summoned of the Eastern Bishops not few; and they to have answered, that better it would be Athanasius to restore, than an intestine war to undertake.

[184] and the Eusebians' frauds ascertained, the exiles he recalls, By whom persuaded the Emperor, somewhat compunct to himself returned; and from those things which to Euphrates they had done, conjecturing of this kind also to be the rest which against others they had machinated; the relegated from Alexandria into Armenia Presbyters and Deacons orders forthwith to be dismissed; and to Alexandria openly he writes, lest further a persecution should be made against the Clerics or Laymen to Athanasius adhering. Then after months ten Gregorius being dead, he summons also Athanasius. Who after the Council at Naissus having stayed, having received new from Constans letters to him betook: and the journey completed through the rest of the time at Aquileia stuck. 1 p. 676 Where me the letters of thy piety found, and with these Athanasius himself. says himself in the Apology to Constantius. Thence again by the of blessed memory man, namely Constans, summoned, into the Gauls I set out, and so I came to thy Majesty. These things briefly there; which as more amply are had elsewhere explained, so here more diffusely to be treated they are.

* Gr. δίκην λαικῶν.

CHAPTER XVII.

By many of Constantius' letters to a return animated Athanasius, a journey toward Alexandria undertakes.

[185] Of the year CCCXLVIII the Pascha, about which from the Antiochene Episcopate was removed the most impious Stephanus, Gregorius the Arian being dead, celebrated was on the day III of April; accordingly the death of Gregorius, the tenth after that abdication month understood, happened in January of the year CCCXLIX. The kind and cause of the death no one distinctly explained: alone Theodoret book 2 chapter 12, by the very Alexandrians slain says, by his too great barbarity and cruelty likely irritated. 1 p. 823 Athanasius, as we saw, is summoned by Constantius Athanasius, simply says him being dead summoned himself. But that done he says with all honor: because the Emperor, not once, or again, but a third time most friendly letters wrote, by which him he animated and to coming exhorted: he sent also to him a Presbyter and a Deacon, that with greater confidence to him he should return. For he thought, says Athanasius, on account of the former dangers me more delayingly to act about the return. He wrote likewise to his brother Constans, that he himself also me to the return should exhort: he affirmed indeed, that me for a whole year he had awaited (namely after the arrival of the Legates aforesaid at Antioch) nor had permitted any novelty or ordination to be made, from which to me he had promised the return, but the Churches to Athanasius the Bishop by himself to have been reserved.

[186] Those letters all, because to the Syllogus inserted the Saint, also here to be inserted I believed. The tenor of the first such is. Constantius, Victor Augustus, to Athanasius. 1 p. 769 Long thee to be tossed and vexed by monstrous of the waves storms our Clemency's humanity did not permit; by most humane letters, once, and of the paternal stripped household gods, despoiled of goods, and in places trackless and deadly wandering, did not desert our untiring piety. For although long very much I deferred to thee to write the of my mind purpose, hoping thee of thy own accord about to come to us, and of thy labors a remedy about to ask; yet, because perhaps the intention of thy mind impeded a fear, therefore of munificence most full letters to thy constancy we have transmitted, that secure to our sight as soon as possible thy presence thou mayest offer, so that of thy vow made partaker, and our humanity having experienced, thou be restored to thine. But for this cause also to our brother Constans, Victor Augustus, for thee I asked, that of coming the faculty to thee he give; and so, us on both sides assenting, to thy fatherland thou be restored, and have this of our grace a pledge.

[187] The second epistle of this kind was. Although by former letters we signified, that securely to our Court thou shouldst come; that, what thou thyself desirest most, thou be sent back to thine own; again, yet even now these letters to thy constancy we have sent, by which we exhort, that without all distrust or fear the public vehicles thou mount, and hasten to us; that thou mayest be able to attain, what thou desirest.

[188] Some finally interposed time, and perhaps about autumn, and a third time written, sent Constantius even a third epistle of this sense. When at Edessa we were staying with present thy Presbyters (likely to the first letters' invitation dispatched by Athanasius, that more closely the mind of the Emperor they might explore) it pleased that with sent to thee a Presbyter one, while the other namely in the Palace remaining of his Bishop the affairs usefully should watch over, again I should admonish, that to our Court thou shouldst hasten; so that, when our thou hadst seen sight, immediately to Alexandria thou mightest set out. But because, very much time intervening from which our letters thou hadst received, not yet thou hast come; therefore thee now anew to admonish we have studied, that even now at least as quickly as possible to us thou come, and so thou be restored to thy fatherland, and of thy desire be master. For a fuller instruction Achitas the Deacon to thee we have sent, from whom thou mayest learn the of our mind sentence, and that of thy vow altogether to be made partaker thou mayest. Nor with these content the Emperor, also his Counts Polemius, Datianus, Bardio, Taurus, Florentius, to whom most he could trust, ordered to write. 1 p. 823

[189] At Aquileia at that time was Athanasius, when these letters he received: by which him persuaded and to Rome having set out, who the whole matter to God acceptable referring, Constantius thus far to him inclining, to Rome went up, the Church and Bishop about to go to. 1 p. 770 Great therefore joy in the Church was; the Bishop Julius, at his restitution congratulating, letters to the Church of him sent: but further him passing other thereafter Bishops with peace conducted. But the letters of this kind were. Julius to the Presbyters and people placed under the diocese of Alexandria. Julius congratulated the Alexandrians I congratulate you also I, beloved Brethren, that the fruit of your faith at length before your eyes placed you see, in our Brother and Co-bishop Athanasius, whom on account of his life's purity and on account of your prayers God to you has restored. For mindful of the heavenly promises and thither tending the way, which from the discipline of the aforesaid our Brother you learned; you have known truly, and according to that which in you is a most right faith you have apprehended, not altogether forever severed to have been from you, whom in your most pious minds always as present you had.

[190] Not therefore for me to you writing of many is need of words; the kept toward their Bishop faith. whatever to you could be said by me, this your faith preconceived, and fulfilled through God's grace the common of us all vows. I congratulate therefore you (for again the same to repeat helps) that your souls in faith you have kept unconquerable: nor less I congratulate our Brother Athanasius, that among many things which he suffered harsh, no however hour into oblivion has come of your love and your desire. and him returning For although in body he seemed from you separated for a time, always however he lived as in spirit to you present. He returns therefore to you more illustrious now than when he departed from you: for if materials precious, gold and silver, to purity proves fire; what worthily can be said about such a man, who so many and so great dangers overcome is restored to you, not only by us, but also by the whole Synod received as innocent?

[191] Receive therefore, beloved Brethren, with all according to God gladness and glory, to be received he bids with all gladness: your Bishop Athanasius, and with him the rest of the same labors consorts: and of your vows made partakers made, rejoice, because your Pastor, of your piety by hunger, so to speak, and thirst laboring, with salutary writings you nourished and gave drink: for of him abroad staying the solace made you were, and in persecution placed you cherished with your most faithful mind and soul. I delight indeed certainly, already now in thought presuming and foreseeing each one of you in his return the gladness, and the most religious meetings of the multitude, and the glorious of those flocking together festivity. For who or what kind to you will be that day, when our Brother returning and all before done ceasing, his return most honored and most longed-for all will unite in the joy of the most liquid delight? Further of such joy a part indeed great to us also reaches, to whom divinely it has fallen that into of such a man we could come knowledge.

[192] and for them well he prays. Now in a prayer to end the epistle it is fitting. God therefore omnipotent and his son the Lord and Saviour our Jesus Christ, remunerate your admirable faith, of which toward your Bishop glorious you have given testimony: and to you and your posterity, now and in the future those goods grant, which neither eye saw, nor ear heard, nor into the heart of man ascended such as them prepared the Lord for those loving him, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to omnipotent God glory for ever and ever.

[193] When with these from Rome dismissed Athanasius, and at Antioch arrived, and into his camp, as says Hosius, Constantius him kindly receives, coming, with a sincere and serene countenance beholds him Constantius the Emperor, and to him power makes of returning into his fatherland to his churches. 1 p. 839, 1 p. 823 But Athanasius, sorrowfully having complained of those things which either he had suffered or against himself written were, asked that should be cited all enemies his, who at Antioch at hand were; so that either they should be refuted, or should refute before Caesar himself; and either him present should demonstrate those things to have done which they had objected, or absent thenceforth not should calumniate. Which when to them had indicated the Emperor, to be excused they asked, and he swears thenceforth himself not to be about to believe his accusers: just as Hosius indicates. Wherefore to urge further Caesar not willing, this indeed which asked Athanasius he did not; all however things which before through accusation written against him were to be removed and abolished he ordered, affirming no himself further accusations about to receive, and this fixed to himself and certain to be a purpose. Nor simply said, but also an oath with words added, God upon these a witness calling.

[194] he asks for the Arians a church at Alexandria to be granted: Afterward, just as narrates Rufinus book 11 chapter 19, admonished the Emperor by impious counsellors, It is not, he says, great, Athanasius, what the Bishops ask of thee, that one of the many, which at Alexandria are, churches thou grant to the peoples of those who with thee to communicate will not. Then he, God suggesting to him a ready in the time counsel: And what is, he says, Emperor, what to thee asking it is allowed to deny, who power hast of all things ordering? But one is what I ask, that my also little petition willingly thou admit. but Athanasius in turn for the Catholics one asking at Antioch, And when himself all things which he would, although they were difficult, he promised about to furnish; This is, he says what I ask; that because also here (for at Antioch the matter was acted) are our peoples who with these to communicate will not, one to them to hold thou grant a church. Most fair that to himself to seem and very much to be furnished, answered the Emperor: but when the matter he had brought to those whose counsels he used, neither there themselves to wish to receive a church, nor here to give they answer.

[195] For indeed as observes Sozomen book 3 chapter 19. They esteemed their opinion among the Alexandrians no altogether progress about to make, and the Arians refusing the condition, on account of Athanasius, who not only for confirming to himself those consenting would suffice, but also for converting others. But if this were done among the Antiochenes, first indeed to be congregated the followers of Eustathius who many were; then, what consequent is, about to machinate things new: since not even now indeed, when they themselves the Arians held the churches, not altogether to their opinion assented the people and the Clergy all; but through choirs disposed, as the custom is, for God's praises to be sung together, at finishing the canticles his each subjoined opinion; some the Father and Son, as equally to be honored, glorifying; some the Father in the Son, and by this preposition's variety the Son lesser signifying.

[196] The prudence further of Athanasius having admired the Emperor…; since by many other ways him he had animated, and good confidence to have ordered, he is dismissed, with letters of Constantius to the Bishops of Egypt of this kind letters gave to the Bishops and Presbyters of the Catholic Church. 1 p. 772 Not is forsaken by God's grace the Most Reverend Athanasius. For although for a brief time subjected he was to human probation, a congruous however from the of all the inspectress providence sentence he carried back, receiving by God the best's will and our judgment his fatherland and his Church, of which by divine nod a President he had been constituted. Consequent further it is that of our mildness by the precept all things which before this decreed were against those holding his communion to oblivion be delivered, and all suspicion against him for the rest cease, and him following Clerics in that which formerly they had immunity conveniently be stabilized. Nay even of our toward him grace by the right to be added we think, that all to the sacred Order enrolled may understand, that to all to him adhering full be given security, whether Bishops or Clerics they be. Whoever indeed the better lot and choice having embraced his communion receive, them we wish, furnished to themselves divinely the grace, all to enjoy.

[197] In a like manner writing to the Catholic Church's people at Alexandria, and the Alexandrian people: he says himself to them to send back a man, of life rectitude and of morals probity among all most known; he exhorts to concord among themselves and with the Bishop to be held; and indicates, that, to every of disturbance and of sedition occasion to be rescinded, to his Judges by letters he enjoined, that however many seditious they shall find with penalties and punishments of the laws they restrain. 1 p. 773 He wrote also to Nestorius the Prefect of Egypt, and in the same form to of Augustamnica, and contrary all decrees are abrogated. of the Thebaid and of Libya the Presidents about the restitution of Athanasius, and the immunity of those adhering to his communion; and besides, when he had ordered all things, which before against Athanasius decreed were through the calumnies of Eusebius, to be abrogated and removed from the tablets of the Prefect and Duke of Egypt; and perhaps had answered Nestorius, those by himself not to be found; another to the same epistle he wrote, in the Epistle to the Solitaries related in these words: Certain it is that from our decree before divulged there survive diplomas, against the esteem of the most reverend Bishop Athanasius, and those to exist in the Province of thy holiness. 1 p. 774, 1 p. 824 We wish therefore that thy most approved discretion all the epistles, under the name aforesaid in thy province made, according to our command transmit to our Court … And sent for that cause Eusebius the Decurion, took away all from the tablets.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The glorious return of Athanasius to his Church, and the having followed it manifold fruits.

[198] To returning Athanasius come along the way friends: Things in this manner done and constituted, and Athanasius with his men the journey pursuing; friends certain a friend seeing, rejoiced; of others indeed some were ashamed him beheld, some indeed not daring to approach hid themselves; some even did penance on account of those things which against him they had written. Certainly all the Palestinian Bishops, except two or three and those suspect, so received Athanasius and his communion sought, that even they wrote and excused, that what before they had written, not of their own accord, but compelled they had done. These Athanasius in the Epistle to the Solitaries; in the Apology indeed he adjoins to the Palestinians the Syrians, whom indeed the journey's reason requires before gone to to have been.

[199] Apollinaris to the same is joined, But hither looks, what book 6 chapter 25 narrates Sozomen about Apollinaris the younger, a Poet, as there is described, exceedingly gracious, from of Epiphanius the Sophist and Poet gentile discipline, at Laodicea in Syria, and of the same Church once a Lector, then perhaps even a Presbyter, and afterward Bishop of the same or another Laodicea in Phoenicia: namely that to passing there Athanasius a familiar and friend especially he became. But since to the contrary faction, from which was Georgius, of that then city the Bishop, execrable very much was the communion of Athanasius, contumeliously from the Church is expelled Apollinaris, as if against the Canons and the Bishops' statutes he had transgressed, and by his Bishop is excommunicated. through that intercourse with the Saint: but crimes were objected ancient, and through penitence by the same deleted, namely that he a Lector still being under Theodorus Georgius' predecessor had gone out to hear a hymn, in Bacchus' praise by his master Epiphanius composed. Happy if a new ejection he had added to gain, nor had been solicitous about recovering the heretic Bishop's communion; and with Athanasius' love also he had held firmness of doctrine.

[200] But here, among the rest of his through Syria and Palestine journey's fruits, in the aforecited also he reports an Epistle, The Hierosolymitan Synod writes letters which the holy Synod, at Jerusalem assembled, President St. Maximus, as shall be said V of May, wrote to the fellow-ministers in Egypt and Libya, and also to the Presbyters, Deacons and people of Alexandria in these words. Not can we, most beloved, thanks for the merit sufficient render to of all the God, for those things which always he has done wonderful, but now indeed even with your Church, restoring to you the Pastor and Lord your, and our fellow-minister Athanasius. For who hoped ever these things himself to be about to see with his eyes, which now in fact we experience? Certainly your prayers heard were by the Omnipotent, his Church caring for, and your tears and laments regarding, and therefore also prayers receiving. You were as sheep cast away and scattered not having a pastor, therefore from heaven visited you that true Pastor, of his solicitous sheep, restoring to you him whom you desired.

[201] to the Alexandrians congratulatory. We also striving for ecclesiastical peace and to your conspiring charity, him anticipating we have embraced; and through him communicating with you, this salutation we send, and these our to you congratulating vows; that you may know, us also united to you to be through the bond of communion with him. But yours it is to pray for the piety of the most religious Emperors, who him even with all honor have deigned to restore, knowing your toward him love and innocence. They lived therefore, when these were written, still both Emperors, that wonderful it is the contrary to be maintained by Baronius; especially since Valens' and Ursacius' penitence, of which soon, as of an effect of the Hierosolymitan Synod, even anticipated the death of Constans: and these afterward relapsed, by his fear impelled themselves to have been alleged.

[202] About the Egyptian and Libyan Bishops, in what manner with this so longed-for felicity they rejoiced, and about those provinces' and of the Alexandrian diocese the people, all Egypt into a meeting pours forth: superfluous it is to speak; since all came to meet, and with ineffable joy were suffused, not only because beyond hope their own each one alive received, but also because they were freed from heretics, as from tyrants or rabid dogs. 1 p. 825 Most elegantly, as is wont, Nazianzen the poured-out of all gladness described: but with great, what deservedly thou mayest wonder, of things and times confusion: first when after Georgius' death, reigning now namely Julian; done he writes, which necessarily ought done to be understood after the death of Gregorius; then when according to Philagrius' Prefecture, which he entered in that very time, in which his unhappy Episcopate, not I say Georgius, but Gregorius, that which he describes meeting makes later: third finally when his gentile Philagrius, him to be he thinks, of whom to the repeated administration an entrance with so great of the coming to meet and exulting people frequency was honored. Namely that encomium wrote and said Nazianzen at Constantinople, far from Alexandria, as to himself either suggested his senile memory (for he was an octogenarian then more) or of Athanasius himself writings certain, perhaps not enough entire and corrected, the tenth only after the Saint's death year. Let it please nonetheless, him with his wonted facundity about this matter speaking to hear.

[203] After that of impiety storm (Georgius Nazianzen understands, just as describes Nazianzen, I Gregorius substitute) that corrupter of piety and forerunner of Antichrist, of the public wrath and vehemence became a victim (for also this about Gregorius say some) or at least by his death empty for Athanasius the See made; returned from his illustrious peregrination the Athlete: for so I call his exile, for the Trinity and with the Trinity endured. But his return most pleasant happened to the city, almost I would say to Egypt universal, from everywhere into one running together that even by the sole voice of Athanasius, or by sight it might be satiated; or even, just as about the Apostles we have heard, from the bare his shadow and empty of the body image sanctification it might receive. And since of many often from that time made were honorable receptions whether of Prefects or of Prelates, nay even of those who to the Emperors themselves were familiar and domestic; no one however remembers any to have been more splendid and more frequent unless he himself with himself be compared Athanasius, and with this pomp be conferred the prior other, by which he was received in the prior entrance, when he returned from a similar and from like causes endured exile. There is carried about but about that honor of this kind talk; let it be said, although superfluous, as a condiment of speech, and to its introduction a fit floweret.

[204] as in a similar afterward meeting someone may have said, Of those who twice to the Prefecture came someone, after that entrance was carried into the city (ours this was, as a Cappadocian, and indeed illustrious very much; Philagrius, I know, you know me to say) toward whom of the citizens the affection was, such as no other, nor toward another, and equal honor; he finally, to whom (that in a brief word the matter whole I may comprehend) again was delegated the Prefecture, the people supplicating and the Emperor suffraging. Then therefore from the common people someone, to whom an infinite multitude and as it were a sea certain seemed, since it with eyes to measure he could not, greater to be than to the Emperor would be done, is said to of friends familiar some, as to be done is wont, thus to have spoken: Tell, I pray, hast thou at any time seen a multitude so great, and so affectionately to of one man the honor poured out? But the young man to have answered, By no means: to me however it seems neither to Constantius himself so much to fall: as through him is exhibited to the Emperor, the supreme of honor summit to express wishing. The other further to do and sweetly laughing to have subjoined, nay than was made to Athanasius. as something great and admirable But I indeed scarcely esteem the very great Athanasius so to be brought in; and soon to have added an oath certain to the natives usual, to his saying confirmation.

[205] Which indeed speech to this looked, what to you manifest is, that he whom just now to be praised we took to the Emperor himself preferred may seem: so great was the man's veneration with all, and so great the admiration of him who now is commemorated entrance. For through sex, and ages, and arts divided were all, in what manner that city is wont to be marshalled, when a public to someone honor it exhibits. as a river was carried the people, But in what manner by speech shall I set forth of that spectacle the magnitude? A river one all were (of the Poets someone the Nile would say, that indeed gold-flowing and fertile) upward from the city to Chaereum itself rolling, of one day's journey and more. Give pardon that even here a little may wanton the speech, since in these things we are, nor easy it is the speech from that solemnity to recall.

[206] A foal him carried, in the same almost manner (far be, I pray, envy from the word) by which my Jesus once him, while on an ass carried the Saint whether the people of the gentiles whom from the chains of ignorance loosed by doing good he mounted, or whatever else that symbol signify. But this one received branches and various and florid garments cast on the beast and spread under, when thus far himself had lowered that supreme and most worthy and equal not having; but here Christ's entrance represented of those crying out and dances leading the crowds, except that not only of boys a multitude was which praises should sing together, but every altogether tongue, a certain of entering Jerusalem Christ might afford appearance. concordantly and without contradiction of anyone, mutually themselves to surpass contending. I omit now to say popular plaudits, of unguents profusions, and night-watches, and the whole city with light flashing. I am silent about banquets public and private and the rest by which gladness are wont cities to testify, and which to him then most amply and beyond measure were exhibited.

[207] So far Nazianzen, by the of the names Gregorius and Georgius affinity likely led away from the right of times reason, nay nor enough constantly them among themselves distinguishing; But here Nazianzen confounded of Gregorius and Georgius the names and times, so that since equal was of each in his entrance the savagery, nothing almost against Gregorius he says, but dire all against Georgius: after whose most cruel slaughter by the raging heathen common people perpetrated, again indeed Athanasius at Alexandria appeared, either from his there hiding-places coming forth, or from abroad returned into the city; by no means however believed ought to be, that under the new of Julian dominion, and the things of the Orthodox so far doubtful, so solemn a reception could be adorned. Wherefore confidently these things all I refer to this time, with respect to the first from the Gallic exile return, which Constantine the Younger's death preceded, and most splendid to have been even ought. For whatever now done was, because by the supreme of the two Emperors Constantius and Constans will it relied, just as outside danger it was, so it could and ought to have been most splendid, after such and so great about calumny and impiety victories, by public of the Synods judgments and the Emperors themselves' suffrages reported.

[208] and Philagrius' entrance to the second Prefecture As to the Prefect pertains, of whom the prior Magistracy so much was to the people gracious, that to a second to be asked he merited; I deny him to have been Philagrius, a man, as above we saw, from the religion Christian an apostate, and in vexing the orthodox most cruel: of whom deservedly Athanasius complains in the epistle to the Solitaries, that him Constantius, against the mind of the father Constantine, under whom the former he had perpetrated crimes, on account of the same perhaps unauthorized, for a second time Prefect sent, worse even about to perpetrate. 1 p. 844 Besides not agree the times, just as beginning I insinuated; and the reception of Philagrius the magistracy a second entering, with the of the other more gracious entrance, however much of Gentiles and of Arians by zeal it had been celebrated, that the supreme to be compared could with that, which to Athanasius befell before eight years. To have been ignorant ought the man Nazianzen, who him, because his gentile and a Cappadocian he was, so honorably here named. But what done and said he narrates, to have happened could in some of the afterward sent Prefects entering, say St. Artemius, by whose, with a double title to himself odious, slaughter, because both a Christian he was and to the Gentiles very much had been adverse; began Julian the persecution of those, who the chief under Constantius Magistracies had borne.

[209] But let us return to Nazianzen, eloquently pursuing of Athanasius into his Chair restored the praises: But was Athanasius after his return most humane All things, he says, as in a lyre one, agreed among themselves in the holy man; life, speech, contests, dangers, and what in the return and what after the return he did. For soon as his Church he obtained, not did he suffer what are wont immoderately by anger moved, whatever should occur repelling, although otherwise venerable, on account of the predominating fury; but he esteemed this to be a time of conciliating to himself minds. For since mostly it happens, that he who suffers more moderate is, but he who in power is placed more impotently acts; he so meekly and gently them treated by whom he had been affected with injury, that not to them themselves even troublesome, also toward the Arians: so to speak, was his return. For although he purged the sacred place from those, who God and Christ as for gain and traffic abuse, that in this also he might imitate Christ; that however not with a woven from cords scourge, but by persuasible speech he effected.

[210] He conciliated also those tumultuating, no mediator needing for them with himself and among themselves to be composed; and the magistery of true faith by word and writing resuming, he loosed the oppressions of those suffering unjustly, no difference making between those who of his part or the adverse had been: he resuscitated the collapsed Word, and courage so to speak added to the Trinity, again above the candelabrum placed, and with the clear of the one Divinity light all minds illuminating. Again he laws to the world to dictate, and of all minds to himself to draw; these by writing, those by voice instructing, some even of their own accord coming teaching, to all himself a norm setting which to follow they would: which indeed alone suffices for the magistery of virtue. But that in compendium I may say, of two laudable stones he imitated the nature, becoming an adamant to those striking, and to those dissenting a magnet, by an ineffable of nature virtue iron drawing, and of metals the hardest to himself by familiarity binding.

[211] Great therefore, says himself to the Solitaries Athanasius, of his otherwise praises a most sparing proclaimer, great from every of men kind fruits he gathers. alacrity of the peoples was in the sacred assemblies, mutually themselves exhorting to virtue. 1 p. 825 How many unmarried indeed still, but to nuptials inclined, to Christ themselves virgins kept! How many young men, others having beheld, a monastic life chose! How many fathers asked their sons, how many sons obtested their parents, lest their in Christ exercitation they should impede! How many wives persuaded their husbands, how many by husbands persuaded wives were, to be free for prayer, just as says the Apostle! How many widows, how many orphans, who before were famished and naked, from the immense of the peoples to alms alacrity, not only not hungered further, but also clothed went forth into public! Finally so great was to virtue emulation, that single families and houses just as many churches to be thou wouldst esteem, on account of the inhabitants' probity and prayer to God.

[212] But how great to the very Athanasius to be heard was the concourse of the Alexandrian multitude, and were to him the churches so narrow from this it is plain, that of the subsequent years in some to have happened he himself in the Apology confesses, in the Lenten synaxes, on account of the places' narrowness and the frequency of the people, very many boys and young girls and old women and young men not few home brought were almost crushed; so however that of them no one, which God's clemency was, thereupon died. 1 p. 682 But if, he says, on common days so great was the compression, what to be feared on the feast itself? Since therefore both the churches few and small were, and the people's number so great was, as in a Christian city to desire one could; not small a tumult was of those asking that in the great church (which then still was being built, or at least dedicated not yet was) assemblies should be celebrated, and there prayers should be made for the safety of the Emperor. Which also was done; so that of misfortune by fear he had to use the greater not yet dedicated. resisting although much Athanasius, and persuading that for a while they should wait, and although with pressure in other yet churches they should come together. But in this not was he heard: for they were prepared from the city to go out, and any journey labor rather to sustain, than the feast of the Pascha to keep with mourning. Which then matter of calumniating a handle to the adversaries afforded, as below we shall see.

CHAPTER XIX.

The penitence of Ursacius and Valens. New motions on account of Marcellus of Ancyra. The Syllogus by Anastasius compiled.

[213] There was in the Churches, as says in the epistle to the Solitaries Athanasius, a profound quiet and plainly wonderful, since the Bishops from everywhere wrote, Ursacius and Valens to Rome coming, and in turn received from Athanasius the wonted of peace letters. 1 p. 626 Nay even Ursacius and Valens, the letters of the Hierosolymitan Synod beheld (as in the Syllogus is indicated) as if by their own conscience scourged, penitence professed; and to the Bishop indeed a friendly and pacific they wrote epistle; but themselves to Rome went, and their confession in writing comprised delivered to Julius, of which a copy by Paulinus Bishop of Trier in Latin transmitted to Athanasius, and by Athanasius himself into Greek rendered, is found to each work apologetic to Constantius and to the Solitaries inserted, together with an epistle to Athanasius: but both epistles in Latin are extant in Hilary in the fragments of the Historical work from the Pithou library received: where however in inverted are reported order, since witness Hosius, before than to Rome they came, a friendly and pacific Epistle they wrote to Athanasius, in these words conceived. 1. p. 839 after to Athanasius peaceably they had written, Gave itself the occasion of the Brother and Fellow-presbyter our Moses, coming to thy Dilection, through whom to thee a greeting most ample we say from the Aquileians' city, and we wish that unharmed these letters our thou read over. But thou wouldst give confidence, if thou also in writing back a return to us repay. Indeed to have us a place with thee and communion ecclesiastical by these letters know. Divine piety thee guard, Brother.

[214] But a copy of the Epistle, which after the renunciation of the Easterners, Athanasius guilty not to be, in writing also there the fault they acknowledge in the city Rome, with autograph hand, Valens wrote, and Ursacius subscribed, such is. Since it is established, us before this many grave things, about the name of Athanasius the Bishop, by our letters to have insinuated; and by letters of thy Holiness convened, of that matter about which we signified not to have furnished a reason; we profess before thy Holiness, with all present Presbyters Brethren our, all things which before this to our ears came about the name of the aforesaid, falsely to have been to us insinuated, and of all force to be devoid: and to the Arians anathema they say. and therefore us most willingly to embrace the communion of the aforesaid Athanasius: especially since thy Holiness, for the implanted in itself benevolence, to our error pardon has deigned to give. They condemn then the heresy Arian, but in that sense in which to seem they wish always it to have condemned, dissembled of the Consubstantiality mention: and this epistle, says Hilary, after two years was sent, than the heresy of Photinus by the Romans was condemned. They err therefore, who the Roman about the cause of Photinus Council, defer to the end of the year CCCLI or the following beginning.

[215] Of their own accord then the same Valens and Ursacius subscribed to pacific letters, which Athanasius' Presbyters Peter and Irenaeus and Ammonius a layman carried about, although through them nothing to them he had written. 1 p. 826 Who so great a Church's peace seeing, would not wonder? who would not glorify God, of the peoples in the assemblies the alacrity beholding? How many of the enemies showed penitence? other more of the adversaries to him return. how many retracted their former calumnies? how many who before him had hated to his love were converted? how many who against him had written sang a palinode? But very many who not from a deliberate of mind purpose, but by a certain necessity to the Arians adhered, by night coming and themselves excusing the heresy abjured; and pardon to themselves to be given asked of the snares and calumnies, by them through these made; professing that although in bodily indeed presence among those they appeared, in mind however they agreed with Athanasius, and ever with him remained.

[216] Thus prosperously acting Athanasius, not were to the Catholics quiet all things, Absolved at Sardica Marcellus of Ancyra Bishop. on account of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia. This one in voice and writings more vehement having experienced the Arians, most ill hated; and of Sabellianism accused, in the Conventicle of Constantinople they had abdicated in the year CCCXXXVI: who an almost equal with Athanasius having suffered, the same which he a refuge had, the Roman namely Pontiff Julius; until his also cause at Sardica was judged, about which in the epistle Synodic these we read. p. 764 Recited also were the writings of our fellow-minister Marcellus, and was detected of the Eusebians the deceitful craftiness: for what Marcellus by the manner of a question had treated, that, as so to be he professed, they calumniated: recited also were in these questions what intervened and followed, and was found a good and right faith of that man. For not from St. Mary, as they themselves asseverated, to the Word of God a beginning he attributed, nor an end of his kingdom he constituted; but his kingdom of beginning and end to lack he wrote. Thus absolved and sent back to Ancyra, to harass not did cease the faction of those who to the intruded there Basil adhered: and on account of the writings later, and he himself at length so far slipped by the ardor of disputing; that to the Catholics also he seemed seriously to maintain, what of a question only for the sake to have set forth excusing, he had been in his excuse received. And so, as says Severus Sulpicius book 2 of the History sacred, before innocent, afterward depraved, to seem he could already then guilty to have been, when about him it had been judged.

[217] The matter more clearly explaining Basil Epistle 52 to Athanasius himself thus writes: It is sought also by some (and that as to us ourselves it seems necessarily) that they, judged a heretic by St. Basil, namely the Legates from the Roman Pontiff into the East sent, the heresy of Marcellus, as bad and noxious and from the sane faith alien, exterminate: since to this very day, in all which they write letters, Arius indeed, most ill heard of, up and down turning, to anathematize and from the Churches to eliminate they cease not; but Marcellus, who from the diameter answering to Arius an impiety brought, and against the same of the Only-begotten the Divinity's essence impiously acted, and the Word's appellation ill usurped, not once even to accuse they seem, that the Word indeed Only-begotten to be called he hands down, by reason of ministry and dispensation, and insofar as in time born he came forth, but for the rest to him whence he had gone out reverted, nor before the going-out to have been, nor after the return to subsist (and of this a proof and demonstration the laid up with me of that iniquitous writing books contain) nevertheless that one by no means to reprobate they seem to have, and through these to be blamed they come, as those who from the beginning him, through ignorance of the truth, into ecclesiastical also communion received. Therefore also of him, as is fitting, to be made mention the present affairs demand, lest an occasion they have who an occasion from this seek, that to thy Holiness be joined those who in faith sane are. whence excommunicated by Athanasius,

[218] From this so irrefragable suggestion: since little of sane faith to be Marcellus thoroughly had known Athanasius, witness Severus where above, him from communion he suspended; and had that one this modesty, that of so great a man by the judgment noted, of his own accord he yielded. Which words to me seem a voluntary and sincere retractation and explication to signify of those writings, in which Basil a manifest heresy had detected; after which again by Athanasius to be received to a certain extent he merited Marcellus; since Epiphanius, two only after his death years writing heresy 72, says, I interrogated at some time myself the Blessed Pope Athanasius about this Marcellus, to him himself to have purged he seems. how about him he thought. He indeed neither him defended, nor grievously against him inveighed; but a gentle only laugh emitted, showed the crime not great in him to have been, but to be held him as one who himself had purged. But afterward the Presbyters of Ancyra, of their own and their master's faith altogether orthodox, an account rendering through an epistle, which is extant in the said Epiphanius, also allege the letters, which the most blessed Pope Athanasius socially and familiarly wrote, and in it a most sound through all faith distinctly and severally they confess. yet remained doubtful about him a report. Doubtful nonetheless ever remained about Marcellus the report, by this also aggravated, that Photinus that of Sirmium, an auditor of Marcellus in adolescence to have been seemed, from Sabellius indeed in the union dissenting, but a beginning of Christ from Mary preaching, and a pure man to have been him asserting. Meanwhile when once it was established abdicated from Athanasius' communion to have been Marcellus, having found the Arians such an occasion, as pursues Severus, Meanwhile the Arians, they conspire thoroughly the Sardican Synod's decrees to subvert. For to them a color certain to be at hand seemed, that as unjustly had been for Athanasius judged, as Marcellus had been absolved, who now even by Athanasius' judgment a heretic to be was proved. Therefore in the Sirmian Conventicle in the year CCCXLIX, they mix with crafty counsel the innocent with the criminous, the of Marcellus and Athanasius causes mixed, and the condemnation of Photinus and Marcellus and Athanasius in the same sentence they comprise: that namely with the of the Emperors minds prefacing, that they should not be thought about Athanasius wrongly to have judged, who about Marcellus and Photinus true had thought.

[219] From such a beginning resumed against Athanasius of detracting a liberty, the old anew they began to sing; and the objected at Tyre crimes, and of that conventicle the sentence more confidently to inculcate. Against whose maledictious impudence, as a ready in his hands remedy, the old calumnies they resuscitate: congruous thought the Saint the chief of his innocence documents, to this very time issued (to one as it were Apology's context to reduce, which he himself, as at the beginning we saw) the Syllogus, others an Apology second named, of which this exordium: and as their Synopsis, which the produced, as is said, tablets to be demonstrated to himself takes the Saint. I esteemed I, after so great demonstrations about me made, to be about to be that themselves should hide the adversaries, and them should repent that others they had calumniated. 1 p. 719 But they convicted although, blush not, he the documents of his innocence into the Syllogus collected, and as to all insensible by contradicting creep up, hoping all things to be voided; not indeed that anew they be judged (for that they shudder at) but that us they may vex and the souls of the simple. And so necessary I judged before you me to defend, lest ever you receive their whispers, but of the whole calumny perceived you have the wickedness. Before you however, as sincere ones, me I defend; but with others who to contend shall wish, I trust in convictions against themselves to be produced.

[220] For our cause no longer of a judgment has need, as not once only and again, according to which thus himself absolved he proves, but also more often judged: first indeed in our Province, which under Bishops about a hundred came together; then at Rome the Eusebians writing, and themselves and us thither cited, but the Bishops coming together more than fifty: so that nothing is need of a further judgment. thirdly in the great Synod which at Sardica sat, according to the mandate of to God most dear Emperors Constantius and Constans, in which our adversaries were unauthorized as sycophants, but to the sentences in our favor borne subscribed Bishops more than three hundred… to which finally attested also Ursacius and Valens, first indeed us having criminated, then indeed repenting: and that not only by receiving the judged, but also by confessing themselves and others as many as to us are adverse calumniators to be. These and other things prefaces Athanasius, that he may show not to be repeatedly to be moved questions by so many sentences decided; and the Eusebians therefore only to controvert, because all things against him composed alone regard the heresy's defense, from which to depart it would behove, if the judged for Athanasius they confessed to be received. Then what about him written are in diverse Synods, and first in the Synod of the Egyptians, By whom this Syllogus written it seems. he undertakes to exhibit word for word, the documents and epistles each among themselves connecting by a brief of the things done narration; and this treatise, to no certain person or of men kind inscribed, but to all of the truth to be known desirous directed, I judge more often transcribed to have been and sent to various, and also delivered to legates, for of things and causes the exigency to the Apostolic See, to the Court Imperial, and to any other place to be destined. But this time composed, therefore especially I maintain; because nothing it contains beyond the year CCCXLIX, in which their penitence Ursacius and Valens in writing marked. For what about Liberius and Hosius are added at the end, when and how they acceded, in the preface already I said, and again in its place I shall indicate.

CHAPTER XX.

The death of Constans and Julius: the having followed machinations of the adversaries with Liberius and Constantius.

[221] Under these things, at the beginning of the year CCCL, great happened in the West a conversion of affairs, when Magnentius on XVIII of January at Autun in Gaul had assumed the purple; and his rebels fleeing Constans, and by the same about the mountains Pyrenean intercepted, Constans being slain is disturbed the Empire of the West: miserably had perished; and at this slaughter's news Vetranio or Britannio, by long distinguished and dear military service, had assumed the Empire in the Pannonias the first day of March: which to him Constantius to confirm preferred, a diadem being sent; than to the Persian war, by which enough and over in the East he was pressed, to undertake another in the West. Nepotian also, of the Great Constantine from Eutropia his sister, once Athanasius' hostess, a grandson, as in blood nearest, attempted to occupy the kingdom: and the purple assumed on the day III of June, Rome a victor occupied, he himself the eighteenth after day from Magnentius' Dukes conquered and slain. But Magnentius legates to Constantius sent, Servatius and Maximus Bishops, Magnentius the tyrant sends legates to Constantius: and likewise Clementius and Valens: who when through Alexandria a passage had had, afterward an occasion seized the Arians of calumniating Athanasius, as if through them to the tyrant he had written. Which that crime strongly and convincingly from himself he removes in the Apology.

[222] Inquire, he says, what mention I made of blessed memory Constans, when first Clementius' companions I saw; how, just as is written, with tears my garments I washed, his humanity and mind of Christ loving recogitating. 1 p. 679 from him to himself fearing Athanasius for this prayers indicts, Thence advanced into the church, nothing else I said than Let us pray for the safety of the most religious Constantius Augustus: and immediately the whole people with a consonant voice acclaimed, Christ help Constantius: and in this prayer it persevered … But more certain made about Magnentius' savagery, when Valens through Libya running about I saw, how I shuddered inquire, lest even here he should dare something similar, and as a robber should kill all of the blessed man's friends, of whom I to none myself second esteem. These Athanasius to Constantius: who before than to calumnies against him resuscitated an ear he gave, thus to him wrote.

[223] That this my ever was the wish, that to my once brother Constans all things according to mind's purpose might fall, thy also conscience by no means escapes. But in how great mourning I was, when I learned him by some most wicked slain, and letters of security he receives. to conjecture again easily can thy prudence. 1 p. 688 Since further now some are, who in this so mournful time thee attempt to terrify; congruous I judged to thy Constancy this epistle to send, and thee to exhort, that, as a Bishop becomes, thou teach the peoples what to the divine agree religion, with them free for prayers wonted; nor believe vain, whoever they be, rumor-bearers. For in our mind firmly this sentence sits, that from our decree, without any impediment, I wish thee perpetually to remain Bishop in that place. Divine providence for many years thee preserve, Father most dear. Such things Constantius, after his brother's death, not only once and again, but also a third time wrote. … Besides through Asterius the Count and Palladius, mandates he sent to Felicissimus the Duke and Nestorius the Prefect, that neither Philippus the Prefect, confirms several times confirmed. nor any other, troublesome to be to Athanasius should dare. 1 p. 844

[224] Further when of the Eusebian heresy and impiety the heirs… saw of the Bishops with Athanasius concord and peace; but were these more than four hundred, the Arians the consent of the Bishops with Athanasius not bearing, both from great Rome and all Italy, Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttium, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, both from all Africa, the Gauls, Britain and the Spains with that great Confessor Hosius; besides from the Pannonias, Noricum, Siscia, Dalmatia, Dardania, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and all Achaia, Crete, Cyprus, Lycia; several likewise from Palestine, Isauria, Egypt and the Thebaid, and all Libya and the Pentapolis: these, I say, when saw they, by fear and envy were tortured; by envy indeed, on account of such of minds a conjunction; by fear indeed, lest their heresy defamed as in a triumph should be led and rent everywhere. 1 p. 827

[225] First therefore to Ursacius and Valens they persuade, that the purpose changed as dogs they should return to their own vomit, returned to the vomit Ursacius and Valens, and as swine in the pristine of impiety mire anew themselves should roll; alleging, penitence by themselves to have been simulated, on account of the fear of the most religious Emperor Constans. But although there had been a fear, says Athanasius in the epistle to the Solitaries, the instituted pursuing narration, not it behoved them (if indeed they trusted to be able to prove what they had done) betrayers to become of their own acts. Now indeed since no there was a fear, they allege from fear done things, but of their own accord they lied, by what at length pardon worthy will they be esteemed? Indeed neither a soldier standing by, nor Palatines and Notaries citing, nay nor the Emperor present, and nor even called by anyone, they wrote; but they themselves of their own accord came to Rome, what most freely they had done, and within the church (where no from outside fear, but of God alone the fear is, and a free each has of bringing forth the mind power) through themselves penitence they did and marked. Nonetheless again to Arianism relapsed, they blushed not so absurd an excuse to devise; then by deliberation common they supplicated the Emperor Constantius in this manner.

[226] Long ago supplicating we found not faith, when Athanasius thou wast sending back, they complain very many from Arianism to defect, and we said that him by recalling our heresy thou wouldst exterminate, since to this from the beginning contrary he was, nor ceases the same to condemn. Now however he himself fulfills what we said, everywhere writing against us. Behold indeed very many his communion hold; whom however we thought with us to think, of them some now themselves adhere, others to the same incline. But we remained alone, and a fear is lest openly become known the heresy, and we and thou be held heretics. But if it happen, see lest with the Manichaeans we be reputed. Begin therefore again to persecute, and Constantius again they pervert. and defend the heresy: for this thee as King has. He however, when against Magnentius hastening on the journey saw so great of all the Bishops a conjunction with Athanasius, as by fire kindled, changed his sentence; and not only of the oaths forgot, but also of his writings his own; and to his own ungrateful brother what to him he owed would not remember: although both to him writing and with Athanasius before acting he had sworn another not to be about to do himself than the people would, and the Bishop to please he should understand…

[227] who Magnentius at length conquered, Meanwhile Magnentius, in the year CCCLI conquered in a huge battle, in Pannonia on the day XVIII of September, Italy also the following year, with manifold disaster worn down, had lost and into the Gauls himself had withdrawn; and at length himself to himself hands brought violent, about the day X of August in the year CCCLIII. In this same year, Constantius VI and Constantius II Consuls (the one namely Augustus, the other Caesar, surnamed Gallus for whose name everywhere in the Consular fasti the name of Constans is read both this and the following Consulate) on the very Kalends of December, was given a law to Taurus the Prefect of the Praetorium, a law he carries about abolishing of the Gentiles rites, of this tenor: It pleased, in all places and cities all to be closed forthwith the temples; and access being forbidden to all, a license of transgressing to the lost to be denied. We wish also all from sacrifices to abstain. But if anyone something perchance of this kind shall have perpetrated, with a sword avenging let him be laid low. The faculties also of the destroyed to the fisc we decree to be vindicated, and similarly to be afflicted the Rectors of the Provinces, if the crimes to vindicate they shall have neglected. to Taurus the Prefect of the Praetorium, The Prefecture bore Taurus, as from other laws demonstrates Jacobus Gottofredus on book 10 of the Codex title 10, from the year CCCLIII, to the year CCCLXI; and so vehemently err, both who this law to Constantine the Great attributed, for a certain similar and true his law which perished; and the editions vulgate of the Codex, which the law this note Constantius IV and Constans II Coss. which a Consulate nowhere is found in all the prior years, in which lived Constans the Emperor; so far is it that it is found Constans being dead under the Prefecture of Taurus: so that altogether to be admitted is the aforesaid Gottofredus' correction: this however to be explained was, because this very and not another law verified the prediction of Athanasius, by Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 related in these words:

[228] A report is, that when at some time he proceeded through the city Athanasius, which Athanasius' prediction verifies, it happened a flying crow to have croaked. The approaching therefore of Gentiles a multitude, as at a juggler to have cast taunts, by asking that to himself he should say, what the crow had announced. He indeed sweetly subsmiling to have answered, Cras, which in the Roman tongue signifies the day next about to come: Thus however by croaking unpleasant to you to be about to be the day tomorrow it prenounces, he said: it signifies indeed by a decree of the Roman Emperor to be prohibited to you that the next festivity you celebrate. But this of Athanasius prediction, although to them ridiculous it seemed, appeared certain: for on the day following of the Roman Emperor letters were delivered to the Prefects, about impeding through the Emperor the next their feast. prohibiting lest be permitted the Gentiles to the fanes to approach, or the wonted superstitions and assemblies to celebrate: and the festivity imminent, and that to the Gentiles most sacred and most celebrated, was dissolved. Peter Castellanus, at the end of the Syntagma on the feasts of the Greeks, treating also of the months and the year page 177 the old of Hesiod Scholiast alleges, who teaches, the Egyptians in the month Cheac, which to the Romans December is, the feasts of Bacchus to celebrate: and the same Bacchus to worship under the name of Osiris, is plain from Tibullus Elegy 7 book 1, where with each name indifferently using the Poet, one and the same of the vine cultivator and of wine inventor sings. If therefore that law, carried on the Kalends of December, could have come to Alexandria before that month's end; it could also have impeded a celebrated some of Egyptian Osiris feast, if not, it would have impeded something similar in January.

[229] Julius the Pope being dead substituted Liberius. But these things more laboriously let those investigate, to whom Egyptian sacred things to investigate is a care: to Constantius I return, who, through the death of his Brothers and Magnentius' destruction, of the whole Empire a free at length having obtained possession, wholly himself converted to opposing Athanasius, and with Athanasius the faith Orthodox. A hope of obtaining his wish made the death of Julius the Pope, to Athanasius most devoted, in this same year CCCLIII on the day XII of April deceased: to whom substituted Liberius on XXII of May, with what mind he was in his Pontificate's progress toward the holy man, not allows to be doubted the exile therefore endured; whether however such from the beginning he was, doubtful makes an epistle, by Hilary in the fragments thus related.

[230] seemed at the beginning to waver in the cause of Athanasius, To the most beloved Brethren and Co-bishops our, through the East constituted, Liberius of the City Rome Bishop greeting. Studying peace and concord of the Churches, after the letters of your Charity, about the name of Athanasius and the rest, made to the name of Julius of good memory the Bishop, I received, following the tradition of our elders, the Presbyters of the city Rome, Lucius, Paulus and Helianus, from my side to Alexandria to the aforesaid Athanasius I directed, that to the city Rome he should come, that in the present, that which the Church's discipline requires, on him might be constituted. Letters also to the same through the aforesaid Presbyters I gave, in which was contained, that if he came not, he should know himself alien to be from the Church Roman's communion. Returned therefore the Presbyters announced, him to come unwilling to have been. Following finally the letters of your Charity, which about the name of the said Athanasius to us you gave, know by these letters, which to your unanimity we give, us with all you and with all the Bishops of the Church Catholic peace to have: but the aforesaid Athanasius alien to be from the communion mine or of the Roman Church, and the consortium of letters ecclesiastical.

[131] But this epistle, whether ever by Liberius was sent, doubt others; (if true is his which is alleged epistle) nor are wanting who of the Arians to be a figment esteem, on Hilary unwary obtruded. The matter indeed on both sides ambiguous is, since neither Athanasius anywhere indicates about Liberius, that of his innocence at some time he doubted; nor to either ever objected by the adversaries is found, that even for a moment they were from mutual communion separated. From the other indeed part scarcely appears credible, to be deceived to have been able in a matter of so great moment Hilary. Perhaps not unlike the truth a conjecture be, written indeed, from a certain of a sentence to be borne precipitancy, to have been the epistle (so that a copy also delivered was to those who themselves of the Easterners legates said) suppressed however to have been by a more mature counsel, because soon from Egypt all and from Alexandria sent epistles came. For (just as after that epistle suspect testifies Hilary) such as to Julius long ago about to be restored to exiled Athanasius the communion were written, such now to Liberius given about to be protected.

[232] But this one when afterward was accused, of the Easterners and of the Egyptians letters to have suppressed, lest the crimes of Athanasius, him defends the received of the Alexandrians for him letters, whom they were said to have condemned, should lie open; Enough to all clear it is, he says, nor anyone denies, us the Easterners' letters to have intimated; to have read to the Church, to have read to the Council, to these also to the Easterners to have responded: to whom faith and knowledge not we accommodated our (or accommodated too easily soon we retracted) because at the same time of the eighty Bishops Egyptian about Athanasius the sentence repugned. These, the faults being corrected, transcribed from Hilary's fragments, clear make a response to have been to the Easterners: and why not through the aforenoted epistle? Would further also were extant, which to have fallen out we grieve from the aforecited Hilary's to which subjoined they were place, the Egyptians' letters; whose Synod Athanasius had convoked, the matter indeed whole to be about to illustrate more clearly. Meanwhile to conjecture it is allowed, Athanasius, not indeed to have refused to Rome to come, as either the Arians feigned, or by these corrupted the Legates lyingly reported; himself to have dreaded, lest into the hands of Constantius, by new calumnies not lightly irritated, and in Italy victories against Magnentius pursuing, he should fall; against every however of a judgment at Rome again to be undergone necessity, to have congregated a Synod of Provincial Bishops, the aforesaid namely eighty, and by these written letters to have premised to Liberius with an excuse of his just delay, and a conviction of the Arians, him under the common of the Easterners title accusing together with the Meletians, the authority and title of the Egyptian Bishops lyingly to themselves arrogating.

[233] Under these things to Alexandria came Montanus a Palatine, with such an epistle, as if I, says in the Apology Athanasius to Constantius, from thee a right of going into Italy had asked, after fraudulently invited by the Emperor, for those things to be restored which in the Ecclesiastical there to fail seemed. 1 p. 686 Thy indeed piety thanks I give, that to writings of another, because mine thou thoughtest, thou hast assented; and the care of my journey, that it as most conveniently might be done, thou hast undertaken. I wonder however so false to thy ears to have been able to be brought: for nothing such I wrote… Knows Montanus me not to have declined the setting out: but that I should go, as if therefore I had written, unbecoming I believed; lest even in this an occasion should find the adversaries of a new calumny, as if to thy Piety I were importunate. Meanwhile I prepared myself, as also Montanus knows, that if thou shouldst deign to write, I should come immediately. These the Saint, afterward necessary having to purge himself, that to Constantius', not a mandate, but a simple permission, and that fraudulently by the adversaries procured, not he had left Alexandria, no fit cause why into Italy he should go inviting, many that he should not go dissuading.

[234] legates to the same he had sent; For a little before than that epistle he received Athanasius, witness Sozomen book 4 chapter 8, persuaded having to himself in the Palace of the Emperor prepared snares, to him then in the West acting Egyptian Bishops five by himself chosen, and with these three of his Church Presbyters he had sent, who both him to himself might conciliate, and to the calumnies of the adversaries, if need, might respond; then other things might do which to the Church and himself to expedite they should know. Of their number was Serapion, of Thmuis Bishop, of whom together with Ammonius abroad acting because makes mention Athanasius in the Epistle to Dracontius, an occasion gives of esteeming, of whom he makes mention in the epistle to Dracontius him Dracontius (who with great consent at Alexandria elected and ordained had been Bishop of Hermopolis) of the monks over whom he presided by the persuasion flight to have entered at this time; and from it to be drawn back to have been by that most beautiful which to him the Saint sent epistle, admonishing by the example of the aforesaid two and of several others (who monks and of monks Prefects since they were, the Episcopate however not had rejected) lest the hoped-for of him fruit to the Church he subtract; but should hear the sent with the Epistle Hierax the Presbyter and Maximus the Lector: from whom to know Dracontius the Saint wished, with what affection these he had written, and how great to him threatened danger an ecclesiastical ordination declining.

[235] For the rest by the legation aforesaid nothing at all to have been profited with Constantius, The Emperor at Arles compels many to subscribe against Athanasius, from the afterward things done appears, which in the epistle to the Solitaries Athanasius thus begins to narrate: In single cities he compelled the Bishops, now victor and alone ruling Constantius, to change in Athanasius' and religion's cause their sentence. 1 p. 829 But when he was at Arles and at Milan, all things from the heretics' counsel and suggestion he did: or rather these themselves did what they would, power against all having obtained. Was at Arles Constantius from the day X of October CCCLIII even to the following year's spring; and meanwhile equal things there he did, which at Milan to have done soon we shall see. But these to come against wishing Liberius the Pope, just as to Hosius writes himself, with the Bishops of Italy to himself collected besought Constantius, that, just as it had pleased formerly, a Council at Aquileia to be congregated he should order, sending Vincent of Capua, to which also the legates of the Pontiff with Marcellus equally from Campania a Bishop. Who not only nothing obtained, but even himself into the same was led simulation, that Athanasius' communion he should abdicate. To whose however excuse himself the Saint in the Apology says, him and others a force not common and grave contumelies to have suffered, until they should promise themselves from that communion about to abstain. 1 p. 693

[236] by force and guile they are drawn. The matter as it was done in the Epistle to Constantius, which in the fragments of Hilary is extant, thus explains Liberius the Pope. There remain, he says, the letters of the Legates, who to thy Clemency had been destined: by which they signify, on account of the disturbance of all the Churches, they themselves indeed to succumb to the sentences of the Easterners to have wished, to have proposed however a condition, that if the same Arius' heresy they should condemn … their sentences they would obey. The thing agreed, as they themselves signify, by a writing witness is confirmed: it goes into council: they receive with deliberation the responses, Arius' doctrine themselves to condemn not to be able; Athanasius, which alone they exacted, of communion to be deprived. But this Epistle, by which he shows not of Athanasius alone the cause to be acted, and prays that a Council general to be made might allow the Emperor, through Lucifer of Cagliari the Bishop sent Liberius: but with an unsuccessful as also the prior attempt, unless Lucifer himself more constant showed, as will be shown on the day XX of May on which he is venerated.

[237] Vincent's lapse how greatly Liberius' mind and Athanasius' cause afflicted, to be said scarcely can: for there followed of the rest almost all the assent to the abdication of Athanasius, the rest everywhere the example following: and St. Paulinus Bishop of Trier, whom among the Confessors everywhere numbers Athanasius, into exile is relegated; about whom at more length to be treated XXXI of August on which at Trier he is venerated. Perhaps also to this time looks, that Athanasius, of the Arles and Milan conventicle the iniquitous effects joining, thus indicates in the epistle to the Solitaries. Immediately were dispatched letters with mandates to the Prefect, that the grain, against those refusing the Arian communion a persecution is indicted. hitherto to be furnished wont, should be taken away from Athanasius, and should be given to those Arius' opinion holding; and that to the willing a liberty should be of contumely affecting those who with Athanasius made. 1 p. 829 Threats likewise were denounced to the Judges, unless they should communicate with the heretics. And these indeed at Alexandria: outside indeed again edicts and notaries through cities single were sent, with threats to the Bishops and Judges, that these indeed those should execute, but those against Athanasius should write communicating with the Arians, or the exile's punishment should sustain; and the peoples to them adhering should know, chains, blows, contumelies, and of goods rapines to themselves to be to be expected. Nor slothfully was acted the business: for they had who sent were with them Clerics of Valens and Ursacius, who the Judges should incite, and more negligently acting should report to the Emperor.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Council of Milan and the persecution of the orthodox, refusing to subscribe to Athanasius' damnation. Liberius' and Hosius' vexation.

[238] While is prepared at Milan a council. The rest of the year CCCLIV in the apparatus of the Milan Synod was spent; not that to Liberius' and of others orthodox the wish should be done enough; but that with greater noise and by a greater of Bishops everywhere assembled number should be condemned Athanasius. But it appeared the Easterners, on account of the journey's remoteness, fewer about to be present; nor indeed was it expedient that copious should be present, who not but violently were hoped to be drawn into the sentence; and perhaps the Westerners about the things in the East done truth instructing, less fit would render for the prepared to themselves from the feigned of the Easterners consent frauds. And so, as says Athanasius to the Solitaries, It was written to the Magistrates, and many pecuniary things to them denounced, are compelled through the East Suffrages against Athanasius, unless his each one's city's Bishop to subscribing he had compelled. 1 p. 830 Hence every place and city was filled with terror and tumult, since the Bishops indeed were dragged; but the Judges were compelled to behold of the peoples the laments and sighs.

[239] And these indeed by the Palatines to this sent were acted; but the heretics by so great patrons supported, nothing not machinated. And so of the Bishops some they cited to the Emperor, much with violence: others they circumvented through letters, devising a cause against them some; that either the present Emperor they should dread, or the legates and threats and of calumnies pretexts they should fear, and so from their right and pious mind be drawn away. In this manner compelled the Emperor so grand a number of Bishops, partly by threats partly by promises extorting, that they should say, whom in a great number thus extorted, No longer we communicate with Athanasius. For those who to him came, not before were admitted into sight, and nor to rest even were allowed, or from their lodging to go out unless either they subscribed or refusing they went into exile. But this he did, because he saw all to shun the heresy. And therefore more he compelled them so many to accede to the few, and studied to collect of names a multitude; that hence indeed an envy he might make to Athanasius, thence to the Arian impiety, of which he was the patron, an appearance some might conciliate; esteeming, that equally the very truth, and of men the minds he could pervert.

[240] It is convened, not in the church, With this apparatus and such preludes, to which congruous the subsequent all acts were, was begun in the year CCCLV, Arbetio and Lollianus Consuls, that famous of Milan Synod, of Bishops shall I say into sentences about to go, or of slaves into words sworn? whom from the West to have been most and more than three hundred, write Socrates and Sozomen; and among these many, by of things ignorance led, and persuaded for one man to be protected the cause not to be the Churches all to be exposed to peril. but in the Palace. But when it appeared at the faith's change tumults in the people about to arise, nor that matter safely to be able in the church publicly to be agitated, to the Emperor's palace transferred were the Synodal actions, where a liberty less and a more present fear to assent more quickly to be expressed would conduce.

[241] But not of all the same weakness was. For when many they ensnared the heretics, not few they made Confessors; Here flashes forth the constancy of SS. Lucifer, Eusebius and Dionysius. by which title before the rest more renowned are, says Athanasius Paulinus Bishop of Trier, which of the Gauls Metropolis is, but already before into exile relegated, Lucifer of the Metropolitan in Sardinia See Bishop, Eusebius from Vercelli a city of Italy, and Dionysius from Milan, which also itself is of Italy a Metropolis. 1 p. 831 These indeed calling the Emperor, ordered to subscribe against Athanasius, and with the heretics to communicate. And when these wondered at his importune zeal, and said it not to be of an Ecclesiastical canon, immediately he, But, what I will, a canon be held: for thus speaking me without contradiction they hear who in Syria Bishops are called. Obey therefore, or exiles also you be. Such things when he said, astounded the Bishops lifted to God their hands, freely arguing the Emperor, and great of words liberty using, to teach they strove, not to be his the Empire, but of him who had given it God, whom that he should fear they exhorted, lest him he soon should take away: they threatened to him also the judgment's day, and persuaded lest the discipline ecclesiastical he should corrupt, or with its disposition he should mix the administration of the Roman empire, and into God's Church the heresy Arian he should introduce. But he neither heard, nor more to say them allowed; but threateningly he drew a sword against them, and some to be snatched from his sight ordered. We shall give on XXV of May the Life of St. Dionysius, and in it described more fully of that Council the history, to which enough here it will be the reader to dismiss.

[242] At other times when he saw to stick perplexed the criminators, he himself their turns underwent in accusing, that the accused nothing could respond; on account of the too great his violence: which in the cause of Athanasius especially was plain. 1 p. 831 For seeing Lucifer's, Eusebius', and Dionysius' of the Bishops the constancy, that himself an accuser he made, from Ursacius' and Valens' penitence demonstrating not to be heard in those things which now they said; rising he forthwith said: I now an accuser am of Athanasius, on account of me believe those things which they say. But them answering, how an accuser to be canst thou of an absent defendant? for if the accuser is present, but is absent the defendant, a judgment none is exercised: but to be present on account of the journey's remoteness he could not… But if of heard things objecting thou speakest, fair it is thee also those things to believe which says he himself: but if thou believest him not, believest indeed these, rather seem those in thy favor such things to say, and on its account Athanasius to accuse.

[243] and an absent to be condemned he ordered, To these similar wrote afterward Lucifer, whose life we shall give XX of May: from his meanwhile book 2 for Athanasius these few receive: Urges the defense of truth to be sought from thee, why an absent to be condemned thou hast ordered. Tell I pray, well, or ill it to be done thou commandest? If thou shalt say well; I believe thee to B. Paul's to flee deed, that to the Corinthians he wrote now himself that sinner to have punished, whom he had ascertained grievously to have offended. Let us see now if thou, beast, members and a body only having of a man but a mind indeed beast-like, if so thou hast acted as acted the Apostle. … First of all to the blessed Apostle Catholics announced these, whom he notes faithful, whom to God he had proved faithful, and a witness he knew to be all of the Corinthians the holy Church. Thou on the contrary with thy fellow-sacrilegious, accusing to God hateful heretics, us deignedst to urge to an absent's damnation. Then, when the Apostle thou hearest to say, You being congregated and my spirit,… thou darkness, why to us saying, To him we at our own expenses will proceed; in the people, to which divinely he was constituted, the same we will hear, only give Catholic accusers; why didst thou decline? why (as if gladiators, not Bishops, we were) only according to thy wishes, that we could kill him, of whom thou long thirstedst the gore, didst thou give pains?

[244] Such things when to himself, as afterward written, so then in person said he had heard and his own reckoned the contumely; and therefore they are condemned to exile. them indeed he ejected into exile, but moved against Athanasius he wrote more atrociously, that those things which thereafter were done he might suffer… But the Saints shaking off the dust from their feet, and looking up into heaven, neither the threats of the Emperor feared, nor on account of bared swords betrayed the truth; but exile, as of their ministry the office, accepted. 1 p. 832 Passing indeed through towns and cities, although in chains placed, they evangelized, the true preaching faith, and the Arian heresy execrating, and divulging not without infamy of Ursacius and Valens the penitence. And so to the adversaries contrary to what they had determined it happened: and the more longer was the exile's space, the more was increased the hatred of them; and there was a proclamation public of the impiety of the same, the very of the Saints relegation…

[245] Further nor to Liberius indeed of Rome the Bishop at the beginning of the persecution did they spare… For seeing him rightly thinking and from the heresy Arian most alien, Liberius to consent solicited, nay even striving that from the same all he might lead back, said the impious within themselves: If Liberius we shall have persuaded, all soon we shall have overcome. Therefore they suggest to the Emperor about him: but the Emperor reckoning with Liberius all to himself to be able to be drawn, writes and sends a eunuch a certain, Eusebius by name, with letters and gifts, by threats and blandishments, that with these he might cajole, with those threaten. But going away the eunuch to Rome, first persuaded Liberius that he should subscribe against Athanasius and with the Arians communicate; for this to will the Emperor and according to power to order; then displaying the gifts, he insisted and grasped his hands, saying, Obey the Emperor, and these receive.

[246] On the contrary the Bishop strove saying; How that to be done against Athanasius can it? whom indeed not one only, generously he refuses, but also another Synod from everywhere collected altogether innocent pronounced, and the Roman Church with peace dismissed, how can we condemn? Who further us would receive, if now altogether we should reject an absent, whom present we loved and with us communicating we had? Not is this a canon ecclesiastical, nor such ever from the Fathers we received, who their things before had from the blessed and great Apostle Peter. But if the Emperor, care having of the ecclesiastical peace, orders to be abolished what by us about Athanasius written are; and a free council he asks: let be abolished also what by them against him are done; and so an ecclesiastical Synod be made far from the Palace, where neither the Emperor be present, nor threaten a Count, nor a Judge menace, but the sole of God fear suffices and the Apostolic constitution. For so namely before all things, safe indeed will remain the Church's faith, such as the Nicene Council's Fathers defined; but the Arians ejected, alone in faith pure would have of speaking liberty…

[247] These things saying Liberius saddened the eunuch, not so much because he refused to subscribe, as because himself he showed to the heresy adverse, forgot himself before the Bishop to stand, and much threatening went out with the gifts… and the Emperor's wrath against Liberius sharpening by writing, wherefore to the Emperor dragged, moved also the eunuchs the rest: for these all things both are and can with Constantius. 1 p. 834 Writes therefore the Emperor to Rome: and again Palatines and Notaries and Counts are sent, with mandates to the City's Prefect, that either by guile circumvented Liberius should be expelled from Rome, and should be sent to him into the camp; or by violent persecution should be pressed… 1 p. 835 Is dragged therefore to the Emperor Liberius, is relegated also himself. before whom much even then with liberty prevailing: Cease, he says, to persecute Christians, nor through me hope an impiety to introduce into the Church… Before some crime against us they devise, to come we hastened, although of exile certain; that both the rest, who equal with us have suffered, innocent may appear; and the impacted on them crimes, may be understood mere to be calumnies…

[248] With so great and such crimes not content, nothing yet themselves to have done they reckoned, similarly solicited Hosius, as long as that great Hosius their malice not yet had experienced… 1 p. 837 He a Prince is, they said, of Synods; and if anything he writes it is heard everywhere: he the formula of faith in the Nicene conceived, and the Arians everywhere for heretics traduced… Repeatedly therefore writing Constantius, and now indeed cajoling and father calling, now threatening and the relegated enumerating, nothing at these dreaded Hosius; nay among the contumelies, through an epistle he chides Constantius: which he suffered, he wrote an epistle; above sometimes alleged, which in Athanasius this very place inserted to be read entire can; the beginning here receive. 1 p. 838 I the faith confessed already long ago, when thy grandfather Maximian a persecution moved: which if thou resuscitatest, even now anything rather to sustain prepared I am, than that I should pour out blood innocent and betray the truth. Know therefore that such writing thee and threatening I care not. Thou rather cease these to write, and with Arius to think: nor hear the Easterners, nor believe Ursacius and Valens: for what they say, not on account of Athanasius, but on account of their heresy they say. To me believe Constantius, who by age thy grandfather to be I could.

[249] To such a beginning agrees the Epistle the rest, manifestly setting forth, how with not daring at Sardica before Athanasius to appear the adversaries, absolved he was, and themselves Valens and Ursacius to have calumniated themselves confessed; and finally not to be of the Emperor to treat the causes of the Church, just as nor of the Bishops the affairs of the Empire; wherefore concluding, I neither to the Arians suffrage, he says, but their heresy I execrate; nor against Athanasius write, whom we and the Roman Church and the whole Synod innocent declared: and admonishes that from the begun he desist: which also thyself considering thou hast sent back the man, and hast permitted with honor to his fatherland and Church to return… Not is of a prudent on account of another's lust himself to cast into a certain of damnation eternal peril. 1 p. 839 Cease I pray, and to me hearken, Constantius: for this both me to write becomes, and thee it is fitting not to vilify.

[250] wherefore for a whole year at Sirmium he is vexed, These the Abrahamic that old man, truly Hosius, both felt and wrote… Which when had received of impiety the champion Constantius, and others said not only himself not to subscribe, but also to others to persuade that better it would be death to suffer, than betrayers to become of truth, for which both the beloved brother Athanasius a persecution sustained, and Liberius of the Romans the Bishop and the rest all by snares were assailed; likewise that others through the Spains were of the same with Hosius opinion; when these also he had solicited to subscription nor to bend been able; he summoned Hosius, and for exile detained for a whole year at Sirmium; neither God revering, nor of his father toward him love, nor finally of a man already a centenarian and the sixtieth and more year in the Episcopate acting the old age.

[251] So far Athanasius, excusing then, and into the Arians' accusation turning, succumbed however both himself and Liberius, what afterward Liberius and Hosius by woes conquered did, and which with of History ecclesiastical treaters to be read more diffusely can: just as also in our April those things which Felix' substitution into the Roman Pontificate regard, where we showed his election, whatever it preceded ordination, Liberius himself to have had as author; and so a true Pontiff to have been Felix, and on account of a death for the faith met worthy who among the Martyrs holy be venerated. But his lapse so repaired Liberius, Felix being dead in the year CCCLXV again a true Pontiff; but each the lapse repaired. so that Epiphanius heresy 75 blessed, Basil Epistle 74 most blessed, Ambrose to the Virgins of happy and blessed memory call him; and the same the Greeks as a Saint venerate with a notable elogium on the day XXVII of August; and Wandelbert in the metric Calendar and others in the additions to Usuard's Martyrology with a similar of Sanctity title him set forth on XXIII of September: when more fully these will be treated by us. About Hosius in few words himself Athanasius to the Solitaries: So great a force inflicted on the old man Constantius, and so closely him he held, that afflicted and worn by evils, at length and scarcely with Ursacius and Valens he communicated, so however that against Athanasius he subscribed not. 1 p. 841 But not even thus that matter for slight he held; for about to die, as for his testament, their force he protested, and the Arian heresy condemned, and forbade by anyone to be approved or received. These about Hosius Athanasius, far diverse from the relation of Marcellinus and Faustinus the Luciferians, in their most lying little book of prayers altogether incredible things narrating, about a violence by Hosius exercised against those refusing communion his, and about his impenitent's horrible end, such as of the Priest Eli to have been the Scripture records.

CHAPTER XXII.

Syrianus' against Athanasius nocturnal irruption: of Heraclius setting forth edicts the impiety and cruelty.

[252] No of Constantius mandate departure commanding. It is time that we return to Alexandria, where Athanasius we left, nothing moved by the surreptitious letters, a faculty of coming into Italy making, which Montanus had brought. He therefore when elsewhere had set out, after six and twenty months came Diogenes a notary, who neither himself anything of letters brought, says Athanasius in the Apology, nor under mutual sight came, or commanded anything as if of him a mandate to himself had been. 1 p. 688 Nay when Syrianus of the armies the leader to Alexandria entered, and the Arians boasted, now at length about to do themselves what they would; I sought whether such letters, as those boasted, were brought. These indeed since they themselves to have not said; I demanded that at least either Syrianus himself or of Egypt the Prefect Maximus, about it to me should write. But this thus I demanded, because to me had written Thy humanity (the Emperor he addresses) that by no one I should be disturbed, nor should receive if any to terrify us should wish…

[253] Of this epistle when they referred to the judges; … nor a mandate of thy Piety showed, by right I inferred, the words of them without thy mandate to be, Athanasius at Alexandria to remain allows the Duke Syrianus: most Religious Augustus; and to be done by me I believed, that just as the epistles thine having returned I had into my fatherland, so also a mandate having thine I should go out; lest as the Church fleeing or a defendant detected, but as ordered an honest I should have departure's cause. The same all the people with the Presbyters and the greater part of the city, that I say not more, Syrianus going to demanded, before of Egypt the Prefect Maximus. They demanded but that to me should be written, and should be sent to me, or that thenceforth not should be disturbed the Churches, until the peoples themselves about this should have sent their legates to Thee. To them therefore long and much supplicating, seeing Syrianus fair to be asked, by thy safety swearing affirmed so to be done to be. But there was present also Hilarius and the cohort of the Duke, and the cohort of the Prefect Egyptian.

[254] These things when had promised Syrianus, came together all in the churches, with joy and security, But after days twenty-three, then, against the faith given, (when namely the military forces, which the Romans Legions call, from Egypt and Libya, witness Sozomen, summoned had come) it appeared how nothing to be trusted to heretics is. 1 p. 717 It was night, and certain of the people were keeping vigil for the next synaxis; when the Duke Syrianus unexpected was present, with more than five times a thousand men, with 5000 armed the church he besieges: having arms and drawn swords, and bows and arrows and clubs; and he girt the church, the soldiers conjointly placing, so that it was impossible, from it for those going out to pass through. But I absurd reckoning in so great confusion to desert the people, for whom I myself rather ought to undergo the peril; on the throne sitting I commanded the Deacon, that a Psalm he should recite and the people should hear, Because for ever his mercy; and so should withdraw each into houses their own. Ps. 105

[255] At length when the Duke violently broke in, and the soldiers to me to be apprehended surrounded the sacrarium; him violently breaking in, as many as there were Clerics and the rest of the people cried out, besought, that I also now should depart. But I refused to go out before than all severally had gone out. Rising therefore and to pray commanding, I asked that first should go out all, better to be saying if I were in peril, than if of them anyone were hurt. Athanasius in the crowd safe goes out. And so most going out and following the rest, who with me within were Monks and Clerics certain, with them me drew going out. In this manner, witness truth itself, through the midst of the soldiers, of whom some the sacrarium had girt, others through the church wandered about, God leading and protecting, secretly from them I escaped; glorifying God, that neither the people I had betrayed; and it premising, to be saved and to escape I had been able the hands of those seeking me.

[256] done these about dawn 9 February. So far Athanasius in the Apology about his flight: to which consonant, but with more atrocious crimes increased, wrote in their public protestation the people Alexandrian, to all setting forth, what in the church was done as dawned the day V of the Ides of February, that is the fourteenth of the month Mechir, the people watching and praying, because was to be celebrated a synaxis of Parasceve. But written was that protestation the third after the matter done day, after the Consulate of Arbetio and Lollianus the seventeenth day of the month Mechir, that is the day before the Ides of February. in the year 356 By which accurately is noted the year CCCLVI bissextile, whose beginning had the Dominical letter G, so that the day fifth of the Ides or ninth of that month was Parasceve or Feria VI, to St. Apollonia Virgin and Martyr of Alexandria sacred. Yet because Athanasius' interpreter, by I know not what of the pen error, for Ides wrote Kalends; it came about, that beyond nothing examining Baronius, the Roman Martyrology revising and with Saints by which it seemed augmenting, on the day XXVIII of January wrote, not 28 January. At Alexandria of very many holy Martyrs, who on this very day, by the faction of Syrianus Duke the Arian, while in the church a Synaxis they acted, by a diverse of death kind were slain. But he could have noted, the day XXVIII of January, in that which is noted in the protestation year, to have been not Parasceve, but Sunday.

[257] By the Roman Martyrology's reverence led Bollandus our, the very Protestation in January, under that of the error indication, gave and illustrated. Wherefore lest a done thing I do, In that irruption several to have been slain, briefly here I indicate, slain to have been many both from the people and of the holy Virgins, of whom the bodies by the soldiers hidden, to a public showing of the endured savagery, by the very faithful soon were exposed publicly. So great but was the indignation of the people, that the arms and weapons found within the church they suspended, and would not them to be removed, however much insisting Gorgonius the Prefect. With the first, which on that very likely day they had written, protestation not content, this second they wrote and signed everywhere to be distributed, protests the people Alexandrian. because Syrianus a testimony demanded, that no tumult was made, nor anyone slain had been. But for contempt held by Constantius were of the Catholics the complaints: who of this kind evils approving, through Hilarius a certain Count, wrote to the Senate and people Alexandrian, the youth soliciting, that together congregated either they should persecute Athanasius, or should know themselves for enemies to be held… 1 p. 843

[258] Edicts therefore publicly set forth were, which themselves a great of the one writing them manifested confusion. 1 p. 844 For after, [Constantius in the edicts excuses that of his brother alone the cause to return he allowed Athanasius,] just as the great Hosius to him wrote, he found not a likely some of mind toward Athanasius changed pretext; he devised another, even less to himself and his counsellors agreeing with his words: My brother's of divine and religious memory friendship revering, I indulged to him that to you for a time some he should return. These things but declare, himself both in promises fallacious, and toward the dead brother to be ungrateful. Then of divine and religious memory, as truly it was, he calls him, whose precept and friendship, just as himself wrote, although something for his cause he had indulged, he ought not undutifully to neglect, but rather as of the Empire so also of the sentence heir to be made. But when Britannion from the midst he took away, willing it as by right done to excuse, he said, For of whom will be of the brothers the inheritance after death? But on account of a wicked and to Christ adverse heresy, what right is he is ignorant, and toward his brothers undutiful is made, on account of which also nor of his father the sentence entirely he studied to observe: for in that which pleases the impious, who even hence him convicts of impiety, it to follow himself he professes; in that indeed which to them displeases, he knows not a reason to have of piety to a parent due. For he indeed dismissed indeed the Bishop, by the Eusebians accused, for a time into the Gauls, on account of the ferocity of his enemies; just as blessed Constantine, of this Constantius the brother after the death of the father declared, through his which are extant letters: never however by the Eusebians to be persuaded to himself he allowed, that he should send whom they themselves wished a Bishop, but that desiring he restrained, and the matter attempting with a grave threat chided. How therefore if his begetter's acts, as he writes, he wished to keep inviolate, first indeed he sent Gregorius, but now the embezzler Georgius? How the Arians, whom he called Porphyrians, does he study to introduce into the Church?

[259] as also does St. Lucifer. These Athanasius: but Lucifer of Cagliari, for his wonted liberty, nor him indeed Constantine sparing, and to Constantius objecting, that like a dog returned to the vomit, him he sought to kill, to whom himself thenceforth nothing of evil about to do to the Alexandrians by letters he had sworn, far more keenly the same excuses overthrows, book 2 for Athanasius thus writing: But, thou sayest, my father him had sent into exile, and me it behoved to my father's to obey statutes. Put, as thou wilt, a heretic to be Athanasius. If rightly he had been sent into exile, why him didst thou suffer against thy father's statutes to receive the dignity, which to him himself thy to have borne reckoned had thy father? But, thou sayest, of my Brother Constans it was done by the intervention. But thou couldst meet Constans, saying, Our father whom he proved a heretic, unless himself he shall have corrected, to receive into the parts of the kingdom mine I cannot. But, thou wilt say, I feared lest between us wars should have arisen. Therefore, because Saporinus of the Persians the King now against thee wages battle, if to thee he shall say, Receive my religions and I will be with thee pacified; thee it behoves with all in thy empire dwelling to pass to the religion of demons?… But thou thyself a witness art of thy conscience … that sent was into exile Athanasius because he would not be an Arian: therefore hated held by thy father escapes thee not; since indeed even in that thou deignest him to persecute cause, in which also thy father him had persecuted. Worthily and so compared thou art to a dog who has returned to his vomit. For already a Christian to be thou wast esteemed, from which Athanasius with such letters thou hadst represented: but now thou art proved to be an Arian, and desiring thy heresy to find a place, a just man thou persecutest, because he namely is the same with all effort impugning.

[260] Further Athanasius when his to Constantine Apology wrote and the flight excused, seems still ignorant to have been of the slaughters in Syrianus' irruption perpetrated; But wrote Athanasius from the desert, them however to have learned when afterward he wrote the aforecited to the Solitaries Epistle, to which the very on that account people Alexandrian's letters about the things done of Syrianus he subjoined. He was ignorant in turn these writing the people, what done was to Athanasius; and prayed the Prefect and Magistrates lest they should permit another for him to be substituted, whom uniquely they desired with them to remain, for him even to die prepared. But whither had gone Athanasius? I answer that from his own words other nothing we can elicit, than that immediately to the desert he betook himself. 1 p. 690 For when in the Apology before he had said, I, whither himself he had withdrawn. the seen Syrianus' nocturnal into the Church irruption, first the people I admonished that it should depart; then I myself with them, as saw who were present, God me concealing and leading withdrew, and from that time I remained κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν, which of whatever even domestic solitude could be understood. 1 p. 697 More clearly then speaking, I confess, he says, that the heard and almost seen things which decreed had been and to execution were committed, the of approaching the Emperor counsel laid down, to the desert anew I returned, by this very enough indicating there myself to have been before than that counsel I should undertake.

[261] The edicts being set forth by Heraclius the Count Meanwhile the magistrates being changed, of the military matter the care, with the title of Duke, to Sebastian; of the political, with the title of Prefect, to Cataphronius passed, most impious men. Sent also had been Heraclius a Count, who the edicts should publish, and from the mandate of the Emperor should denounce, that unless it were obeyed, would be subtracted the bread, and the idols subverted (of which the former to the lowest common people, the latter to the gentiles to be stirred regarded) and to many of the chief of the citizens and of the people captivity to be prepared. These however denouncing, says to the Solitaries Athanasius, he blushed not openly with a great voice to declare, that Athanasius the Emperor repudiated, and to the Arians ordered the churches to be delivered, (these namely as says Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 after the flight of Athanasius his Clergy and people for some time had held) And when about these wondering many to each other nodded, in favor of the Arians, and sought whether Constantius made had become a heretic; not only nothing Heraclius it shamed, but also he compelled the counsellors and tribunes of the people, men heathen and of the idols sacristans, to subscribe and to profess, that to receive they were prepared the Bishop whom should send the Emperor… 1 p. 846

[262] On the next day congregated in the great church the peoples (for it was the fourth of the Sabbath, there rush the heathen into the church, which manner of speaking seems to me the Holy week and the day of April III to note, because in this year CCCLVI the Pascha fell on the day VII) Heraclius the Count, taking with himself Cataphronius the Prefect, and Faustinus the Catholic or Procurator general, a Bithynian by birth and by sect a heretic, of the gregarious men the younger idolaters incited, a mandate of the Emperor to be asserting, that they should invade the churches, and the people should stone. But when, the Dismissal being indicted, most from the churches had gone out, and a few women in them remained; the matter to be done began as had been commanded, and arises a spectacle miserable. For still in prayer were those who had remained women; the Virgins and widows there found with contumely they affect, when naked having entered the young men aforesaid with stones and clubs, them with stones began to assail, and of the Virgins the sacred bodies with blows to cut down, and the veilings of them removed their heads to denude, and to those resisting kicks to impinge. Grievous were these to them, and very grievous; graver however followed others, and than any contumely bitterer. For since they knew how great was the modesty of the Virgins, and how undefiled to them their ears, and that more easily swords and stones than obscene words they would tolerate; these especially they used, while into them they rushed. But the Arians these very things to the young men suggested, of this kind sayings and deeds with their approving laugh, perhaps also imitating…

[263] and all the sacred furniture they burn: Then, as the whole of the Emperor mandate about to perform (for this most they strove, this the Count and the Catholic prescribed) the benches they snatch, and the throne and the table, wooden indeed all; and the church's veils and other whatever they could carrying out, before the vestibule in a great square they burned, incense being thrown on … and their praising idols, they said: A Gentile is made Constantius, and the Arians with us think … And they indeed of one or the other from their number a punishment immediately divinely inflicted, just as more fully pursues Athanasius, nothing further dared: but the Arians not even thus were confounded, but hardened their heart their, the hope all in the Emperor and his eunuchs placed having… 1 p. 848

[264] On the pretext of seeking Athanasius everywhere all are vexed, These things therefore, just as already I said, through them they did: but what through themselves they perpetrated, how not will be said all malice and of the very executioner the savagery to surpass? What house, on of investigating a pretext, did they not plunder? what garden did they not trample? what sepulcher did they not open, as Athanasius seeking? Of many were sealed up the houses, many things which were in hospitals they bestowed on the soldiers to themselves subservient. Who of their malice devoid was? who to them met in the forum did not hide himself? who on account of them his house left a night did not spend in solitude? who his own from these to save wishing did not more lose? who did not prefer to the of the untried sea perils to commit himself, than them threatening to await?

[265] These and other things, and the fines indicted on the more opulent, and of the Virgins the expulsions; and the inflicted on the same, wherever into sight they came, contumelies, of the Arians the women about them like bacchants raging, pursuing Athanasius; of Eutychius the Subdeacon, to the mines deported, the cruel martyrdom; and freeborn men four, for his cause scourged, and to prison shut up, lamentably he commemorates: which see on XXVI of March deduced; Eutychius the Subdeacon is slain. not because on that day done they were, since rather to April they pertain; but because of them the memory in the Roman Martyrology Baronius on such a day inserted; although not without an error about the kind of punishment; which with a sword to them inflicted he devises, when of those whom we have named such nothing Athanasius indicates. More certain it is, that under Georgius the Bishop Arian, to have suffered he says: wherefore intermitted for a while of the cruelty against the orthodox exercised narration, to his entrance to be explained we pass, which of the prior Gregorius the entrance plainly similar or even more violent was.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Georgius the Cappadocian's cruel beginnings, by Constantius' letters approved, from hatred of Athanasius.

[266] A Cappadocian certain monster, from the farthest of our region bounds sprung, Georgius the Cappadocian, a man most vile, says Gregory Nazianzen, himself a Cappadocian; by birth bad, in mind worse; not fully freeborn, but mixed, as mules are; first indeed of a table another's a slave, and of a morsel the price, nothing not of the belly for the cause to do and to say knowing, at length to the commonwealth to be administered himself betook: in which when to him entrusted had been of ministries the lowest, namely that of swine's flesh, by which the army is fed, he should be the receiver; then since all things to the belly's utility referring, he had begun with bad faith to labor, nor now any more anything remaining he had besides his body; flight he entered; and one after another city and region changing: finally to the common loss of the Church, as an Egyptian certain plague, by the Arians at Antioch ordained: Alexandria he seized, where of wandering an end, but of doing ill a beginning he made. Nothing he indeed had whence to be esteemed he could. Not was he with liberal facundity endowed, or in conversation facetious, and nor an empty even of honesty appearance even through hypocrisy bore: but only to ill acting and things to be disturbed he seemed apt: and this to him enough was, that witness Sozomen book 4 chapter 7 a Bishop he should be ordained by Bishops, in number about thirty at Antioch congregated against Athanasius, and by Constantius should be sent into of the Throne Alexandrian the possession: after namely he had received the Emperor the subscriptions, by Heraclius the Count for this collected, just as above we heard.

[267] To have come Georgius in the Lent time, indicates Athanasius in the Apology about his flight: but nowhere signifies, him to have been present at the occupation violent of the churches: in Lent come to Alexandria, which since in the very greater week done we have reckoned, and by it prepared to him about to enter into them Georgius a way, consequent it will be that milder counsels first to have been attempted we believe for his reception to be persuaded; which not succeeding, the violence aforesaid was applied; and then at length in public appeared Georgius, as a Bishop by the Emperor sent. 1 p. 704 To him however, an assembly in the greater church acting, when to approach refused the orthodox, on the day of the Pascha, and the following Sundays prayed the Brethren in a solitary about a cemetery place, as says Athanasius in the Apology to Constantius; but in another about his flight more distinctly notes, that after the week of the Pascha, the Virgins in prison were shut, after the Pascha to rage he begins. bound by the soldiers were led the Bishops, of orphans and widows the bread and houses were plundered, by night were deported elsewhere Christians, and their houses sealed up were, and finally of the Clerics the brethren for the brethren into peril were brought. 1 p. 692, 1 p. 704

[268] Which thus in general said and on occasion of St. Eutychius by us on XXVI of March related, the same Athanasius, to narrate undertakes what perpetrated were in the Week after the sacred Pentecost, when fasting the people had gone out to the cemetery about to pray, because all abhorred the communion of Georgius; he himself this understanding, Sebastian the Duke, a man Manichaean, against them instigated. various Martyrs are made, He on the very Sunday day made an onset new on the people; of which onset the memory in the Roman Martyrology is found under these words. At Alexandria a commemoration of the holy Martyrs Secundus the Presbyter and of others, whom on the sacred days of Pentecost, under Constantius the Emperor, Georgius the Bishop Arian most savagely to be slain ordered … More fully therefore about these we shall treat on the day XXI of May, on which these to be read Baronius wished; although the Pentecost of that year on the day XXVI of May, but the Sunday subsequent on the day II of June fell; but Secundus, not at that time, but in the Lent of the following year was trodden with the heels by Secundus and Stephen Bishops Arian.

[269] are driven out the Bishops, On the same XXI of May placed Baronius also the memory of the holy Bishops, who by the Arians into exile relegated to the holy Confessors to be associated merited: about whom also we, from the Apology about the flight, shall treat more fully. Now from another to Constantius I note, that since the aged and true Bishops, partly into exile deported partly by fear put to flight had been; men either heathen or catechumens, and who the first places in the Senate held or excelled in riches, for the Christians' true faith promised themselves about to communicate with the Arians … and that a Bishop might be named someone, not even this was cared for that a heathen he was, and their Sees are sold to the unworthy, provided gold he offered. 1 p. 691 The same in the epistle to the Solitaries more exaggeratedly even setting forth Athanasius; Thereupon, he says, a graver to the peoples a calamity lay heavy. For when of the Arians the hired and from themselves alien they shunned; were scourged they, were assigned to public works, and were thrust into prisons by the Duke of the army. 1 p. 859

[270] Confidence these to do and security gave to them a certain of Constantius Epistle, to the Alexandrians written; confidence giving an epistle of Constantius to the Alexandrians, which because assiduously they recited, death to each one denouncing, doubted not into his Apology to insert Athanasius, a presumed from the Emperor's humanity license, and as not believing that it by him was dictated. 1 p. 692 Certainly of bitterness and of maledicence most full it is, and of sole authors the Arians worthy, which here therefore it helps all to give: thus therefore it has. Since your city, of paternal custom tenacious, praising that according to his precept, and of the founders the virtue imitating, even now obsequious itself, as it is wont, showed; not moderately to us we would seem to sin, unless Alexander himself we surpassed by our toward it benevolence. For how gracious it is for you modestly to act; so congruous it is to royal, so to speak, virtue, before others you to embrace, who first God true understanding, in the first ever place held the interpreters of wisdom; and in of these the chief to be chosen our following suffrage, an impostor shunned, you adhered to men most grave and of all admiration most worthy.

[271] For who any of however remote orb an inhabitant is ignorant, of your city the disturber, how great in those things which done are hitherto by you applied has been of mind a generosity: nor I know what to it added beyond can be. For since most in the city, by a certain as it were blindness were held, and of things got the mastery a man from the lowest emerged of the infernal regions; who of the truth amid darkness to be discerned the desirous to lies leading away, nothing indeed of fruitful brought of speech, but by prestiges certain deceived minds; his flatterers, who even now to mutter it is likely, cried out, applauded, admired; but most of the simpler to their lived prescript, and all rushed into headlong, all as in a deluge despairing in mind; and the multitude ruled a man, nothing from the lowest common people differing, and this only doing that all who in the city are into the deep into the pit he might drag.

[272] But that renowned and egregious one, nor a judgment indeed about himself to be made awaited, flight to himself more preferable esteeming; and now of his own accord a fugitive abdicating, whom it would be expedient even by barbarians from the midst to be taken away, lest some of them he should teach impiously to act, while as on a stage to the first met he laments. To him therefore a long be said farewell: but you it behoves me to esteem among the few, or rather alone to revere before all, in whom so much of virtue and of wisdom is, as proclaim works through almost the whole orb praised. Blessed be you with that virtue; for messengers we have heard, even repeatedly narrating and praising what is done among you, who of your elders the glories having surpassed to posterity will be an example most beautiful; and alone you have chosen for yourselves of morals a leader, to Georgius adhering, in words and deeds most excellent; from whom not even for a moment a time withdrawing, but manfully to him adhering, from these humble and earthly to the supercelestial you are raised, thither directing the most reverend Georgius, a man in such things most exercised, through whom both in the future you will have a hope best, and in the present in quiet you will live.

[273] Would that commonly all in the city on his voice, as on a sacred anchor, may hang; lest of cuttings and burnings we have need against those, whose corrupted are the minds: whom most instantly we admonish that from the zeal of protecting Athanasius they withdraw, and an evil threatening to his fautors. and not even to remember the garrulity of him they should wish, unless they prefer to extreme liable to be held perils, from which I know not who could the seditious snatch. For indeed absurd it would be, the most lost Athanasius a region to change from a region, although of most base crimes guilty and of whom a worthy scarcely thou wouldst exact punishment although ten times the life thou shouldst have taken away; but his flatterers and ministers, men hawking-about and whom even to name would be a shame, to be neglected when disturbances they move. Wherefore, again it is prescribed to the Judges them to kill. Perhaps however, unless maturely from the former delicts they come to their senses, nor simply indeed will perish those, of whom a leader was the most impure Athanasius, who both in public very much harmed, and to things most holy impious and execrable hands moved.

[274] Nothing more moderate than this an epistle is of the same Constantius another, and ordering that St. Frumentius of Ethiopia Bishop to Aizanas and Sazanas of Auxumis the Tyrants or Petty-kings written, with whom in old Troglodytis or today's Abyssinia, the royal city according to Ptolemy, Auxumis, a Bishop from Athanasius had received St. Frumentius; of whose to the Ethiopians Apostolate to be treated by us will be XXVII of October, because then he is reported in today's Roman, although by himself wrongly distinguished, on account of those who of the Indians' having abused the name, the Indians also the Abyssinians called. Through this epistle commands the Emperor, that the said Frumentius immediately be sent into Egypt to Georgius, in his familiarity in disciplines ecclesiastical to be instructed, if he wish to be held a Bishop: be sent to be instructed to Georgius: therefore that into that order raised him Athanasius, of a thousand crimes guilty: who since nothing of those things which to him were objected congruously could clear, immediately from his Throne fell, and equally in life and doctrine sinning wanders, migrating from region to region, as if so he could escape the less an evil he should be. 1 p. 696 The whole epistle elsewhere we shall give: enough it is from that specimen to the former added to have known the bitterness, with which the cause of Athanasius was acted.

[175] Augmented the bitterness himself Georgius, as Ammianus Marcellinus book 22 writes, who with common laboring hatred, with the open Constantius' ears many accusing, as of his recalcitrant commands; and of his profession forgetful, which nothing but just persuades and well, to of informers daring deadly degenerated. And among the rest it was said this also malignly to have taught Constantius, that in the city Alexandrian the buildings all to the ground cohering, by the Founder Alexander with greatness of public expenses built, to the emoluments of the treasury to profit ought by right. When therefore, as says Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 to all others himself terrible to show, and toward Athanasius' fautors cruel especially himself to show he studied, as a tyrant he was esteemed: and therefore into hatred common brought the angry common people having attacked, within the church, where he was staying, and to flee compelled almost him had finished. Saved however, although scarcely, from that peril, to the Emperor he fled; and Athanasius' followers received the churches, but for a little time. For was present soon of Egypt the Prefect, and to the Georgians them restored; afterward indeed a Notary Imperial, and restored, comes out more terrible, sent to take of the seditious punishment, many of the Alexandrians tortured and scourged: and a little after returned himself Georgius, more terrible on account of those things which I said made, and with a greater than before hatred held; as one who to many evils moved the Emperor, and on account of infidelity and pride was repudiated by the Egyptian monks, whose doctrine and number followed the people, as of truthful witnesses, because their all life was placed in the exercise of virtue.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Athanasius' withdrawal to the desert monasteries, and his hiding-places through six years.

[276] He passed his time, even from the first Syrianus' into the church irruption, solitary, as above we saw, Athanasius prepared to go to the Emperor, a confidence having of excusing himself first with God, then with the Emperor. 1 p. 690 With God indeed, that to extreme he had yielded violence, escaped from the hands of those his death seeking: but with the Emperor, that thus far he had persisted at Alexandria, that with his entrance's mandates, if without the same he had presumed to go away, he could not but be held guilty. These things therefore before his eyes having, and nothing to myself conscious, he says in his Apology, I hastened to thy Piety … But already on the way set out and going out to the desert, suddenly a report flies (which at first false esteeming, then too much true I found) that Liberius of Rome the Bishop, and of the Spains that great Hosius, equally as Paulinus of the Gauls, he learns the exile of certain Bishops in the west, and Eusebius and Dionysius from Italy, and also from Sardinia Lucifer, and certain other Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons relegated had been, because against me to subscribe they would not: and these indeed to exile to have been condemned, but Vincent of Capua, and Fortunatianus of Aquileia, and Eremius of Thessalonica, and the rest in the West Bishops, not moderate to have sustained violence, and much coercion and contumely, until they should promise with us not to communicate. 1 p. 691, 1 p. 692

[277] These things thus equally announced, and as to Liberius and Hosius no less new than unexpected, and the dispersion of others through Egypt and Libya: when I wondered and was anxious in mind; behold a new is brought a messenger about Egypt and Libya, that Bishops about ninety had been dispersed, and their churches delivered to the Arian heresy's professors: and that of those indeed altogether sixteen had been driven into exile, but others partly to flight to be entered, partly to be dissembled the mind's sentence compelled; and at the same time were narrated what had been after Pentecost done. I however not even then desisted, but again I pursued the journey to thy Piety, and that I did the more diligently, the more to me more certainly I persuaded, unwitting Thee these things to be done, and when thou hadst learned about to prohibit. 1 p. 693 Thus however thinking we, and when nonetheless I went on, a third messenger came, about the letters to the Auxumite Tyrants written, that Frumentius the Bishop from themselves they should drive away; and me indeed among the very barbarians to be sought, into the Prefects' prisons, Commentaries called, to be thrust back; but the peoples and Clerics everywhere all to be compelled to communicate with the Arians, or to be slain if they refused…

[278] Such things hearing I, and all-but seeing, from those who these lamenting announced; into the desert, I confess, again I returned, thinking, what also piety Thy understands, If therefore we are sought that we be delivered to the Prefects, this very thing will impede the less to Thy humanity we should come: new messengers received he is compelled to the desert to return. and if these, who against us refuse to subscribe, so great and such things suffer, that laymen and Clerics not willing to communicate with the Arians, are ordered to be slain; doubt none is, but the sycophants these a thousandfold and unwonted deaths machinate for us, that after my slaughter a business they may move to whom and as much as they shall wish… 1 p. 697 These things therefore, to God most dear Emperor, of my withdrawal the cause was: nor would I refuse either into the desert to go, or if necessary it be through a basket from the wall to be let down; for all things I have sustained, and with beasts I have dwelt, awaiting this oration to thee to be had a time; and confident, that at some time to be recognized are those who me calumniate, and humanity Thy to be manifested. 1 p. 699

[279] From these it appears, what at the beginning I said, this apologetic oration to this end to have been composed, without a mandate of the Emperor not about to return to Alexandria. that at some time before the Emperor it might be recited: and indeed in the desert it to have been composed after the feasts Pentecostal, and the message about the letters against himself and Frumentius to the Auxumite Princes sent. In this however, that his toward the Imperial decrees he may show reverence, not only he protests about to have gone out himself from his city, if either had ordered Constantius, or had written; and so nothing of need had been of that nocturnal and insidious, against what had promised Syrianus, onset: but as he says then I resisted not the decree thine, which none was exhibited; so neither now shall I attempt to return to Alexandria, until that piety Thy shall have ordered: this however already before I prenounce, lest about this also find the sycophants mine of calumniating an occasion. 1 p. 691

[280] Thou wilt ask, where and among whom, both then and afterward, lived Athanasius? Answers Nazianzen, that in those sacred and divine of Egypt and the neighboring to Egypt solitudes schools, there among the monks living, where were exercised, those who themselves from the world sequestering, and the deserts loving, lived to God, more than the rest all who are conversant in the body: of whom some a life altogether solitary and from of men society remote led, to themselves only speaking and to God, nor of the world anything known having except as much as they cultivated in the desert; others of charity the law in a community following, hermits at once and cenobites, to the rest indeed men and affairs dead … to one another a world they were, and by the very conjunction virtue they sharpened. With these, says Nazianzen, conversing the Great Athanasius … Solitary life so with the social he conciliated… that he united among themselves quiet operation and operose quiet; and openly made the monastic profession, of morals by constancy more, than of the body by secession to be expressed…

[281] So it came about that those who much others surpassed in virtue, something to himself, much to them he profits, much by him were surpassed: and in that in which they excelled the rest, a slight something conferring to the Episcopal perfection; a much ampler from him utility they received to philosophy; and to them for a law was, whatever he himself should have judged; whatever indeed he should have reprobated, interdicted they believed; his decrees observing, as Mosaic tablets; and to them a greater they deferred reverence, than men everywhere to sacred things defer. But when it happened to come upon of those some, who the holy man everywhere as a beast certain investigated (nor indeed scrutinizing all things the same did they find) they such not even with address indeed deigned; to die even for him prompt but they extended their necks to the swords, as if for Christ they contended, and something bitter for him to suffer the greatest of philosophy part esteemed, and by long fastings and sleepings-on-the-ground and the rest by which they are nourished exercises more sublime and more divine.

[282] Hither seems to look an epistle from Greek into Latin translated, and at the end of the works of Lucifer of Cagliari divulged, by which Athanasius to the solitary life studious, and in the faith of God strengthened and most beloved Brethren, to the same then he writes in the Lord a greeting sending, the most sincere Brethren exhorting, through whom he had understood to be certain, who what are of Arius savor, going around the monasteries for nothing else, except that, as if to them coming and from them returning, the simple they may seduce; I studied, he says, to write to you, that the pious faith, which in you God's grace works, how to be acted with the Arians or the suspect. sincerely and without guile keeping, you give not an occasion of scandal to the Brethren. For when any in Christ faithful, shall have seen you communicate with such or with them equally to pray, indeed thinking indiscriminate * this to be, they fall into the mire of impiety. That therefore nothing such be done, let be to you a will, most dear, those who savor what are of the impiety of Arius, to turn away; but those who are thought indeed not to savor what are of Arius, pray however with the impious, to avoid: and especially, because of whom the sense we execrate, of these also the communion it is fitting to flee. If anyone therefore comes to you, if indeed he brings according to B. John a true doctrine, say to him Hail, and as a Brother him such receive. If anyone however dissembles indeed to confess himself a right faith, appears however to communicate with them, of this kind a man exhort indeed to abstain himself from such an intercourse, and if indeed he shall have promised have also this one as a Brother; but if with a contentious mind he shall have persevered, this one also avoid.

[283] Uncertain it is when and where Athanasius these things wrote: about the time however a likely to me conjecture seems, When farther he had withdrawn, that not immediately in the first of his secession years, but corroborated thoroughly the Arian impiety and as if already peace having got, these he dictated. Perhaps also no longer he was passing his time in the neighboring to Alexandria monasteries, and was this time about which in the epistle to Lucifer of Cagliari about the year CCCLX given thus he writes. Although I believe to have come even to holiness thy about the persecution, which even now against the fraternity to make have attempted the enemies of Christ, seeking our blood; can however also our most dear report to religion thy. So much indeed a rage through soldiers to extend they have dared, that not only the city's Clerics they put to flight, but also to the Hermits they went out, and their deadly hands against the μονάζοντας they sent. Thence it came about, that even I myself farther should withdraw, lest even who us received a business from the same should suffer… Although therefore the Arian insanity with external power so itself moved, that it was not allowed the Brethren, nor, as much as they raged, freely the air to see; yet according to thy prayers God favoring, although with labor and peril, to see I could a Brother, who is wont both necessary things and epistles, both of thy holiness and of others, to convey.

[284] Sent namely by Lucifer to Athanasius were Brethren, about the common of each cares and afflictions about to confer; whom excuses the Saint to himself not to have been able to be admitted: the sent by St. Lucifer Brethren to see he could not. which again at the end of the epistle doing, But about Brethren our, he says, if less I could see the same, thou wouldst pardon I ask. For is the very truth a witness, to have wished I and to have desired this to obtain, and so great to have had grief that I could not: for neither tears ceased from my eyes, nor groans from my mind, because nor the Brethren are we permitted to see. A witness is however the Lord, that nor the parents whom I have I could see, from which they persecute us. For what do not the Arians? The journeys they watch, on account of the intent of the Arians watch: cares they take about those setting out and going out of the city, ships they seek, the deserts they encircle, houses they perturb, they shake the Brethren, to each businesses they devise: but to God thanks, while these they do, so much more and more they are execrated by all, and are known truly, as says holiness thy, slaves to be of Antichrist.

[285] To this same time I judge to pertain, what to far prior years, before to Constans into Europe went Athanasius, then he seems also to have lain hid in a cistern reports Rufinus book II chapter 18, Through the whole orb, saying, a fugitive is driven Athanasius, nor any to him safe for hiding remained a place. Tribunes, Provosts, Counts, an army also for investigating him are moved: prizes to informers are set forth, if anyone alive most; if that less, the head certainly of Athanasius should have brought: and so with the whole of the kingdom forces in vain, against him to whom God was present, was contended. Meanwhile… so to have lain hid he is reported in a pool of a cistern not having water, that the sun never he saw. But when through a maidservant, who alone privy to the masters' offices, who to him hiding-places had afforded, was seen, he had been indicated; as if by God's spirit admonished, on the very night, in which to him to be apprehended with judges it was come … he migrated to another place. So those who had come frustrated, the masters also into flight turned, of the maidservant, as a false informer, punishments they take.

[286] This place whole in their Martyrologies described Ado and Notker, but not in the prior persecution nor through six years. and erring having followed Rufinus also they themselves erred in time: which they would not have done, if their mind they had applied to the six continuous years, which the hiding-places those Rufinus attributes; not indeed truly, but yet from the talk of the common people; without doubt understanding all that time, in which after the irruption of Syrianus even to the death of Constantius lay hid Athanasius, although not in the same always, but changed from time to time hiding-places. Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 the same transcribing, the years indeed by number expresses not, says however ἐπὶ πολλῷ χρόνῳ a long time thus to have lain hid the Saint, and to the rule of Constans these things refers, of which almost the whole time he in the West spent, and accordingly the same needs correction.

* that is, indifferent ἀδιάφορον

CHAPTER XXV.

St. Athanasius' lucubrations in the time of the six-year withdrawal issued.

[287] As soon as he departed from Alexandria As elsewhere never, so neither in solitude a slothful life led the Saint; but when he could not by tongue, by writing he attempted the truth to defend. First of all written seems the Apology about his flight, then entered when by Syrianus the Duke a persecution he was suffering: and indeed so immediately after it written it seems, that of the slaughters, by Syrianus the church invading perpetrated while still himself in the sacrarium was, not yet made he had been more certain when he wrote, thanks giving to God that to be saved he had been able the people first dismissed, written the Apology about his flight and no made of another violence mention, than by which himself to intercept the Duke and the soldiers machinated. 1 p. 701 Nor from this opinion to move me can, that I see, after the narrated of Hosius vexation, of the lapse also, into which through weakness senile he was led in the year CCCLVII, to be made mention. For it appears manifestly, this to be a parenthesis, afterward added to the margin by Athanasius himself, and by the scribes unskillfully inserted into the text, otherwise excellently cohering, which such about Hosius is. Against this one also, (to which afterward acceded a parenthesis about Hosius' lapse) of so great namely, as he premised, praises a man, audaciously themselves they brought: because even he himself, knowing what calumnies to me for the cause of impiety they had constructed, to their against me snares subscribed not … Thence indeed to Alexandria again they attack, anew me seeking to slaughter through Syrianus, as consequently he sets forth before the arrival of Georgius. 1 p. 704 Where no thou seest to lie open a place of interjecting anything, which is than the irruption of Syrianus later, with the safety of that context's integrity.

[288] By what further occasion he wrote he indicates, beginning from these words: he answers the Arians accusing him: I hear Leontius, who now is of Antioch (but he was not but even to the year CCCLXVIII, so that between his death and Hosius' lapse, about which above, a very slight time intervened) and Narcissus from Neronias, and Georgius now presiding at Laodicea, and the rest with them Arians much to snarl and to revile, and to cowardice to impute, that by them to slaughter sought of my own accord me I betrayed not. 1 p. 701 And that he shows by examples from the Scriptures sacred by himself to be done and to have been able, and indeed even to have ought, and other nothing them to grieve, than that the desired crime's faculty they lost, and that as their to esteem injury and on that account to be angry.

[289] Further who from the hands of those seeking his life escaped, these things in the desert had written; thence a little after gone out with a good hope and confidence of his cause with Constantius to be defended, as we saw, on the way himself toward him gave: but how far he stretched he explains not himself, seems however an occasion to give of suspecting, that even into Syria or Palestine. For indeed an Epistle encyclical against the Arians to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya writing, then he writes an encyclical to the Bishops, which under the name of the first oration against the Arians to his works is inserted, before the other four of the same argument (as to the collectors to call it pleased) orations, about which a conjecture we made in the Preface, the former to be of another work grander a part, without any to that which the first is called oration respect; this I say Epistle writing the Saint, at once indicates himself then in Egypt not to have been, at once of writing the occasion thus sets forth. 1 p. 283

[290] I have heard, in these regions staying (for so indeed announced true Brethren and in doctrine orthodox) that some according to Arius thinking have come together, and about faith have written, and wish to you to send, that you subscribe for their good pleasure, lest the formulas by the Arians to be offered they subscribe. or rather as to them inspired the devil; but exile let sustain whoever shall have contradicted… 2 p. 287 In which much indeed they use craftiness, and that they do as to me indeed it seems for two especially causes; the first indeed, that you subscribing might seem to cease of the name Arian the infamy, and themselves meanwhile lie hid, as the same with Arius not thinking; the other, that these writing they might obliterate the memory of the Synod at Nicaea celebrated, and of the faith in it against the heresy Arian expounded. These and other things prefacing, because suspect to be it ought, when he had shown how deservedly ought to be suspect that of formulas of faith to be innovated inconstancy, he complains that the Arians, few in number though they be, their own to wish before all to prevail; and what they themselves conspiring described in corners, they attempt to stabilize by dissolving thus the oecumenical, and that sincere and pure Synod. 1 p. 289

[291] Then severally naming of that formula the authors, which thou couldst at Antioch written believe, and lest Georgius the Cappadocian by them to be sent they receive. in number about eighteen; all he shows by the Eusebians ordained, the Orthodox Bishops through calumny to be subverted; and on the same, he says, cause Georgius a certain from Cappadocia they have hired to be sent to you, of whom however no to be had is a reckoning: for they say in these parts, that not even a Christian altogether he is, but of idols a zealot, and in morals an executioner; and therefore by them chosen to have been, that he may be able injuries, rapines and slaughters to make: for to these indeed he is exercised long, and what of the Christian faith are altogether he is ignorant. 1 p. 290 Not yet therefore to Alexandria had come Georgius, nay nor by fame indeed yet to the Egyptians known he was, when these he wrote the Saint, in the month namely of February ending or beginning March of the year CCCLVI; meanwhile Cardinal Baronius, this epistle even to the year CCCLXI deferred.

[292] The cause indeed of so thinking alleges Baronius, because says the Saint, that epistle not to have been later written that the Meletians for years fifty- five schismatics made, but the Arians are for years thirty-six declared heretics, and by the judgment of the oecumenical Synod ejected from the church. 1 p. 305 But either an error to be of the number, or this not to regard the time of the Council general, that by this ejected, before, say in the Alexandrian Synod, they had been heretics judged; manifoldly could have noted Baronius, if leisure to himself he had taken of examining the whole epistle. For he would have seen in it to be said, that of those, in which Athanasius was writing, regions very many, the of the writers craftiness known, prepared are against their cunning even to blood themselves to oppose, on account of the very Egyptians' constancy, to them for an example set forth; which after the Ariminian council he would not have written. 1 p. 303

[293] Then after the Synod of Seleucia, of the year CCCLIX, in which the Nicene faith manifestly was rejected, to those seeing it is shown by indications. he would not provoke the adversaries as that never about to dare, that they should accuse the Nicene Synod, that the impiety Arian repudiated a right faith it expounded and by subscribing formed. To be noted also it could, that Eustathius of Sebaste, or Basil of Ancyra the Semiarians, in the year CCCLX into exile thrust by the Arians, not only are touched sharply, but are named as still their holding See and authority; praised also Hosius and Liberius, without any excuse of weakness and dissimulation into which afterward they lapsed are; among the living finally to be numbered Cecrops, the Pseudo-bishop of Nicomedia, whom it is established by that earthquake, which in the year CCCLVIII in the month of August the city shook, to have been by ruins involved. 1 p. 301

[294] Let it remain therefore, this also Epistle one to be of the first of Athanasius after the entered flight works: And thus far indeed with reverence of Constantius written all things, according to which none I would believe to be preferred to the Apology aforementioned to Constantius, then namely written when from the undertaken of him to be approached counsel he had been by a triple message recalled. In this however the greatest always with honor the Emperor he calls, nor in the before this mentioned writings, namely the Syllogus and the encyclical Epistle, anything against him says more bitterly; only at the end of the Apology for the flight Constantius a heretic is called, which I fear that of the very author it be, or at least of the first writing.

[295] But in that most prolix, about which in the Preface we treated, to the Solitaries work, openly into his impiety he inveighs; and at length even shows, Constantius than Pilate more bitter: For he indeed, he says, having observed the iniquity, washed his hands; but that one the Saints into exile driving, gnashes even his teeth. 1 p. 856 But what wonder if through heresy seduced so monstrous he is against the Bishops; afterward openly his crimes he refutes when not even his kinsmen, as a man, he spared. For indeed he killed his uncles, his cousins he slew and his father-in-law, when still his daughter he had as wife; nor of his kinsmen extreme things suffering had he pity: nay even of the oath which to each he had made a prevaricator made, with a similar toward his brother impiety he dared to use. He dissembles indeed for him himself to erect a monument, meanwhile his betrothed Olympias he delivered to barbarians, to Armenia's King her joining.

[296] But a little afterward, when the same of fatuity he had accused, who so himself allowed to be snatched by the impious counsels, in the epistle to the Solitaries, a persecution by him moved, a proem to be he says and a preparation of Antichrist. Mostly however in the third person he speaks, that it might seem, himself the author to dissemble he wished; and beyond his purpose to the same to have crept, if at some time (which rarely happens) he speaks in the first. To this work how subjoined was a more ancient another, which the Syllogus he calls, already above we saw; and how it itself, to which is added the Syllogus long before collected. with a new additament about the lapse of Liberius, was sent to Serapion the Bishop through an epistle, explaining besides what he had ascertained about the death of Arius, also in the Preface we showed.

[297] Uncertain it is at what time these to Serapion were sent; finally written the Epistle about the Synods credible it is however that done before than was written the Epistle or book about the Synods, which similarly directed seems to the Solitaries, and thus begins. Likely to you also has come the fame of it, which now in all's mouth is, the Synod: for everywhere were sent letters of the Emperor and of the Prefects, to the assembly calling. 1 p. 869 Now because of learning desirous you ask what done was, congruous I judged, those things which either I saw or accurately I knew to you to declare; lest from others hearing with mind doubtful you fluctuate; especially since are wont some things done otherwise than acted they were to announce. At Nicaea therefore, just as had been determined, no Council was assembled; but according to the edict it was promulgated, that the Bishops Western at Ariminum of Italy a city should come together, but the Eastern at Seleucia by surname Aspera, a city of Isauria. But did Athanasius, the whole almost world to his destruction conspiring, at Seleucia be present, that what there against himself and against the right faith were done present he could observe? So indeed it seemed to Hermant; to us faith all seems to exceed a presumption so great, or rather a temerity; for by what reason could he hope hidden there himself to be about to be or if he had been, how not more expressly and in several places himself he would have alleged an eye-witness?

[298] Therefore what to have seen himself says Athanasius, I judge to be public Acts, to that treatise word for word inserted; of which some however, from the Bishopric Alexandrian to be sought, to be wanting to himself in one or another place indicating, he promises them when he shall have got, before the Synod of Ariminum's lapse, about to send: the rest to be said he is by a faithful relation to have heard, and to have written in the very in which they were done time, and to have finished, before to understand he could, how the Synod of Ariminum's Legates to the Emperor, basely having prevaricated the cause for whose protection they had been sent, on X of October of the year CCCLIX had subscribed to a confession, by Ursacius and Valens to the Ariminian Fathers thus far in vain proposed: wherefore nowhere about these except with honor he speaks. 1 p. 889 But the finished treatise he subjoined the epistles of Constantius to the Ariminians and of these to him; about which afterward learning, to have copies he took care; that, he says, you may know of the Emperor indeed the impious craftiness; except certain things afterward interjected. of the Bishops indeed the firm and immovable for the truth sentence. What therefore is inserted, about a faith formula at Constantinople issued and to Ariminum sent, and then at Antioch changed, and about of Constantius himself the death, from these words, Ταῦτα γράψαντες ἐν τῇ Ἰσαυρίᾳ, even to Τέως μεν ἄχρι τούτων φθάσαντες; that for the cause of finishing the history about various of faith formulas, afterward by St. Athanasius himself to have been added to judge it is fitting: and indeed after some of time lapse, when not so distinct any longer a notice of things the memory suggested. 905 & 907 About the rest of the Council of Ariminum's success, which in this Epistle Athanasius touched not, nothing here I place: since in it (avoiding it of set purpose the Arians) no made was of Athanasius mention; his lapse's excuse. but only about of faith unity to be constituted. But how under this pretext was received at length Ursacius' and Valens' confession, in words Catholic, in sense heretic, excellently describes Jerome in the dialogue against the Luciferians; and shows how worthy of pardon were, who the words the sense to answer reckoning, through mere simplicity had subscribed and had received Valens with his men, whom before generously they had condemned; but the fraud acknowledged, to detest they began its authors, prepared both the subscription pristine and all the Arians' blasphemies to condemn. There was also among these St. Servatius of Tongres Bishop, on whose Life on the day XIII of May more fully this matter to be set forth can.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Other of St. Athanasius in solitude writings.

[299] In the prior Chapter about those books we treated, which historical since they are, the better to this commentary matter furnished, He writes an epistle to Serapion and therefore ought more distinctly to be known to be set forth. Other almost works Theological are: in which first to me to be named comes to Serapion the Bishop (himself, as we believe, about whom above) a prolix epistle, or rather a book, against those saying, that the Spirit holy a creature is, with this beginning: The letters of thy holy affection given to me are in the desert: and although a bitter to us is heavy a persecution, and much investigation of those who seek us to death; yet of mercies the Father and God of all consolation, has consoled us through thy epistle. 1 p. 174 For indeed of dilection thy and of all the german Brethren remembering, I seemed them to myself present to have; and therefore the very paper long I held in my hands. But when on it I cast my eyes, I began again to be tormented with mourning, on account of those to whom altogether it is proposed to impugn the truth.

[300] For thou wast writing, my beloved and truly most longed-for, grieving even thyself, that some have withdrawn indeed from the Arians, on account of their blasphemy against God; think however against the Spirit holy, and say it merely a creature to be, and one to be of the administering spirits, about the divinity of the Holy Spirit: and by a sole grade to differ from the Angels. Is this indeed with the Arians a simulated battle: but truly a contrary to the right faith assertion. For just as they by denying the Son, deny the Father; so also these defaming the Spirit holy, defame the Son: and both a war against the truth among themselves partition; that while these against the Word, those against the Spirit opine, the same they may stabilize blasphemy against the Trinity … Against these therefore when with many he had disputed and them with most solid had confuted arguments, I, he says concluding, although in the desert I act, yet on account of the impudence of those who others turn away from the truth, little I made the deriders of our in speaking humility, and a few writing I sent to thy piety, asking that these received partly them thou correct, partly thinly said things thou excuse.

[301] With a similar with a testification of mind, magnificently about Serapion, about himself modestly thinking, likewise another about the divinity of the Son of God. but with far less prolixity he wrote against those who say, the Son a creature to be, with such a beginning: Indeed I thought even thus a few to have written, and myself I accused of great weakness, because not so much I could write, as possible it is a man to say against those impiously acting against the Holy Spirit. 1 p. 166 [when he had been asked the writings about the Holy Spirit to reduce into a compendium,] But because certain of the Brethren as thou writest, even those very things ask into a compendium to be reduced, that in readiness they may have, whereby to those asking about our faith they may satisfy in few words, and the impious may convict; this also I furnished, confident that a conscience having good, if anything in these omitted shall have been, about to fill up thyself thou be.

[302] Who from such an exordium would not expect a dissertation, far diverse from that which is set forth in the title? which not to have been by himself done he excuses. And so again to the same Serapion writing, Thou wilt wonder he says, how it came about, that bidden into an epitome to contract the epistle written about the Holy Spirit, and the matter whole to explain in few words; omitted, as thou seest, the speech about that argument to be made, I have written against those impiously acting against the Son and saying him a creature to be. 2 p. 10 But that indeed when he had shown himself to have done congruently, that from a knowledge of the Son we may aptly attain a knowledge of the Spirit holy; but he does afterward, because such as we shall have known to be the property of the Son to the Father, such we shall find that of the Spirit holy to the Son: that, I say, when he had shown, he satisfies the prior of Serapion wish.

[303] From whose then answer understanding of the heretics the impudence, by sole of contention zeal arguing, If not is a creature the Spirit holy, therefore the Son he is, and two brothers will be the Word and he himself; and again, 2 p. 16 If from the Son shall receive the Spirit and by him is given; and to various of the heretics sophisms he answers. therefore a grandfather is the Father and the Spirit his grandson; he answers no longer Christians but pagans to seem to be able, who such things at Caesarea and Scythopolis mockingly object; refuted however the sophisms aforenoted, at length he concludes, It suffices you to believe, that not is a creature the Spirit, but the Spirit of God is: and that neither the Father's appellation to be attributed is to the Son, nor lawful it be to say that the Spirit himself the same be with the Son, nor that the Son the same be with the Spirit holy: but so it is just as has been said, and one in the Trinity Deity, and one faith and one baptism in it is given. 2 p. 21

[304] Began Macedonius, of the Constantinopolitan See even to the year CCCLX Bishop, his about the Holy Spirit errors openly to make, and that about the beginning of the year 360, after from the Arians divided the Semiarians, by sole appellation of Consubstantiality rejected, the Catholic about the Son doctrine seemed to have embraced; and so after the issue of the Seleucian Synod to the preceding September pertaining. But of him and of the rest Semiarian Bishops the deposition decreed was in the Synod of Constantinople in the month of January. Accordingly to be said altogether, those to Serapion epistles all, either in the intermediate of three months time, or at least in the first of the year LX months to have been written. About the same time it behoves to esteem, sent to have been by Athanasius an Epistle to St. Lucifer of Cagliari, through Eutyches the Deacon, when also written two epistles to Lucifer. by which in his and of all the Confessors name he asks, that he deign to him to destine a copy of the books which he had written to Constantius the Emperor for Athanasius; and another, by which he rejoices in those to him brought to have perceived an image Apostolic, a confidence Prophetic, a magistery of truth, a doctrine of true faith, a way celestial, of martyrdom the glory, triumphs against the heresy Arian, a tradition entire of our Fathers, a rule right of the Ecclesiastical order. This praise to Lucifer given by Athanasius vehemently weigh Marcellinus and Faustinus Presbyters in their little book of prayers; and they add, that those of Lucifer books, as of truth a vindicator, esteeming Athanasius, and his books into Greek rendered by Athanasius. into Greek speech translated, lest so much of good the Greek tongue not have. But while they add him this to have done, when through all things from entirely he acted, a sting of schism they fix, as if from faith's integrity afterward he had defected, through that by which then we shall see him used toward wolves indulgence.

[305] An epistle to a friend given, for demonstrating that the Nicene Synod, having observed the Eusebians' cunning, An epistle to a friend for the Nicene decrees. its definitions against the Arian heresy congruously and piously expounded, by writing τὸ ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας, and τὸ ὁμοούσιον; this, I say, epistle to seem could about this same time written; if τοὺς τὰ Ἀρείου πρεσβεύοντας, with whom a held disputation a cause of it to be written gave, rightly Nannius had turned Legates: for understood could be Legates of a Synod either of Ariminum or of Seleucia to Constantius, of whom these maintained those words as by Scripture not used, to be eliminated; those indeed to themselves had allowed to be persuaded for their cause not to be contended. But loose too much, some explanation and correction needing, nor enough congruous is of this kind a version; and the beginning of the epistle, more closely into Latin turned, thus has: Rightly thou hast done that to me thou hast declared a disputation by thee held πρὸς τοὺς τὰ Ἀρείου πρεσβεύοντας, with of the dogma Arian assertors or esteemers: for also this signifies the word πρεσβεύω, not only a legation I discharge. But what soon follows, in which were of the Eusebians' comrades some, and several of the Brethren with the Church thinking, that indeed needs correction, and for ἐν οἷς ἦσαν, altogether to be read it seems, ἐν ᾗ ἦσαν, or ἐν ᾗ παρῆσαν, in which, namely the disputation they had been present.

[306] But meanwhile from these it is gathered, this written to have been then, when most of the Eusebians the faction was named, written it seems before the Council of Sardica. and before the Nicene faith by another any Synod was confirmed; since of another none is made mention, and only is urged, that by the evidence of truth convicted even Eusebius of Caesarea, to the Arian heresy's condemnation subscribed, and an exposition of faith at Nicaea issued to his Caesarian Church commended through an epistle, which at the end to subjoin himself he says: and in this he calls upon the conscience of Acacius, who Eusebius this in the Episcopate succeeded in the year CCCXXXVIII; unless, he says, even this one fearing of the time for the cause should dissemble and deny the truth. By which words enough is indicated, then not yet openly known to have been Acacius' impiety, and the matter acted to have been before the Council of Sardica in which deposed from the Episcopate although not with the followed effect, more sharply yet he would have merited to be touched.

[307] Further entering into the matter proposed Athanasius, about to show of the Arians the doctrine, not so long after the Nicene, which neither Eusebius could defend, and their followers in vain strive to excuse, not sound to be but demoniac; although, he says, in the prior to thee Epistle a more prolix confutation I used, nonetheless now the latter just as then those former let us rout, by proceeding through each which by those are said. 1 p. 253 They say therefore, what also those thought, Not always the Father, not always the Son: before which another against the Arians he had written. nor indeed the Son was before he became, but from non-beings made even himself he is. Not extant indeed is the prior that Epistle, seems however to be understood written before the Council of Nicaea, before than a Bishop was Athanasius: why not therefore this about which we treat written be not so long after, when their subscriptions retracting the Eusebians gave to their followers a confidence the Nicene definition's terms to cavil at.

[308] But just as this epistle is not of that of which we treat six-year period, before Constantius' death elapsed, but of a time far earlier; so also other epistles and little works various, about which neither before this was an occasion of saying anything, nor now occurs anything singularly making for the history. 1 p. 545 And such also is an epistle. About Dionysius of Alexandria the Bishop, afterward indeed he wrote about Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria. that even he himself against the Arian heresy thought, equally as the Nicene Synod, and him in vain calumniate the Ariomanites as with themselves consenting. He is venerated St. Dionysius, a distinguished under Valerian Confessor, with the Greeks on the day III of October, with the Latins XVII of November, where it will be allowed more distinctly these to treat both from this Epistle of Athanasius, both from one of several of St. Dionysius himself, which to a namesake to himself St. Dionysius the Pope written and by Athanasius inserted to the Epistle about the Synods, thus begins: Also in another epistle I had regard for what against me they bring a crime, as if not I said, Consubstantial to God to be Christ: for although this word I said not to be found nor to be read anywhere in the sacred Scriptures; arguments however mine, which follow and they themselves keep silent, do not differ from this opinion. 1 p. 904

[309] Philippus Labbaeus our, in volume I of the Dissertation historical about the Writers ecclesiastical, enumerates all things which under the name of Athanasius are contained in that, which we follow, Paris edition of the year MDCXXVII; [Certain little works of Eutherius the Nestorian not rightly ascribed to Athanasius,] and them accurately notes, which to himself or to others ascribed seem. Him let the reader consult; here enough I have to have admonished that long that of treatises small a series against the Macedonians, and others about various questions, which are contained in volume 2 from page 261 to 328 with the interpreter Abraham Scultetus, by men erudite long ago to have been adjudged away from St. Athanasius. There are who to St. Maximus the Martyr them attribute, Labbe thinks them to be of Theodoret; nor indeed of enough sound doctrine they are even themselves, at least not all. But after appeared of Marius Mercator St. Augustine coeval the works, by our John Garnerius illustrated, and with these of the same excerpts from the books of Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Eutherius of Tyana Bishops, it began manifestly to be established the said sermons either all or most to be of the aforenamed Eutherius. For that he may show Marius, the of Nestorius and of Theodore and of Theodoret blasphemies disclosed, that the same was of Eutherius and of those the impiety, but more cunningly and so more perniciously insinuated into the faithful's minds, Let us approve, he says, that from the sermons which he wrote against some of the Catholics' sentences and that especially of B. Cyril of Alexandria the Pontiff, which about Christ produced Epistle 3 to Nestorius, saying, He suffered impassibly: which sentence of Catholic truth by the authority fortified this to assert strives, that one and the same God's son according to divinity impassible, according to the flesh passible to be be believed. But soon of his sermon which is had page 305 under that sentence's title a part almost third he produces, that Eutherius' crafty depravity, and nothing with the faithful further about to avail, may be brought forth.

[310] To me besides suspect is the treatise about Virginity or about the exercitation of a Virgin, both by reason of style, very, as to me indeed it seems, diverse; as also the book about virginity. both because it itself in the conclusion I see to be called βίβλιον, when Athanasius, in those all which in Greek are extant, for of mind modesty, preferred the name ἐπιστολῆς, for his however prolix lucubrations: it is otherwise an excellent work, and an excellent to a sacred any Virgin of way and conversation solitary a rule prescribes, and altogether for those drawn up it seems who outside the maidenly asceteries in their own houses a life from the world's tumults withdrawn led. 1 p. 309

[311] Such likely also those were, to whom Consolatory he wrote discourses, his consolatory to Virgins have perished. whence Theodoret book 2 chapter 14 these words excerpted, Wherefore let no one of you become sad, if even you while you are buried envy the impious and prohibit to be carried out. For they were of their number, of whom several under Gregorius or Georgius suffered at Alexandria. And since adds Theodoret, even to that point to have grown the Arians' cruelty, that the gates they obstructed, and demons in the manner sat at the monuments, lest anyone of the deceased there should be laid down: is given a place of conjecturing, to Georgius' rather than Gregorius' times, and so to the first of lying hid in the desert Athanasius years to pertain discourses of this kind, which would that at some time into light may come, hitherto nowhere found!

CHAPTER XXVII.

The death of Constantius and Georgius: St. Athanasius' return into the Church.

[312] The sixth almost year in his solitude had passed Athanasius, when it seemed to God by some of a better hope ray to console the Church Alexandrian, In the year 361 dies Constantius, by the lawful Pastor's absence and the raging wolf's savagery most afflicted. For in the year of the Christian Era CCCLXI, descending against Julian the Emperor Constantius, at Mopsucrenae in the confines of Cappadocia and Cilicia, on the day III of November, not a bad to a bad rule end imposed; of those things which unwisely he had done repenting as they say, under his last breath, when each one a judge of his own matters is incorrupt, about whose penitence a report carried to Nazianzen on account of the impending in the other life judgment: conscious indeed to himself to have been of three evils, that his kinsmen he had slain, that an apostate he had carried out, that in faith a novelty he had followed; and in these words to have deceased him they say. 3 p. 18

[313] So Gregory Nazianzen in the praises of Athanasius, whose words, as now are read in the Greek, κακὸν ου᾽ κακῇ ἀρχῇ κεφὰλαιον, seemed altogether of the transposition of the negative particle ου᾽ to need: unless rather to correct and to read thou prefer καλὸν ου᾽ καλῇ a good not to a good beginning an end imposing. But whether true was the report which Nazianzen believed about the penitence of Constantius, vehemently I doubt, at least as to the third point: for Athanasius in that parenthesis, not it seems believed by Athanasius. by which interpolated to have been we said the epistle about the Synods, expressly has, that of the Arian impiety the standard-bearer Constantius, in the same even to the end persevering, and at last dying, wished to be baptized not by a man some pious, but by Euzoius, on account of the Arian heresy not once but more often excommunicated. 2 p. 907

[313] To him succeeding Julian the apostate However it be willing or unwilling the Empire to Julian he left, son of Julius Constantius, of him who of the great Constantine the brother, and of Constantius himself the father-in-law had been. But Julian, just as his encomiast Ammianus Marcellinus writes book 22, who in mind ever idolatry had fostered, when to be present to himself a free time of doing what he would he observed, of his breast disclosed the secrets, and by plain and absolute decrees, to be opened the temples, and to the altars victims to be brought, and to be repaired of the Gods determined the worship. And that of the disposed he might strengthen the effect, the exile Bishops to return permits. the dissenting of the Christians Prelates with the people torn, into the Palace introduced he admonished, that the civil discords being lulled each one no one forbidding to his religion should serve intrepid: which he did therefore, that the dissensions by augmenting license, he should not fear the made-unanimous afterward people.

[314] Georgius to the Alexandrian heathen dreaded, With such a mind therefore when the exiles of whatever sect Bishops to their own to return permitted Julian; wonder not is, that Athanasius believed not, by such an edict safely himself about to return to Alexandria, where so violent a tyranny exercised Georgius, that to the very even heathen intolerable he came out. For returned from the Court of the Prince, of Constantius as I judge, to whom against Julian moving the last himself he had presented, when he passed through a beautiful of Genius temple (witness the aforesaid Ammianus) with a multitude thronged from custom, bent to the building itself his eyes, How long, he said, a sepulchre this will stand? Which heard, as by a thunderbolt many struck, and fearing lest that also he should attempt to overthrow, whatever they could to his destruction by clandestine snares stirred up.

[315] Meanwhile Artemius from the Duke of Egypt, the Alexandrians urging of atrocious crimes a mass, by the same St. Artemius' cause aggravating, with a punishment capital was fined, at Antioch XX of October, when his most illustrious martyrdom by Greeks and Latins is recalled. For that a part he had had in the slaughter of Gallus by Constantius commanded, not but through mere calumny imputed to him was; nor had they what to him to object the Alexandrians, except that about the overthrow of fanes and of heathen superstitions the prohibition he had been of Constantius the decrees executing, or to the same executing Georgius of his authority and power the strength accommodated. He had set over him when Constantius of the Roman in Egypt soldiery, in the last of his life time; and himself for the office's cause to Julian approaching, and seeing Eugenius and Macarius Antiochene Presbyters for the faith's cause cut down with scourges, is accused even himself; the Emperor freely had chided, and by that liberty his into himself anger had stirred: to whom into chains cast credible it is to have come upon from the heathen accusers Alexandrian, his and of Georgius the cause with envious delations about to aggravate.

[316] But while these things at Antioch are done, at Alexandria a matter happened, which Georgius, of Artemius' protection deprived, precipitated. It Socrates thus narrates book 3 chapter 2. A place was in the city, from ancient times deserted and neglected, and with much filled filth, in which the Gentiles once Mithras' sacred things performing human immolated victims. and on account of the mysteries of the gentiles to laughter exposed, This Constantius, as long since useless, to the Church Alexandrian had attributed, and Georgius there wishing an oratory to construct, to be purged had ordered. But it purged, was found an adytum deeply dug down, in which were hidden the Greeks' mysteries, skulls namely of men very many, of the younger and older, whom a report was there once slain, when divinations magic and of entrails inspections used the Gentiles. Such things therefore when in the adytum had found the Christians, they hastened to the public of all laughter to expose the Heathens' mysteries, and as if triumphing the bare displayed skulls. Which seeing those who were at Alexandria, by the recent Julian edicts made more confident, and by a matter to themselves intolerable's indignity to anger stirred, whatever occurred receiving for arms rushed upon the Christians, the heathen common rabble raging, and many of them by a various of death kind slew, some with swords, some with stones and clubs slaughtering, or with ropes strangling, some even crucifying, and that in opprobrium of the Cross; but very many they wounded: for as in such things to be done is wont, nor from the most familiar even were abstained the hands, but a friend a friend, a brother a brother, parents sons, and these in turn those demanded to death.

[317] is snatched into prison, By the same of the tumultuating common people Heathen onset, Sozomen book 5 chapter 7 says, an onset made against Georgius: which however in the present being repressed, him only they held in chains. But indeed, says Ammianus, the brought joyful news, indicating extinguished Artemius, the common people all heathen carried with joy unhoped (and, according to Sozomen, at high morning running together to the prison) and with voices horrendous gnashing, and after announced Artemius' death, Georgius they seek; and snatched with diverse of fining kinds beating down and trampling, with feet drawn apart they kill. And when with him Dracontius of the mint the Provost, and Diodorus a certain as a Count, ropes through their legs being injected together were killed … With which not content the multitude monstrous, the torn cadavers of the slain, on camels placed, carried to the shore; most cruelly is slain, and the same fire being put under burned the ashes cast into the sea; that fearing, as it cried, lest the supreme things being collected, buildings for them be built, as for the rest, who deviate from religion compelled, endured tortuous punishments, even to a glorious death with unstained faith advanced, and now Martyrs are called. And could the pitiable men, to a cruel punishment led, by the Christians' help be defended, in Georgius' hatred all indiscriminately had they burned.

[318] with two others, of whom better perhaps the cause was: These Ammianus, a writer Heathen, knowing however that among the Christians a Martyr makes, not a punishment, but a cause; and enough showing, whatever was about the cause of Dracontius, therefore likely into chains given, that an altar in the Mint, which he ruled, recently placed he overthrew; and of Diodorus, perhaps a Co-bishop, accused that while of a church to be built he presided; the locks of boys too freely he shore, Clerics namely or Lectors ordaining; Georgius certainly of all the Christians, even of the Arians, by hatred burdened, by the same permitted to have been to the fury of the Gentiles, his not so much by religion as by insolence offended. Nazianzen, Known to you is, he says, That Camel, and the unwonted burden, and the new height, and the first and, unless I am deceived alone, of this form circumduction, such as even now to injurious men we imprecate.

[319] Adds indeed Nazianzen, the deed disapproving, and as the very Christians the fault imputing, which because through a sedition done, not so much to be considered what to suffer him, as what us to do it became; and Sozomen confesses, the Arians to proclaim, that Georgius these things suffered from Athanasius' fautors, which from them spread rumor seems to have snatched Nazianzen: of the gentiles however the whole to have been the crime, not only Sozomen maintains, and himself as we saw Ammianus; but the Emperor also Julian, by a threatening to the Alexandrians written epistle, if anything similar further they shall have attempted (made meanwhile of the punishment a grace, in respect of Alexander the founder, and of their protector Serapis) For indeed: by Serapis, he says vehemently chiding, Julian disapproves, tell me what at length of Georgius crimes you against him stirred? You will answer I judge, since against you Constantius he approached, then an army into the sacred city he led, then the King of Egypt (so by irony he calls Artemius) the most holy temple took, statues and votive gifts and adornment all plundering, … in this more perhaps Georgius than Constantius fearing, if more humanely toward you he should act … For these therefore causes to the Gods' enemy Georgius angry, again the sacred city your with a crime you have polluted, when it was allowed him to the sentences of the Judges to commit.

[320] These things thus done, returned to Alexandria Athanasius; and indeed, as to Nazianzen it seemed, triumphing. Georgius being extinguished returns Athanasius, To Nazianzen to agree seems Jerome, against the Luciferians writing, that then (when all the Bishops, who from their own Sees had been exterminated, through the indulgence of the new Prince to the churches returned) its triumpher Athanasius Egypt received. But since a triumpher to be called can Athanasius, on account of the two former entrances' festivity; not more this word ought we to the present to fit time, than the particle then to the first of Julian beginnings.

[321] likely without pomp, But what causes persuaded Athanasius, not by the edict of the Emperor to use, as long as lived Georgius; the same and much greater to persuade ought, both himself, that not but as modestly as possible to return he should wish; both the orthodox people, of those which Julian at Antioch and elsewhere by various pretexts exercised cruelties by the report likely dismayed, that their about the return of the Pastor gladness by private rather than by public indications they should testify. Socrates book 3 chapter 4 about the same matter treating, other not says, than that returning from exile Athanasius the people Alexandrian ἀσμενως, willingly and eagerly received. and the churches he receives, But this people, in the part indeed in which Christian it was (but was it the greatest) almost even orthodox was and from the Arian heresy most alien: so that wonder not it is, that the same people, without other tumult, of the Arian dogma the followers from the churches expelled, and all the oratories delivered to Athanasius; the Arians their own privately assemblies within obscure little buildings celebrating, where also Lucius a certain in the place of Georgius they ordained, as writes the same Socrates.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

The Alexandrian Synod: the care on the Antiochenes bestowed.

[322] Restored into his See Athanasius, the first care was to provide, that not himself only, but all everywhere orthodox with him and among themselves peace should have. Congregated Bishops Confessors deliberate about the lapsed, And so at Alexandria of Confessors a Council congregated, few in number, but in faith entire and in merits many, by what manner, after of the heretics storms and of perfidy whirlwinds, tranquillity should be recalled to the Church, with all care and balancing discuss. To some it seemed, with faith's heat fervent, no one ought further to the Priesthood to be received, who himself in any way of the heretical communion's contagion had stained. But who, imitating the Apostles, sought, not what to themselves useful but what to the more or who imitate Christ, who since he was of all the life, for the safety of all humbling himself descended into death, that namely there might be found even among the dead life; said, better it to be to be humbled a little on account of the cast-down, and to be inclined on account of the dashed-down, that them again they might raise, nor to themselves alone the kingdom of the heavens defend; but to be more glorious, and except the heresiarchs to be received penitents they decree, if with the more thither they should merit to enter. And therefore right to themselves to seem, that only the of perfidy authors being amputated, to the rest Priests should be given an option, if perchance they should wish the error abjured of perfidy to the faith of the Fathers and the statutes to be converted, nor to deny access to those returning, nay rather of their conversion to rejoice. Because also that Evangelical younger son, of his paternal substance the depopulator, into himself returned, not only to be received merited, but also worthy of the paternal embraces is reckoned, and the ring of faith receives, and with a stole is surrounded, through which what else than the of the Priesthood are declared insignia? nor approvable stood with the father the elder son, that he envied the received; nor so much of merit had by not transgressing, as of a mark he contracted by not indulging his brother.

[323] Saints Asterius and Eusebius to it deputed. When therefore of this kind sentences from Evangelical authority brought, that order Priestly as Apostolic had approved; from the Council's decree, to Asterius, and the rest who with him were, of the East is enjoined the procuration; of the West indeed to Eusebius is decreed. So far Rufinus book 11 chapter 28 and 29. But since also some things about the very faith, with presiding in all Athanasius, had defined the Council, most of the Egyptians who had come together into their dioceses returned: but we who remained at Alexandria, together with our fellow-ministers Asterius and Eusebius, what they confessed briefly we have narrated to you, says Athanasius in the epistle, with his and of his companions about twenty names subscribed, and inscribed to Lucifer, Cymatius, and Anatolius, at Antioch treating for that church miserably dissenting's pacification, and about that matter they write to Antioch, whence in the title is called the epistle to the Antiochenes: by whom thither invited the Egyptians with Athanasius, answered, themselves indeed not to lack of going a desire; But, they say, because, as in another epistle we indicated, ecclesiastical necessities us detain … we asked our fellow-ministers Asterius and Eusebius to you in our place to set out; thanks giving to their piety, that since they themselves also could to their dioceses hasten, to all their affairs more preferable they held cause your. 1 p. 579, 1 p. 575

[324] What that cause was on the Birthday of St. Meletius we explained XII of February: the matter in few words here I repeat. Had passed to the Constantinopolitan See Eudoxius the Arian, to Leontius equally Arian substituted; dead also, as altogether we believe, was St. Eustathius, long ago by the Arians expelled: therefore by common consent of the parties elected had been Meletius. (where the Church's peace to reform Lucifer strove) But this one the Arians, besides what they had thought seeing to profess the Catholic about the Trinity faith, the thirtieth after they had ordained day they ejected into exile; but the Catholics into parts were divided, certain of them Meletius' ordination therefore rejecting because it was made by the Arians; the rest to the same adhering, because of the faith for the cause relegated Meletius by the Arians it was established, and to his ordination assent by the Catholics furnished no one was ignorant, nor so much to matter it seemed whom it had as ministers, provided ordained a Catholic he was, as to be himself openly had shown Meletius, although some dissimulation with the Arians using. And so when about to return into the West Lucifer of Cagliari and Eusebius of Vercelli the Bishop, who each in the bounds of Egypt had been relegated; and from this that was entreated, that to see Athanasius to Alexandria they should proceed, and by a common treatise with those who had survived Priests about the state of the Church should determine; his presence denying Lucifer, a legate for himself his Deacon sent, but himself with an intent mind to Antioch proceeded.

[325] Meanwhile about that which was disputed at Alexandria, to the aforenamed at Antioch Bishops writing Athanasius, thus prescribes: All willing peaceably with us to act receive, the sole Arian heresy's abjuration exacting. especially who in Palaea (of the Meletians this was the church) assemblies hold; and others from the Arians recall to you; as fathers, masters, and curators; and you also joining to the beloved to us of Paulinus the followers (a Presbyter this was, and of the part Eustathian leader) nothing more from them exact, than that they execrate of the Arians the heresy, and confess of the holy Fathers in Nicaea the faith; let them execrate likewise those who say the Holy Spirit to be a creature, and divided from the substance of Christ. 1 p. 575 For this indeed truly is to withdraw from the wicked faction of the Arians, if thou divide not the holy Trinity, nor say anything of it to be created.

[326] which by other also Synods to be approved Similar things elsewhere congregated Synods of Bishops orthodox thereafter judged, about which interrogated Athanasius by Rufinianus, Lord, son, and most beloved fellow-minister, thus writes: The which had flourished violence being lulled, soon was made a Synod, to which even some from external regions Bishops were present: made it was also by the fellow-ministers Greece inhabiting, and also in Spain; and as much here as elsewhere everywhere it pleased that to the lapsed, who leaders were of impiety, if penitence they did, pardon should be given, not however their place in the Clergy: but to those who to impiety did not oppose themselves, but to be snatched allowed through a violent necessity, not only pardon but also their place should be granted: so much the more that not an incongruous excuse they bring, and that they seem from a certain dispensation to have done: for they assert, writes Athanasius to Rufinianus the Bishop: themselves never to impiety to have passed: lest however the most impious any into Bishops ordained should corrupt the Churches, to have preferred rather to obey violence, and the burden to bear than to dismiss the peoples… For these causes to be pardoned it was to the Clergy, and to the seduced who force had suffered to be granted indulgence. 2 p. 40 So both at Rome it was written and the Roman received Church. So Athanasius, of whom these last words, in the works edited wanting, from the Synod Nicene 2's text Greek we have supplied, suggesting Baronius more entire that place to be had inserted to Action 1 of that Synod.

[327] Scarcely to me can it seem doubtful, but Rufinianus, to whom written the Epistle, a Bishop was: whom to be a Martyr in Campania known, for this indicate the titles all, by which him calls Athanasius. A Bishop at Naples in Campania, or at least in parts those to have been, there are who esteem, and of him understand, a place in the epistle or little book of prayers of Marcellinus and Faustinus the Presbyters Luciferians to the Emperors Valentinian Theodosius and Arcadius, where they say, that Rufinianus, of a wonderful indeed simplicity, but more admirable in protecting faith, by the effusion of his blood anticipated exile: for they add, that him, since for the integrity of faith he persisted, Epictetus, that atrocious and dire of Centumcellae Bishop, before his chariot to run compelled: and when long he runs, thus on the way the vitals being broken blood pouring he expired. Then they subjoin: Know this the Neapolitans in Campania, where the relics of his gore in the possessed bodies the demons afflict, for the grace indeed of that faith, for which his blood he poured out. not it appears credible. That of his gore among the Neapolitans preservation glorious, makes indeed, that in Italy performed a Martyrdom, between Naples and Centumcellae, not ineptly be believed. But that Rufinianus' death immediately is narrated after the death of St. Maximus of Naples the Bishop, from the same cause in exile dead, vehemently strengthens the conjecture about his Episcopate not far to be sought. But because yet is subjoined, that there were also others from Egypt, although few, of whom some into flight were turned, others indeed into exile given, because they would not with Bishops impious and cruel come together: a vehement is given reason of suspecting, Rufinianus, to whom wrote Athanasius, to be from that Campanian Martyr most diverse. For that cruelty altogether seems about the year CCCLIX after the Council of Ariminum to have been exercised under Constantius: but the epistle, about which we treat, written was after the tyranny aforesaid, as the very declare words, when already free it was to the orthodox Synods to hold, since this one indeed under Constantius suffered it seems, and to consult about the manner of repairing the ruin; through the fall of so many Bishops, as many as the formula Ariminian or Sirmian had subscribed, in the Church made: to whom, however much penitent, the Luciferians denied to have been to be given pardon, and by that title both the living Damasus and the dead Athanasius they did not fear guilty to charge of prevarication. but to him indeed afterward was written the epistle, Nor altogether dissonant would be the suspicion, by the Luciferians' lamentations moved Rufinianus, to whom the given epistle, having consulted Athanasius to have given an occasion thus of writing back. He was therefore of the African Bishops, or at least of the Eastern someone, to whom with Athanasius a nearer commerce of letters was, even after the death of the other Rufinianus, about whom and his worship a clearer we would wish to survive notice.

[328] To be admonished besides Lucifer and his companions, at Antioch the matters about to order, judged with his men Athanasius, Admonishes also Athanasius, that at Sardica nothing was added to the faith, that a tablet which displayed some, as to faith added in the Sardican Synod, neither to be produced nor to be read altogether they should allow, because such nothing had defined the Synod … but had decreed nothing to be written about faith, beyond that which had been at Nicaea established… Those therefore, they say, whom some accused three hypostases to say, because a suspect word and in the Scriptures found not is, and that of three hypostases the assertors, we asked not about the Nicene confession to dispute further; and only they should answer, whether just as the Arians say diverse and foreign and from one another distinct, and single hypostases, so divided just as are the other creatures and from men born; or as diverse essences we say gold silver and bronze, so also should say themselves, constituting with the other heretics three principles, nay three Gods. 1 p. 576., 1 p. 577.

[329] But they affirmed so themselves neither to say nor to have thought ever. their sense conveniently they had explained, To us asking therefore, by what at length reason they said three hypostases, and why these words they used, they answered; themselves in a Trinity to believe, not which in name only a Trinity, but which truly a Trinity is and subsists; and the Father, as truly existing and subsisting; the Son, as inexisting and subsisting; the Holy Spirit also, as subsisting and existing to acknowledge: not however to have said three Gods or three principles, nay not even about to tolerate indeed, if anyone such anything either says or thinks: but themselves indeed a holy Trinity to know, one however Deity and one principle; the Son indeed coessential to the Father, just as speak the Fathers; and the Holy Spirit not created, not alien, something proper and indistinct from the essence of the Father and the Son.

[330] and the same did those who to them were adverse; By such an interpretation and excuse received, we interrogated of these those informed against, because they said to be one hypostasis, whether perchance they spoke just as Sabellius, that taken away they wished the Son and the Holy Spirit, as if in essence the Son, in hypostasis the Spirit lacked. They affirmed however neither themselves so to have thought ever, but hypostasis to understand the same with essence, and therefore that one to say, because the Son is from the essence of the Father, and of the same with him nature: for one Deity, and of this one to be the nature: nor another to be the nature of the Father, and from this foreign the Son's nature and the Spirit's. and on both sides made a convention only the heretics were condemned, Finally and those who about a triple hypostasis had been interrogated with them consented to those and with those, as had explained themselves these who one affirmed essence: and by both parties anathema was said to Arius, of Christ the enemy; and to Sabellius and Paul of Samosata, as impious; to Valens also and Basilides, as alien from the truth; but to Manichaeus, as of evils the inventor; and all through God's grace, after those of words interpretations, consented best and most accurate to be the faith, which at Nicaea had the Fathers confessed; and thenceforth from such words to abstain rather to be than them to use.

[331] Nay even about the economy of the Saviour according to the flesh (since about this also contended some) both these and those we interrogated: [a convention also he says among those disputing about the mystery of the Incarnation;] and just as these confessed, so also consented those, that not just as to the Prophets was made the Word of the Lord, so to some Holy man it descended in the end of the ages; but the Word itself flesh was made, and in the form of God existing took the form of a servant, and from Mary according to the flesh born was man on account of us … for they confessed not to have had the Saviour a body inanimate and without sense… Since therefore such was their confession; we ask you not their words, who so themselves explain and confess, rashly to condemn or to reject, but peace seeking, and themselves excusing, rather to receive; others indeed who the said words, οὐσίαν namely and ὓπόστασιν, and all, about the matter itself so thinking, to admit he persuades. not are willing so to interpret, keep off and avoid as suspect: so however that while these you receive not, to those who rightly think and well themselves explain you persuade, lest among themselves about words they contend, but in one of piety sense they agree.

[332] Of this kind an epistle, after Athanasius and the legates of Lucifer, of Paulinus, and of Apollinaris, subscribed, first commonly with the Egyptians others, then again separately, This epistle not receiving Lucifer, Eusebius and Asterius, so that Eusebius in Latin comprised his consent and opinion. But after sent from Alexandria was that tome, through the aforementioned, subscribed also Paulinus, indeed at Antioch, and thus subscribed the tome seems to have sent back to Alexandria to Athanasius. 1 p. 580 But there was Paulinus, when Eusebius and Asterius came, by Lucifer, besides that which had been agreed, that a Bishop not but of each part by consent should be made, ordained a Bishop: whom since to receive would not Eusebius, refused in turn Lucifer to subscribe to the epistle through him brought: to a new schism an occasion he gave. and each thus withdrawing, and St. Meletius returning, arose a schism Luciferian called, those who from the Arians' communion had returned to be received not to be into their dignities maintaining. From this however schism to be excused is himself Lucifer, that his legates' subscription, by denying his own, he made not void: but only showed a sickness of mind, on account of the not received by all whom he had ordained Paulinus. But about this matter at more length to be treated is on XX of this, on which is venerated himself Lucifer, as a Saint.

CHAPTER XXIX.

The relics of John the Baptist being received, to exile is condemned Athanasius, and even to the death of Julian at Alexandria he lies hid.

[333] The aforesaid in Syria dissensions being lulled, if not all things according to wish to succeed for himself grieved Athanasius; While at Sebaste St. John the Baptist's relics are burned, he rejoiced however in that deep peace, which among the Egyptians he had composed; and a new he had received joy, brought to him holy relics of the Lord's Precursor. The matter Rufinus book 12 chapter 28 thus narrates. In Julian's times, as relaxed the reins seethed impiety; from which it happened, that at Sebaste of Palestine a city, the sepulchre of John the Baptist, with a rabid mind and deadly hands, they invaded; the bones they dispersed; and these again collected with fire they burned; and the holy ashes, with dust mixed, through fields and country they dispersed. But God's providence it was done, that some from Jerusalem, some of them are carried to Jerusalem, of the Monastery of Philip a man of God, for prayer's cause thither through the same time had come. Who when so great a crime, with human indeed hands, but a beast-like mind, to be done they saw; to die preferring, than with such a sacrilege to be polluted; among those who the bones for burning gathered mixed, more diligently as far as the matter allowed and more religiously gathering, secretly themselves either to those astonished or raging withdrew, and to the religious Father Philip the venerable Relics carried.

[334] He above himself reckoning so great a treasure with his own to keep watches, then to St. Athanasius they are given. to the Pontiff supreme, then Athanasius, of the immaculate host the Relics, through Julian his Deacon, afterward also of Palestine a city a Bishop sends. Which he received, with few witnesses, under a hollowed of the sacrarium wall, enclosed, with a prophetic spirit for the generation later preserved; for which now, cast down and prostrated the idolatry's vestiges, in buildings once profane, golden roofs should rise. Which under Theodosius' rule was done.

[335] But Athanasius not only to the Arians' reduction, but also to the gentiles' conversion intent, when great in both fruits he made, who while even gentiles he converts, could not himself contain the devil, but that his worshipper Julian against the Saint he stirred. He indeed, although he had decreed to Artabius writing, and swearing by the Gods, that neither to be slain the Galileans (so the Christians he called by contempt) nor to be cut down beyond right and equity, Julian, the devil instigating, nor of trouble anything to suffer he wished; toward Athanasius however, as says Rufinus book 11 chapter 33 of a feigned Philosophy to hold the image he could not. For indeed, when, as foul serpents from the caverns of the earth bubbling, to him had proceeded of magi, philosophers, soothsayers a profane band; all equally allege, nothing to his acts about to succeed, unless first Athanasius, as of all these the obstacle, he should have taken away.

[336] Therefore to the Alexandrians an edict such is sent. Fair it was, him who by Imperial edicts several ejected had been, he orders him from Alexandria to be expelled, one at least royal mandate to await, and then at length his house to return; not however by singular audacity and madness relying, to delude the laws, as altogether extinct and lost. For indeed now also the Galileans by Constantius ejected, not a return to their Churches, but into their fatherland to each his own we granted. Athanasius meanwhile I hear, a man most audacious, with his wonted lifted presumption, the Episcopate's See, as they themselves call it, again to usurp: and that not moderately to displease the religious people Alexandrian. Wherefore him we bid the city to leave on the very day on which of our Humanity the letters he shall have received: but if in the city he shall have remained, far greater and graver to him punishments we denounce.

[337] nay all Egypt. It was written also to Ecdicius, of Egypt the Prefect, in these words: Although nothing about the rest thou writest, yet about that of the Gods enemy Athanasius to write certainly thou shouldst have, especially since our excellent decrees much before thou hadst heard. I testify the great Serapis, unless before the Kalends of December the enemy of the Gods Athanasius from that city, or rather from all Egypt, shall have departed, a hundred of gold pound and the cohort thee to be fined I will. Thou knowest moreover how I am slow to condemn, and how slower after I have condemned to pardon. Very troublesome to me it is by his work the Gods all to be contemned. And so of thy deeds none more willingly I will see, nay I will hear, than Athanasius that wicked from all of Egypt places driven to be, who dared in my kingdom the women of the Greeks illustrious to baptism to impel.

[338] With such mandates, just as narrates consequently Rufinus chapter 24, But himself through the Nile fleeing, again is sent an army, again Dukes, again is impugned the Church. And when Athanasius sad and weeping the peoples surrounded, a prophetic with them used speech he is reported: Be not, he saying, O sons, disturbed: for a little cloud it is, and quickly passes. And when he had departed, and by a ship through the Nile river a journey was making; a Count who for this very thing had been sent, his journey learned, instantly him to pursue began. And when by chance had arrived Athanasius' little ship at a certain place, he ascertained from those passing by behind his back to be his persecutor; and now now, unless he provided, to threaten. Terrified all who together were present companions, the desert persuaded for flight's protection to be sought. Then he, Be not, he says, the ship turned he escapes the hands of those pursuing, O sons, deterred, let us go rather to a meeting of our striker, that he may know, that far greater is he who us defends, than who persecutes: and the little ship turned a journey to make, meeting him who himself pursued, he attacked. He, who in no kind could suspect to a meeting to himself to come whom he sought, as some passing by to be interrogated orders, where they had heard to be Athanasius. And when they had answered, and to Alexandria he returns: themselves to have seen him not far going, with all speed passing through he hastens in vain, hastening to take whom before his eyes placed to see he could not. He indeed, by God's virtue fortified, to Alexandria returned; and there safely hiding-places, until the persecution ceased, he spent.

[339] where with a virgin to Palladius afterward known, Sozomen book 4 chapter 9, by an internal of divinity admonition, to have known Athanasius says the nearness of the impending persecutor: to his certainly manifest revelation to be attributed I think, that a hiding place he chose with a Virgin, about whom narrates Palladius of the Lausiac History chapter 63; in this however, equally as Rufinus before, when about the dry cistern it was treated, erring from the truth, that to Constantius' times (under whom immediately from the church to the desert went the Saint, and promised the Emperor him unwilling never himself about to return to Alexandria) done this to have been to himself he allowed to be persuaded, and to those hiding-places he attributed six years, when only they were of a few months. Which error corrected, in Palladius' narration, to this time referred, nothing appears unlike the truth. For besides that a grave author he is, and by him also with Sozomen book 5 chapter 6 faith he found, but then most beautiful, himself to have known at Alexandria the Virgin he says, and her to have found born about seventy years, with whom hidden lay concealed Athanasius: and to her the whole Clergy gave testimony, that when she was a young woman, born about twenty years, and far most beautiful, she was fled from by those who were studious of virtue, on account of her beauty, lest it should burn on them some stain from suspicion.

[340] When therefore it happened, says Palladius, that snares to B. Athanasius of Alexandria the Bishop they constructed the Arians (nor indeed incredible it is by these for accusing the Saint the Gentiles incited) through Eusebius, who was at that time Provost under Constantius (Ecdicius I would understand, a hiding security divinely he receives, who was of Egypt Prefect under Julian) the Emperor … and of the Count pursuing the hands, in that which has been said manner he had escaped, to Alexandria returned; beyond that day with no one he dared to lie concealed, not with a kinsman, not a friend, not a cleric, not anyone else: but … having received a tunic and a wax-taper, in the middle of the night he betook himself to this Virgin. But she was by the matter's novelty stupefied. Says therefore to her the Bishop: Since I am sought … to me God has revealed this night me with no one else to be able to be safe, except with thee. She therefore for great joy all cast away doubt, since wholly she was the Lord's, with a prompt and eager mind concealed the most holy Bishop … as long as lived the Emperor … herself his feet washing, and excrements cleaning, and found. and in other things which for use were subserving, and books to him accommodating and furnishing; nor any knew at Alexandria, where was acting the blessed Athanasius the Bishop. Peter de Natalibus book 4 of the Catalogue chapter 115 about St. Athanasius treating adds, But when his persecutors thither had come, and announcing to him the maidservant Athanasius had fled away, they this learning the Virgin to death beat: which as without a witness is said, so neither faith it merits. Arturus a Monasterio in the sacred Gynaeceum on II of May this Virgin anonymous with the title of Blessed, ascribes to the holy women: but also this without an example of the ancients is, and therefore not greatly to be esteemed.

[341] A great meanwhile of Athanasius desire held the Alexandrians. Sent and so to Julian a supplication was; who to them in this manner answered. Although another someone of your city the founder were, of those who their own laws transgressed, deserved punishments by that very paid, Meanwhile those supplicating for him the Alexandrians, that both a nefarious life of their own accord they chose, and a new of dogma and doctrine kind introduced; not then indeed to be desired by you fair it would be Athanasius. Now since both of your city the founder you have Alexander, and a tutelar to you and president is that God the King Serapis, together with the assistant girl and of Egypt whole the Queen Isis, reproaches Julian; by what reason do you demand back Athanasius by no means the sane city imitating? But the ill affected part, dares to itself the name of the city to assume. But I with great am confounded shame, Alexandrians, that anyone among you a Galilean himself to be to confess dares. From this beginning that impious Apostate attempting the religion Christian to the Alexandrians execrable to render, much against Christ blaspheming, and finally concluding:

[342] and of Athanasius to be received, You, he says, if to obey me you are willing, Christ's faith thoroughly eliminating, a greater gladness you will bring; but if in that superstition and of crafty men institution to persevere you prefer; a mutual at least among you retain concord, nor Athanasius desire: there are namely of his disciples indeed very many, who to ears itching and with a speech impious to be filled desiring ears your abundantly may satisfy. For whoever at length from the people chosen will be by you, as to the of the Scriptures narration pertains, nothing is than he who is wished worse. But, hope all cutting off, if because the rest you of Athanasius the skill delights (a veteran indeed to be the man him I hear) therefore to me for him you have supplicated, know for this very cause the city him ejected to have been. For indeed little convenient through itself a matter is, a man over the people presiding and busy; but if he nor a man indeed is, but a vile little man, such as is that one, beautiful esteeming to be in peril of his head; this indeed a beginning of sedition is certain. Wherefore, lest anything similar among you happen, to yield him long ago the city we ordered, but now even Egypt all.

[343] He would have written these things Julian in the month of March or April of the year CCCLXIII, in Persia divinely struck he dies. before from Antioch departing he moved against the Persians; among whom besieged in vain Ctesiphon, to a perfidious deserter himself and his army entrusting, this one with hunger and thirst through the deserts wore down, himself however he destroyed by divine vengeance struck. And so, whom magnificent and of honor by desire burning thither had transmitted the force avenging of the Divinity, the same it brought back dead: of whom nor by pity even was moved anyone; nor his body, as I have heard from someone, says Nazianzen, a sepulchre held, but the earth by it shaken, cast out, and threw it forth; a prelude making of the tortures for him in the future age prepared.

CHAPTER XXX.

The rule of Jovian, the restitution of Athanasius, the Arians' vain attempts.

[344] After Julian's slaughter, a civil to us of Jovian is repaired Empire. Jovian Emperor being elected, He namely under one and the same time Emperor and Confessor, of the ill introduced was the dispeller of error. For when in array was the army, and pressed the barbarian; and the leaders ours, about the highest matters counsel taking, to Jovian a vote gave; and when seized to undertake of the Empire he was drawn the insignia; to the army, by Julian's sacrileges profaned, he is said to have exclaimed, not himself to be able to rule them because he was a Christian. Then all with an equal and the same voice to have answered they are reported, And we Christians are; and the faith of Christ professing, nor before than this voice he had heard, to acquiesce to the Empire to have wished. These Rufinus at the beginning of book 12, and soon the narration begun pursuing, immediately, he says, was present the divine clemency, and against all hope, when shut up everywhere by enemies they were held, nor of escaping a faculty any was at hand, suddenly sent forth by the barbarians orators to themselves they see, and peace to demand; to the army also, by want consumed, foods and the rest necessary in merchandise to promise, and with all humanity of ours the temerity to amend. But when, peace is offered by the barbarians, for twenty and eight years peace being composed, Jovian to the Roman returned was soil, and a brighter light to our orb from the East parts arisen diffused; the commonwealth, as after too great storms, with all moderation he undertakes to repair.

[345] Had died Julian XXVI of June, and to him on the next day substituted had been Jovian; but of each matter the fame quickly flew to Alexandria, where lay hid Athanasius: who how about the same matter more quickly even and more certainly he learned, Athanasius the matter taught from a revelation to Didymus made, than fame could announce, Sozomen book 6 chapter 2 thus narrates: as to report was heard the Ecclesiastical Philosopher Didymus. Who at Alexandria living, when with most grave grief he was affected, both on account of the Emperor by vain error deceived, both for the contumely of the churches, fastings and prayers gave himself. And when for too great solicitude, nor even night coming food he had taken; in a chair sitting by sleep he was overcome; and as in a mind's excess placed, horses white through the air running he to see to himself seemed, and men on them sitting thus exclaiming to hear, Announce to Didymus, today Julian on this very hour slain to have been; and that he to Athanasius the Bishop signify, and rising let him eat. Therefore Athanasius, nothing delaying, comes forth from the hiding-places, again with an honorable and venerable habit clad, as writes Palladius, by night was found in the church. Whom seeing, all with great were affected admiration, as if him alive they had received, from the dead: at the same time also expostulated his friends about the hiding-places, that him on account of their ignorance to find they could not. Answered but B. Athanasius to his friends: Therefore to you I fled not, that truly to swear you could; then on account of the investigators' insistence to her me I betook, about whom no one suspect could, as a beautiful and a young woman. Not yet however to the Bishopric and his grade's public functions we believe to have returned the Saint; and of receiving the Church pardon he asks of Jovian, mindful what to himself objected had been by Julian; and by good hope led, that from Jovian about to receive he was his Church so much the more promptly, the more he himself acted more modestly, his consent awaiting: which we judge he did, now secure of peril, in the houses of friends; and there to those approaching willing an abundance of himself made, until from the Emperor came a response: which among the works of the Saint such to have been is read.

[346] To God's most dear friend Athanasius Jovian. Admiring the excellent praises of thy most discreet conversation, and of it which with of all the God thou hast and most kindly he obtains. similitude, and toward Christ our Saviour affection, we receive thee, Most Reverend Bishop; since no labor and no persecution dreading, and perils and threatened swords for naught making, of the dear to thee faith orthodox the helm holding, thus far for the truth thou fightest, and thyself a virtue's exemplar, to furnish to all the faithful people thou perseverest. 2 p. 33 Recalls therefore thee our Majesty, and to return bids to the magistery of salvation. Return therefore to the holy Churches, and feed God's people, and for our Clemency thy prayers promptly to God direct: for we know that by thy supplication for us, and for those who with us in a Christian manner are wise, a great compensation from the supreme God we may obtain.

[347] So far the Emperor: who not content to have restored Athanasius, from him also sought, Nazianzen witness, of our faith the truth, by many torn and disturbed, and into parts and opinions several divided: and this most indeed, that the whole orb, if to be done it could, should consent and agree through the cooperation of the Holy Spirit: but if not, himself at least to the best part should join, and to it accommodating his power, in turn from it strength and forces should receive, by the same about the rule of faith asked, highly at once and magnificently about the greatest matters thinking. The very letters, which honorable and most officious Rufinus calls, nowhere we have found preserved: but of Athanasius' indeed to them response, which soon entire shall be given, and which, the more illustrious Bishops being convened, written he says Theodoret book 4 chapter 3, thus speaks Nazianzen.

[348] And here especially appeared of the man the purity and firmitude about the faith in Christ. The Holy Spirit's divinity he asserts; For when all whoever the doctrine ours professed, were divided in three ways, and many about the Son a sick had mind, more about the Holy Spirit, where impiety lighter was esteemed to be piety; but few on both sides sound were found; first himself and alone, or certainly with few, openly and plainly the truth to profess dared, by writing one of three the Deity and essence: and what to the Fathers in number many of old had been granted about the Son; this he himself divinely inspired about the Deity of the Holy Spirit furnished; and to the Emperor a gift truly royal and magnificent offered, in writing namely expressed piety, against the novelty by no Scriptures supported, that might be opposed to an Emperor an Emperor, to a doctrine a doctrine, and to an epistle an epistle, to Constantius namely Jovian, and of this a decree to the decrees of that.

[349] But the epistle that thus begins Athanasius: It becomes a to God Emperor a mind of learning desirous, and a desire of things celestial: for so truly it comes that a heart thou hast in the hand of God. 1 p. 245 Since therefore thy Piety desired to learn from us of the Church Catholic the faith, acts upon that matter to the Lord thanks, and the formula of faith Nicene he commends: most advisable of all to us it seemed to thy Piety to recite the faith, which the Fathers at Nicaea professed. This indeed spurned some, to us various constructed snares who obeyed not the heresy Arian; and a cause of factions and schisms in the Church were made. Which when had demonstrated the Saint, To this, he says, faith consent all everywhere the Churches which are in Spain and Britain, Gaul and Italy all and Dalmatia, Dacia also and Mysia, Macedonia and all Greece, and through all Africa, Sardinia, Cyprus, Crete, Pamphylia and Libya and Egypt, Pontus and Cappadocia; as many likewise as neighboring are to us and others through the East, a few excepted which Arian are: for of all already said and even more regions the opinion by experiencing we have ascertained and in writing we have. 1 p. 246 So Athanasius subjoining at last of the faith Nicene the formula, to which as divine and Apostolic, it behoves to adhere, nor to change anything through contentions and battles of words. 1 p. 247

[350] Of this, by Athanasius in such a manner made, confession by the authority moved, an example made to the rest of the Bishops, both the Westerners, both whatever in the East alive is, partly indeed in mind only piety hold (if however that to those asserting to be believed it ought) but further it they bring not forth, as a fetus dead within the womb; partly, as a certain spark, kindle, serving the time or the more fervent orthodox and the people God loving; partly finally the cause of truth act confidently. So Nazianzen, wishing to be numbered among the last, nor too strictly to be received when he said, alone almost Athanasius of so great to have been mind, that openly he dared to assert the orthodox about the Trinity faith; to the last however greatly extolling, that since the οὐσία one, ὑποστάσεις three piously were said by the Greeks, the altercations about words rescinding, but in the same manner were understood by the Italians; but these on account of their tongue's want οὐσίαν and ὑπόστασιν did not distinguish, and therefore lest three substances they should seem to admit, used the word of Persons; so that of faith a diversity to contain might seem that slight about the sound altercation;… he himself each party gently summoned, and of those speaking the mind accurately exploring, after mutually to themselves to consent he observed, peace he restores: nothing differing as to sense to each permitted his own words, enough having them by things to be bound … and that he extols, as with the most celebrated of Athanasius exiles comparable.

[351] Notes then Nazianzen and praises, that St. Athanasius the same after the persecutions studied matters, on account of which into the persecutions themselves he had fallen; and of the Episcopal office the parts all he fulfills. and effected that the same should do others, these praising, those lightly chastising; of some the sloth exciting, of others the fervor curbing; of some lest they should fall providing, for the lapsed that they should rise laboring; in morals simple, in governance manifold; wise in speech, wiser in mind; humble to the lesser, more sublime to the middling; hospitable, propitious, of evils the dispeller, and one truly all those things which their Gods in praising use severally the Gentiles; add conjugal, virginal, peacemaking, conciliatory, and the conductor of those who hence by dying depart. O how great of names an abundance the man's virtue to me suggests, he says, to of his oration the end tending Nazianzen. Nor to us is leisure more of the Episcopal zeal in Athanasius shining to collect elogia, to whom a history alone is proposed not also an encomium to compose. Each constituted to himself having, whom at the beginning I praised Godefroid Hermant, each he furnished abundantly: and most in book twelfth and last, through fifteen chapters the chief of the Saint virtues distinguishing.

[352] The best of the Emperor affection about to use, Further Jovian, the Epistle of Athanasius about the faith read through, confirmed that which he had, of divine matters knowledge, and affection toward the same; and a law he wrote, by which he bade the appointed grain to the Churches to be given, just as the great Constantine had decreed, but Julian to be done had forbidden, as writes Socrates book 4 chapter 4. Hence indeed understanding Athanasius, how seriously the religion Christian's restoration regarded the Emperor, who even in a public, as then it was, famine, the rights of the Church restored desired; to Antioch to him he runs. communicated with familiar certain a counsel, necessary he thought him to visit: and set out to Antioch, his postulations to him set forth. But there are who say, says Sozomen book 6 chapter 5 that himself the Emperor summoned the man, that to himself he should explain what about religion and the true doctrine to be done was. He indeed when the Church's affairs, as far as it was possible, had ordered, was thinking about return; when Euzoius, who was of the heresy Arian at Antioch Bishop, of the same opinion a man, the eunuch Probatius, attempted at Alexandria to set over. But by what it was done reason, among the very works of Athanasius expressed is found, that not it be need from Sozomen to borrow a halved narration.

[351] The Emperor going out to the Plain coming to meet the first time at the gate Romanesia Lucius, Bernicianus and certain others Arians said. 2 p. 27 We ask thy power, majesty and piety, come also the Arians, another Bishop about to ask: hear us. Says to them the Emperor. Who are you and whence? The Arians answered, Christians, Lord. Said the Emperor, Whence and from what city? The Arians answered, From Alexandria. Took up the Emperor: What will you? The Arians again, We beseech the Imperial power thy, give us a Bishop. Answered the Emperor: I ordered long ago, that whom before you had Athanasius should sit on the throne. The Arians said, We entreat thy Majesty, because for many years under accusations and in exile he was. Then indeed a zealous certain soldier; I entreat also I thy Majesty, thyself inquire who they be and whence: These indeed are who the city and the world desert make, the conspiracy of Cappadocia and the remains of that impure Georgius.

[354] This heard the Emperor with spurs the horse urged, and came into the plain, where again to him coming to meet the Arians said: Accusations and demonstrations we have against Athanasius, who before ten and before twenty years into exile was sent by of immortal memory the Emperors Constantine and Constantius, and they are repelled once, and again, and likewise by to the divinity most dear, most wise and most blessed Julian. Answered the Emperor. Before ten twenty and thirty years instituted accusations now have passed: but to me about Athanasius not speak: for I know why accused and relegated he was.

[355] Nothing by that second repulse terrified, even a third they merited, and a third time. saying: Again other against Athanasius we have accusations. The Emperor answered: By multiplying contentions and words will not appear justice: two therefore from yourselves choose, two likewise others from the people: for not I can each one severally to receive to an audience. Those who from the people were, said: These are the remains of impure Georgius, desolating our province,… The Arians said: We ask thee, whomever thou wilt, except Athanasius. The Emperor answered: I said to you, that what Athanasius regard ordered already are: and angry he said, Strike, Strike. Said the Arians, We entreat thee: for if Athanasius thou sendest, will be corrupted the city, because with no one with him does it agree.

[356] Answered the Emperor, But indeed diligently inquiring I have ascertained, and at length from their own words refuted, that rightly he thinks, and orthodox he is and best teaches. The Arians said: With his mouth indeed he speaks well, but in mind deceitfully he thinks. Answered the Emperor: This enough is that you yourselves about him testify, that well he speaks and well he teaches. But if with his tongue indeed well he speaks and teaches, but in mind ill thinks, to God guilty he is: for we since men we are, only hear the speech, but God judges hearts. Said the Arians: Bid us to assemble. Answered the Emperor: But who prohibits? Said the Arians: We beseech Thee, of heretics and of new dogmas fautors us he pronounces to be. Answered the Emperor, His office it is, and of those who well teach. Said the Arians, they are sent back. We ask thy Majesty, we cannot this one tolerate, even the lands of the churches from us he takes away. Answered the Emperor, But then of moneys and not of faith for the cause hither came you? And again he said: Go away and be quiet. Then he subjoined: Go away into the church: tomorrow is held an assembly yours: after whose dismissal are present the Bishops, and is present here Nemesinus. Each one of you as he believes will subscribe: is present also here Athanasius, who therefore knows not the rule of faith from him let him learn. Have tomorrow and the day after tomorrow: I to the plain proceed.

[357] Then an Advocate certain of the Cynics, meeting the Emperor, I beseech, he says, thy Majesty, under pretext of Athanasius the Bishop the Quaestor general my from me house has taken away. Answered the Emperor: If the Quaestor from thee thy house has taken away, what this to Athanasius? Another certain Advocate Patalas said: in a similar manner are confuted two gentiles detracting from Athanasius. An accusation I have against Athanasius. Answered the Emperor. But thou who a Gentile art, what business hast thou with the Christians? But some of the common people Antiochene apprehended Lucius and led to the Emperor saying: We beseech thy Majesty, see whom they would a Bishop to make. Done that seems at the vestibule of the Palace, as has the title of the allocution fourth, in which Lucius said: I beseech thy Majesty, and again Lucius the Arian, hear me. Halted the Emperor and said: To thee I say, Lucius, how hither camest thou, by ship or on foot? Lucius answered By ship. Said the Emperor, To thee I say, Lucius, God of the world and the moderator of the sun and moon, may he be angry at those who with thee sailed, because thee they cast not into the sea; but that ship may it not have forever courses happy, nor in a tempest with the passengers he should hold his harbor with his own people.

[358] and the eunuchs are punished. Through Euzoius they then asked the Eunuchs, the associates of Probatius, the successors of Eusebius and Bardion, that the unfaithful Arians might have assistance. But when the Emperor had learned this, ordering the eunuchs to be punished, he said: If anyone shall wish to gather against the Christians along with me, he shall suffer this. Thus far that collection, the address being taken, as it appears, from the very mouth of the speakers, and written down for memory among the works of Athanasius; from which it is not sufficiently clear what Sozomen says, that it was brought about that Probatius should be made Bishop. Then it is made doubtful, whether, what we said above from Socrates, immediately upon the death of George Lucius was taken up by the Arians as Bishop, who here is first sought for that rank. In the third place I note, that the Eusebius who is here named is that most powerful Eunuch under Constantius, and the Prefect of his bedchamber, whom at the very beginning of his reign Julian ordered to be killed; Athanasius is sent back with honor into Egypt, whose associate Bradion by the same Emperor, if not killed, at least with most of the domestic officials of Constantius had been removed from his post. The Emperor Jovian moreover sent away, as Sozomen says, Athanasius into Egypt, whom present intercourse had made dear to him, ordering that the Churches and peoples should do whatever should seem better to themselves. For he is said to have vehemently praised him on account of his virtue, likewise with respect to his holy life, and also for his eloquence and prudence.

τὰ τεμένη ὑμῖν or ἡμῖν? σχολαστικὸς καθολικὸς

CHAPTER XXXI.

The attempts of Valens the Arian against Athanasius are in vain: his friendship with St. Basil.

[4] Under so Christian an Emperor the Church breathing again, grieved that all that hope, which beginnings so religious promised, had been extinguished almost at its very rising, Jovian being dead, when it saw Jovian, in the night between the XVI and XVII of February, in the year CCCLXIV, in the eighth month of his reign, deceased on the borders of Galatia and Bithynia. Within the tenth day Valentinian was substituted for Jovian: who, having taken his brother Valens into colleagueship, Valentinian succeeding, left to him the East, reserved for himself the West, to be held under far different conditions. For while he himself so favored the orthodox professors of the Nicene faith, that nevertheless he was not grievous to the Arians; Valens, after having received baptism from Eudoxius of Constantinople, undertook to protect and foster these so, that he was most troublesome to them. This was most apparent in the year CCCLXVII, when the Bishops, he hands over the East to his brother Valens, who had assembled at Tyana, very many and well disposed toward establishing the concord of the Churches, chose Tarsus of Cilicia for the holding of a new Synod: from whom, made more spirited even through the consent of the Westerners and the letters of Pope Liberius, since Valens feared badly for his own Arian heresy; who orders the Bishops restored under Julian to be expelled: not only did he hinder and dissolve that assembly with menacing edicts; but he also gave a mandate to the individual Magistrates of each nation, that the Bishops deposed in the times of Constantius, and again restored to their Priesthoods while Julian reigned, should be expelled from the churches.

[360] By which mandate indeed the Magistrates of Egypt also being impelled, as Sozomen relates in book 6 chapter 12, and more briefly in book 4 chapter 12 Socrates, labored to deprive Athanasius of the churches of that region, and to eject him from the Alexandrian city: the Alexandrians contend that Athanasius is not to be reckoned among these; for the letters of the Emperor comprehended no light penalty; but upon all Magistrates equally, and soldiers and curias established under their power, they imposed a fine of immense money, unless the things commanded were done. And so a multitude of Christians, gathered into one, demanded of the Governor, that he should not rashly nor inconsiderately drive Bishop Athanasius from the city, but should consider with himself more accurately, what was defined by the letters of the Emperor: for these availed only against those, who, sent into exile in the times of Constantius, had afterwards returned while Julian reigned. But they said that Athanasius, although he had been in exile in the times of Constantius, had nevertheless been recalled by the same and restored to his Episcopate; but that Julian, when he had brought back all the others, had driven into exile this one alone, whom Jovian had again recalled home. When with this speech they could persuade the Prefect nothing, the Alexandrians resisted his attempts, and did not permit violence to be done to the Bishop.

[361] When therefore the people flowed together from every side, and a great tumult and crowd was stirred up, he however, seeing the matter tending toward sedition, so that all expected a sedition would come, the Prefect makes the Emperor more certain of what had been done through letters, in the meantime permitting Athanasius to remain in the city. But after many days had been let pass, when the tumult now seemed allayed, Athanasius secretly goes out of the city, and hides himself in a certain solitary place: he hides himself in the tomb of his father and complains in vain, Socrates calls it the paternal Monument, where the Saint lay hid for four whole months. But in the dead of night the Prefect of Egypt and the Commander of the Soldiery hasten to the church, in which Athanasius had his dwelling: whom when they had sought in the upper rooms and not found, the design which they had intended being undertaken in vain, they withdrew … But he, whether he withdrew by some divine power, or by the forewarning of certain men, returns to the same place: indeed that he so opportunely both foreknew and avoided the ambush, seems to be of greater prudence, than what can be attributed to a man. There are however others who say that he, when he perceived in mind the rash tumult of the people, and feared lest he should seem the author and cause of the slaughter, if any should thence happen; through this whole time (which Socrates says was of four entire months, to whom Sozomen here seems to look back) lay hid in the Paternal monument.

[362] Not long after the Emperor Valens wrote letters, that Athanasius should return and take up the Church anew. then he is permitted to return to the Church, But I suspect that he did not write these letters of his own accord; but either because he revered the opinion implanted in the minds of all; and it was likely that Valentinian, the champion of the Nicene faith, would on that account reprehend him; or because he feared, lest, since Athanasius had so many supporters, they should stir up a tumult on his account, and contrive revolutions not without harm to the commonwealth. I judge moreover, that the Prelates of the Arian sect did not with so great zeal labor to drive him from Alexandria, for the reason that they considered that he, if ejected from the city, and he keeps it in peace, the Arians dissembling with him, would again present troubles to the Emperors, and thence have occasion of coming into colloquy with them, and perhaps of leading Valens himself over to his own opinion, and certainly of exciting Valentinian to anger against them. For having sufficiently experienced his virtue, in those things which happened while Constantius reigned; they most of all feared from him for themselves: since at that time he so routed all the ambushes of his adversaries, that not unwillingly they yielded to him the Churches of Egypt, and yet he himself could scarcely be induced by the letters of Constantius to return to Alexandria…

[363] A persecution, almost like the persecution of the gentiles, harassed the other Bishops: for those of them who rejected their doctrine, the others however being vexed, not only were exiles prepared for them, but also the Churches were taken away and handed over to others. But Egypt, as long as Athanasius survived among the living, was wholly free of those calamities. And so, the others being vexed and disturbed, he himself was the chief refuge and consolation: and there is extant on the occasion of this persecution a catholic Epistle, written to all the brethren everywhere taking up faith and salvation, and also to the orthodox Bishops through Egypt, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Arabia, to confirm whom the Saint writes an epistle. in which Athanasius and his fellow-Bishops thus begin to address them. As many of you as perceive impiety rising up against piety, through manifest innovations of words and fraudulent simulations, you ought to withdraw and save yourselves from tumults and seditions, from wounds and blows and slaughters, as from a tempest; neither mingling yourselves with the iniquity of those who treat unworthily the one and true Trinity, and alienate and divide the Son from the Father, the Spirit from the Son; nor thrusting yourselves into their confused and deadly counsels: for so do we act, desiring to make safe ourselves and those who communicate with us… 1 p. 570 But we indicate to you, that, although now for a long time this pestilence has lain heavy, nevertheless still among most peoples remains the glory of the Apostolic faith, indeed also among most Bishops … although many of them, partly through fear of those who hold the more illustrious cities, partly through the vanity of catching a little glory, conceal what they feel, but pretend that they feel what they do not feel. To whom and to all the rest Athanasius proposes for weighing the certain and simple truth of the one Nicene faith, the sum of which is the Consubstantial Trinity, and the true God made man of Mary.

[364] Among those moreover who at this time made most of Athanasius, was St. Basil, St. Basil most closely joined with Athanasius, in the year CCCLXX drawn forth from solitude, and ordained Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; that he might succeed Athanasius, about to fail within a few years, for the continuing of the contests for the faith, just as he was most closely joined to him by frequent commerce of letters before and after the entering upon his Episcopate. He, calling him in Epistle 51 a most pious Father, says in Epistle 52, that the opinion long ago conceived of him, is always corroborated by the progress of time, he makes most of his sound doctrine, and is augmented by the accessions of those things which successively happened. But in Epistle 337 to Ascholius of Thessalonica he imputes to praise his zeal against the Arians, as a most evident argument of his sound sense in the greatest heads of the faith. But again in Epistle 51, We think, he says, that our Lord has constituted you a physician of Ecclesiastical infirmities. And in the following 52, he praises him, that he bears as great a care of all the Churches, as of that which had been particularly entrusted to him by our Lord, and his zeal for helping the Church, so that at no time did he not discourse of sacred things, admonish, write, and frequently send those who would best take counsel for others everywhere. But when he had set forth to him the necessities of the Antiochene Church, he at length concludes: But you yourself will at length care for all these things more than we, and commends to him the necessities of this Church. since you understand that all permit and commend to you those things which concern the Ecclesiastical state. Of judgments of this kind concerning the authority, virtue, and experience of Athanasius are full many epistles of St. Basil, both to him and to others written; to which, while his responses are lacking, it is not easy to describe the order and series of the affairs transacted between the two.

[365] Athanasius's judgment moreover concerning Basil was not unequal to his merit. 1 p. 952 And so writing to John and Antiochus, his beloved fellow-Presbyters; I greatly wonder, he says, In turn Athanasius defends him, at the audacity of those, who do not dread to bark against our beloved and true servant of God Basil the Bishop; since from barking of this kind they can be detected and convicted, of not even loving or embracing the confession of the Fathers. And in the following epistle, written to the beloved Son Palladius the Presbyter, What you signified concerning the monks of Caesarea, he says, this very thing also I learned from our beloved Dianius, namely that they grievously bear with and resist our beloved Bishop Basil. 1 p. 952 To you certainly, because you indicated the matter to me, I give thanks: but to them I wrote what was fitting, that as sons they should obey the Father, nor contradict those things which he approves. For if he were suspect in the business of truth, and he excuses him to the Neocaesarean monks, they would rightly fight; but if they are confident, as we all are confident, that he is the glory of the Church, while he so contends for the truth, and teaches those who need doctrine, it is not lawful to join battles with him, but for the piety of his mind he is rather to be loved. For from those things which I have learned from our beloved Dianius, there is no cause why they should turn away from him: for he himself becomes weak among the weak, that he may gain the weak. And so our beloved Brethren, looking to the scope of him by which he tends toward the truth, let them glorify the Lord, that He has given such a Bishop to Cappadocia, as the several provinces wish for themselves.

[366] Perhaps it already then displeased those monks, which afterwards, they being perhaps scandalized at it, when Basil, his Episcopate being laid down, betook himself to the desert, certain of the Neo-Caesareans more freely accused; and on whose account writing to them Epistle 75 he addresses them so, that he defends his manner of dealing with the Arians to be reconciled chiefly by the authority of Athanasius, while among other things he says. We have never polluted our mind with the blasphemy of the Arians: but if we have sometimes received into communion some coming from their discipline, because according to the decree of Athanasius he received penitent Arians. either because using pious words they hid the disease in the breast, or because they did not contradict our opinion; this we did, not using our own judgment concerning such men at all; but rather complying with the decrees of the Fathers concerning them formerly published. For I, when I had received the epistles of our most blessed Father Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, which even now I have in my hands and offer to those who require them, distinctly enjoining, that if anyone from the heresy of the Arians should wish to pass over to us by confessing the Nicene faith, he should be admitted without any inquiry whatsoever: these letters, I say, when I had received, and he had alleged to me as sharers of this opinion all the Bishops of Achaia and Macedonia; I judged it necessary to comply with so great a man, on account of the trustworthy authority of those approving; and at the same time desiring to obtain the reward destined for the peaceable, I enrolled those who confessed that faith in the part of those communicating.

[367] just as he repelled those whom he had ejected, No less in receiving those whom Athanasius had approved, than in rejecting those whom he had disapproved, did Basil show a sense unanimous with him: but specially in Epistle 47 to the same beginning thus: I have received the letters of your sanctity, in which you groaned against the Prefect of Libya, an infamous man… We deplore Libya, that it has been handed over to a man, accustomed from boyhood equally to cruelty and to lasciviousness… And him indeed scourges await before the just Judge, commensurated to the same measure, by which he himself presumed to afflict the Saints: but it became known also to our Church from the letters of your piety, and all will judge him to be shunned and execrable, so that they will have communion neither of fire, nor of water, nor of roof with him. … nor will we omit, to show that condemnation to all his familiars, and friends, and even to strangers.

[368] Finally there deserves to be set down here one whole epistle of the same Basil to Athanasius, holding him as the one physician and consoler of the afflicted Church. which among those edited is number 49, conceived in these words: The more the languors of the Churches grow greater, the more eagerly do we all turn ourselves to your integrity, believing that the one consolation of our evils has been left in your protection, who both by the virtue of prayers, and by the knowledge of things to be done (by which you can teach us what is best to be done) are believed in this horrible tempest to preserve us from all those, who either by hearing or by experience have some little knowledge of you. Wherefore cease not to pray for our souls, and to excite us through letters; of which if you should understand how great is the utility, you will never neglect any occasion of writing to us, if any be given. But if, your prayers helping, we should even be held worthy of your sight, and of the present fruit of the goods reposited in you, so that to the history of our life there should be added also a meeting with your truly great and Apostolic mind, we shall esteem that we have received from divine clemency a consolation, equal to all our afflictions.

CHAPTER XXXII.

The last lucubrations of Athanasius against the heretics: the Life of St. Antony written: and also that of St. Syncletica?

[369] In the second year after the change of the Empire and in the same of the Christian Era CCCLXVI, Liberius being dead, whose faith, on the XXIV day of September, there died at Rome Pope Liberius, who, his former lapse having been excellently repaired, clung to the very last breath to the communion of St. Athanasius, as his epistle to the latter proves, containing a profession of faith, diametrically contrary to the Arian heresy; in which Liberius calls Athanasius most longed for by him, and thus addresses him at the end. 1 p. 243. To this confession therefore, Brother Athanasius, which is reckoned the true faith in the holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, if you feel with me before God and Christ the judge, I beg you to subscribe; that we may be made more certain, whether you feel the same as we in the true faith; that from hence secure, without scruple I may perform whatever you shall deign to command me. Perhaps the decrees of the Alexandrian Synod being understood, by which useless disputations about words were cut off; some scruple against Athanasius had arisen among the Romans, also in his last years Athanasius approved, who named three Persons or Hypostases: which Liberius wished to be removed from himself, and at the same time requiring his opinion, on the questions concerning the Incarnation of the Word being moved he adds: This also I wish you to know, dearest, that the sons of truth confess the impassible Deity, and the advent of the incarnate God and Word, namely that He took a perfect man without sin, begotten of the holy Father and the Virgin Mary. 1 p. 245. To this confession and definition Athanasius immediately rejoined a most accurate rescript, which is extant, and beyond what he had been asked he added at the end, Thus also we believe the resurrection of the flesh, that is, that our body according to the sacred Scriptures is to be changed by God from corruptible and mortal into immortality and incorruptibility: because this indeed had already begun to be disputed.

[370] the same adhering to the councils held under Pope Damasus at Rome and elsewhere, The successor of Liberius Damasus, created at the close of the seven hundredth year?, with a recent schism against him, raised through Ursicinus the Presbyter, had the beginnings of his Pontificate so occupied, that what he did in the Synod convoked at Rome against Ursacius and Valens, seem able to be referred to the year CCCLXVIII or IX. Athanasius mentions this Synod, beginning thus his own and the other ninety Bishops' epistle through Egypt and Libya against the Arians, to the venerable Bishops in Africa. 1 p. 931 Sufficient indeed are the writings of Damasus, our beloved Co-minister and Bishop of Great Rome, and of so many Bishops gathered together with him; and no less sufficient are the writings of the other Councils, which partly in Gaul partly in Italy were held, for the confirming of that faith which is in us, which Christ bestowed, and the Apostles preached, and the Fathers who had assembled at Nicaea from everywhere out of our habitable world, handed down. But a comparison being instituted between the Nicene and Ariminene Council, when Athanasius had with many arguments proved that those are not to be heard, who attempt either to add something to the former, or to those things which in the latter were extorted by force and guile to attribute authority, and had clearly approved the very doctrine concerning the divinity of the Son; he at length subjoins. But these things are written not with the mind of teaching, he admonishes the African Bishops not to vacillate concerning the Nicene faith, but of admonishing: meanwhile we are not alone who write these things, but all the Bishops in Egypt and Libya ninety in number, for of all the sense is the same, and one for another whom it happened to be present subscribe. 1 p. 940

[371] From these things it seems to follow, although the title sets forth the authority of all ninety, that not all however were present, or even that Athanasius wrote these things perhaps with few. It is indicated however that some Alexandrian Synod preceded, at which either all or most were present when the writings of Damasus brought into Egypt were read: for thus proceeds Athanasius. 1 p. 941 When we were of this mind, and it had happened that we came together into one, he asks Damasus to eject Auxentius of Milan, we wrote to the beloved Bishop Damasus of great Rome, against Auxentius, the invader of the Milanese Church; and we wrote that he was not only in the communion of the Arian sect, but moreover guilty of many crimes, which he designated with George the associate of his impiety; and we wonder why he has not yet been deposed and cast down from the Church: and we profess to give thanks to his piety, and to those Bishops who were with him, that, ejecting the followers of Ursacius and Valens, just as he had excommunicated Ursacius and Valens. and those feeling the same with them, they have preserved the concord of the Catholic Church: which also that you may preserve, asking, we exhort you not to receive those, who, as we have said, under pretext of faith obtrude a multitude of Synods … and let the faith professed by the Fathers of Nicaea alone have authority among you; to which also the fathers of those, who now impugn it, were present, and as we have said, subscribed.

[372] The suggestion moreover of St. Athanasius and of the Egyptian Bishops whom we mentioned against Auxentius prevailed with Pope Damasus: which was also done, who in the year CCCLXIX held another Council of Bishops at Rome, in which he as an Arian was deposed, Ursicinus as a schismatic was condemned. There is extant concerning the deposition of Auxentius a Synodal epistle in the volumes of the Councils, directed to the Bishops of Illyricum, for the confirming of them in the Nicene faith, in which some of them had begun to vacillate. But that most crafty man, wrapping himself in his own darkness, lest he should be recognized as an Arian, which he was, by the most clement of Emperors, held the Episcopate up to the year CCCLXXIV; when by his death he made the Church vacant for St. Ambrose about to succeed. Nevertheless the sentence of Damasus and the Roman Council was approved everywhere by the orthodox; and everywhere it was published and received. which at the beginning of the Epistle, written to Epictetus Bishop of the Corinthians, Athanasius signifies where he says, that in diverse Councils celebrated through Gaul and Spain, all who came together to them, with concordant suffrage said anathema to the Arians hitherto hidden; namely to Auxentius of Milan, Ursacius and Valens, and Gaius from Pannonia; and they wrote everywhere, that, because they feigned for themselves names of Synods, no Synod is named in the Catholic Church except the one of Nicaea.

[373] But these things I write, he says, on the occasion of a Memorial produced by your sanctity, upon which I fell, and which it would have been expedient had not been written, [he writes also against those who confounded the human and divine nature in Christ,] namely that not even the memory of such things should survive to posterity. 1 p. 582 For who ever heard such things? who taught or learned them? For out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord out of Jerusalem: but these things whence came they? or what hell belched this forth, that the body begotten of Mary should be said consubstantial to the Divinity of the Word? or that the Word, transmuting the flesh, bones, hairs, and the whole body, alienated these from their own proper nature? But who has heard in the Church or at all among Christians, that the Lord bore an adoptive, not a natural, body? or who was so impious, as to assert and at the same time to feel, that the Deity, that very Deity which is consubstantial with the Father, after His conversion was circumcised, and made from perfect more imperfect? and that what was fastened on the cross was not a body, but the very essence of creative wisdom? Who, receiving with his ears, that the Word formed for Himself a passible body not from Mary but from His own substance, would say that one so speaking is a Christian? Who devised this nefarious impiety, that it should come into anyone's mind to conceive, not to say to utter, that he who affirms the body to be from Mary, sets up not a Trinity but a quaternity in God; so that on that account those who so feel, say that the flesh, which the Savior put on from Mary, is of the substance of the Trinity?

[374] But whence again have some belched forth an impiety equal to the aforesaid, whom he denies can be reckoned Christians, so as to say that the body is not posterior to the Divinity of the Word, but was coeternal with it in all things, since it is constituted of the substance of Wisdom. How have Christians even dared to doubt, whether the Lord proceeding from Mary, by nature indeed and substance is the Son of God, but as regards the flesh is from the seed of David and from the flesh of St. Mary? Who at length were so presumptuous, as to affirm that He, the Christ who according to the flesh suffered and was crucified, is not the Lord and Savior, God and Son of the Father? By what reason do they desire to be named Christians, who say that into a holy man, as into one of the Prophets, the Word came: and that He Himself was not born by assuming flesh from Mary, but that one is Christ, another is the Word of God which before Mary and before the ages was the Son of the Father? Or how could they be Christians, saying that Christ is one, the Word of God another?

[375] These things however were in your Memorial said indeed diversely, yet having the same force for insinuating impiety: or ought to be heard, on account of these things they disputed and contended among themselves, who gloried in the confession of the Fathers in the Nicene Synod. Indeed I could not but wonder, that your piety tolerated them, and did not restrain those saying such things, proposing to them the true faith; that either obeying they might be quiet, or contradicting they might be esteemed as heretics: for the things which I have reported are neither to be said nor to be heard by Christians, as most alien from the Apostolic doctrines. On which account also their assertions, as it is said, I ordered to be written nakedly in the epistle, that whoever should even only hear may see the foulness and impiety contained in them: since they are unworthy of an answer: and although those who devised such things deserved to be convicted by many arguments of imprudence, I believed nevertheless that it would suffice if the epistle were continued thus far, nor anything more to be written. For things which manifestly appear perverse, ought not to be laid bare by many words and treated more curiously, lest to the contentious they seem ambiguous: or this alone ought to be answered to these things, that they are not from the sense of the Catholic Church, nor did the Fathers teach them.

[376] Lest however the inventors of iniquities, from total silence seize an occasion of acting more impudently, it will be good to commemorate a few things from the divine Scriptures, yet he confutes their several assertions, that even they themselves, overcome by shame, may cease from those sordid thoughts. And these things being premised Athanasius enters into the matter, confuting their several assertions, nowhere however naming Apollinarius, praised by us above chapter 18, afterwards held the asserter of these impieties, but then perhaps a still hidden sower of them, no mention being made of Apollinarius, at least not yet suspected by Athanasius and dear to him from the memory of an old friendship. Wherefore they seem to me to have done against the mind of the author, who to his two orations written about this same matter and almost at the same time, on the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, and on His salutary advent, added in the title, against Apollinarius; since he is nowhere named in the orations themselves; who seems to have written nothing about these things, nor is even any one author of the objections there to be dissolved indicated, but it is simply treated against the prurience of those calling into disputation a truth hitherto most certain, and which not even the Arians had called into dispute concerning the true humanity of Christ. 1 p. 614, 1 p. 633 But Apollinarius seems to have written nothing at all concerning this matter, but only to have taught by word, whatever he wrongly taught, after he had written innumerable things upon the holy Scriptures and against Porphyry thirty books, on account of which he is praised by Jerome, both in the Chronicle and in the book of Writers.

[377] Indeed in the great Library of the Fathers there is extant a book of Leontius of Byzantium, against those who bring forth to us certain things of Apollinarius, falsely inscribed with the names of the holy Fathers; nay he absolutely denied these things to be taught by him. where among the first is placed a fragment from the Epistle of Apollinarius himself to Serapion, him probably to whom we showed above Athanasius wrote various things, in which he says: We greatly approved the Epistle of the Lord sent to Corinth, but of those who say the flesh consubstantial to God we condemned the great madness. Perhaps, as even now often the heretics do, from that which he most earnestly strove to persuade, he feigned himself as most alien as possible: just as also his disciple Valentinus published an Apology, cited by the same Leontius under this title, against those who say that we, namely the Apollinarists, say the body to be consubstantial to God. The testimony of St. Cyril concerning the doctrine of Athanasius, And these and many other things there are, which concerning the faith or for the faith, to the orthodox or against the heretics, Athanasius wrote, in the last and quieter years of his life, residing at Alexandria. Of which and all his other lucubrations are to be understood the words of St. Cyril in Epistle I to the Solitaries, that resisting the talkative garrulity of the heretics with invincible and plainly Apostolic wisdom, by his writings, as by some most fragrant ointment, he wonderfully recreated the whole world; and on account of the absolute integrity of his dogmas and the rectitude of his faith, was always with great esteem and authority among all.

[378] In the same last years of his age, residing tranquilly at Alexandria, from whom also we have the written Life of St. Antony he wrote the life of St. Antony, which, rendered into Latin by Evagrius, and illustrated with notes, and vindicated to its author against the empty scruples of certain innovators, we gave on January XVII. He had died, while the Emperor Constantius was still living, in the year of the common Era CCCLVI, and so Athanasius was deprived of that consolation, which, himself in the same year compelled to betake himself to the desert, he would have had from the discourse of a Father so dear and venerable. There can however be no doubt, that conversing daily among the monks, and sometimes with the disciples of the Saint himself, he added many things to the knowledge, which while he was still living he had drawn from the frequent sight and intercourse of him and his disciples. Nay even in this great age that the monasteries of the Thebaid were visited by St. Athanasius the Life of St. Pachomius persuades us to believe, who in the year CCCXVI only twenty years old, now when the Saint came to the monastery founded by him at Tabenne, was a Bishop, the Father of very many monks, and is called an old man, as on the XIV day of this month we shall show from his Life.

[379] But to that, as I said, Life of St. Antony the author prefixes a Proem, to the monks ἐν ξένῃ, πρὸ τοὺς ἐν ξένῃ μοναχοὺς. Evagrius renders Pilgrim Brethren: that it was a name proper certainly to a particular monastery, rather than common to any foreign region whatsoever, the Greek phrase persuades; nor does it please to investigate the causes of the appellation by divining. This seems certain, that the place was not so remote from Egypt, but that it could be reached by a journey of a few days; nor so near, that from it some came frequently to Alexandria: for thus speaks Athanasius, setting forth at the same time both the occasion of writing, and the knowledge of the things to be written, whence received and how given.

[380] Your epistle being received (by which namely you interrogated me concerning the conversation of St. Antony, who had asked it of him by letters. desiring to learn how he began his exercise, and what manner of man he was before it, or what end of life he had, and whether the things which are said of him are true) I wished to summon certain monks, who had been accustomed to be more frequently with him; that being more fully instructed, I might be able to write to you more copiously. But since I was hemmed in by the narrowness of the time fit for navigations (by which is indicated the time of the summer Solstice, after which, the river swelling and the banks being overcome and confounding the distinctions of places, navigation ceased) and the letter-carrier was hastening; therefore the things which I know (for I often saw him) and which I could learn from him who for no small time served him, pouring water on his hands as he washed, I have hastened to write to your piety.

[381] The Life of St. Syncletica, attributed to Athanasius by Nicephorus, Nicephorus Callistus ecclesiastical history book 8 chapter 40, when he had said, that the Life of St. Antony for the memory of posterity the most excellent Athanasius copiously described in all things, that that book might be as it were a kind of rule of the monastic institute; adds, That, as in the Life of Syncletica women, so in that men, might have what they should follow of the institute, as it were expressed in a commentary. This Life, which Baronius believed to have perished, we gave on January V, as we had received it from the interpreter David Colville, with the greater joy of pious men, because, as someone wrote to Bollandus from England, they received it, as if snatched from the jaws of Orcus, and edited in Latin by us in January that is from that great sepulcher of books in the Escorial, where the corpses of MS. codices are kept and rot, and from which very few are freed. For it scarcely happens that the keepers, most inhuman and at the same time most unskilled in Greek letters, suffer anything to be transcribed originally and entire, as to their great sorrow our Balthasar Corderius and James Sirmond experienced, from the Greek Escorial MS. the latter having used in vain the most weighty intercession of the most Christian King, that he might obtain a copy of a few Epistles of St. Theodore the Studite, for the supplement of the great collection of the same prepared by him for the press, and on account of that defect hitherto suppressed: the former having set out for nothing into Spain from a similar cause, and instructed with the privilege of the King himself, which however the moroseness of those keepers whom I have mentioned rendered void: which would that even now at least it may soften, after the irreparable loss of so many most beautiful codices, made by the mournful fire of the year MDCLXXI.

[382] But however great the felicity of rarity it was to have dug out from there the Life of Syncletica in whatever manner; it does not seem truly written by him, nevertheless not without scruple did Bollandus bear, that he had ordered it to be printed under the name of St. Athanasius, believing Nicephorus first asserting it; of whose faith he would have doubted even more, if he had been able to see our commentary on the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian, by the same attributed to St. Sophronius Patriarch of Jerusalem, with the greatest confusion of things and times. For he had also received that very Greek Life of St. Syncletica from the Vatican MS., together with a far better version of our Peter Lanssel, which there under the name of a certain Polycarp he afterwards wrote was held, Lucas Holstenius, once most worthy keeper of the Library foremost in the whole world.

[383] though it be found elsewhere under the name of Polycarp Again at Paris we ourselves transcribed the same, from an ancient parchment, written for the use of some Church of Jerusalem or of Antioch, whence we gave in March the Acts of the holy Martyrs, both of the monks slain in the laura of St. Sabas under the Arabs on the XX day, and of the XLII Commanders of the Emperor Theophilus captured in the destruction of Amorium and slain in Persia on the V day: and whence we shall give many other things elsewhere: where at the end at the Margin it is thus read ἕως ὧδε πεπλήρονται οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἁγίας π. παρα τοῦ μακ. Αρσ. τῶν πηγάδ. λόγοι, or of Arsenius, καθὼς καθειρμ. κεῖνται ἅπαντες: which, the abbreviations being supplied, I thus read and render, Up to here are completed the discourses, from the holy Virgin herself through Blessed Arsenius, Bishop or Hegumen of Pegadum, just as all lie concluded. Besides, the Alexandrian Church had, one hundred and twenty years after the death of St. Athanasius, another Athanasius, the associate of Peter Mongus in heresy, his successor in the Episcopate; and there were two Athanasii Bishops of Alexandria; so that not even the name of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, perhaps added to some Greek copies, and read by Nicephorus, could make us secure (so long as no more certain indications are at hand) that that Life was written by the Great and Holy Athanasius.

[384] Which things all, since they make the author of that Life uncertain to us; then most of all the huge diversity between this and the Life of St. Antony compels us to doubt. For that of St. Syncletica is nothing less than the history of a Life: and (if you except the end and beginning, where the education and death are adorned with panegyrical deduction) it is nothing other than a collection of discourses on the virtues and vices, delivered to religious Virgins; but in those things which can in some measure seem historical, no characters of times and persons appear, the name of no other who heard or was present is expressed, nowhere does the author hint anything either about himself or about the source of his knowledge; quite contrary to what was done in the Life of Antony, where very many persons and places are named, nor are few notes for investigating the times at hand, and sometimes in the first person about himself, as a present or ear-witness, the Saint speaks; and according to his customary usage in other writings, he renders in the preliminary epistle the reason of his writing.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The death, burial, translation of the body, the successor Peter.

[385] His life passed amid perpetual labors of studies, disputations, and exiles, Having obtained a death worthy of such a life, when he had held such a course, as we have somehow attempted to describe, the unwearied champion of the orthodox faith, and vindicator of ecclesiastical discipline, Athanasius; and when, thus, as we have seen, instructed, he had so instructed others also, that the norm of Episcopal administration should be the morals of the one living, and the rule of teaching rightly the dogmas of the one preaching; what reward of piety he at length received, his encomiast Gregory Nazianzen asks; and answering himself, In a good, he says, old age he closes his life, and is joined to his fathers the Patriarchs and Prophets, the Apostles and Martyrs, who fought for the truth, he is borne out with great mourning of the Alexandrians, and (that I may comprehend the epitaph in few words) he is affected with more excellent honor in his departure, than that with which he had been adorned in the entrances of the city; thus namely migrating from life, that he excited tears in many; and left a greater esteem of his name reposited in the minds of all, than that which could be unfolded by signs falling under the sight.

[386] But since the Alexandrians made so much of the man, what wonder if they faithfully preserved the lineaments of his dear countenance in images; and the memory of his countenance preserved in images, such as the Menaea printed for January XVIII almost report, under the explication and sense of these words: Athanasius was of middling stature of body, modestly broad and bent; of pleasing aspect, with becoming baldness, with an aquiline nose; the beard not very long, but spread out and clothing the cheeks; with a short mouth and as it were incised; with a head not entirely hoary, nor purely white, but somewhat yellow. To this description comes near enough his image prefixed to the Parisian edition of the works which we have used, and engraved on copper by Andreas Thevet the Royal Chalcographer, from a certain very ancient copy, which is extant at Alexandria; except that the form of the beard seems more than fair long; so that as regards this, the image expressed on the aforesaid day in the Menaea is perhaps more similar, more dissimilar otherwise as regards the rest; both because it is expressed with a face too emaciated and the forehead wrinkled and well-haired, and because with the crown bare after the manner of the Greeks, which from the usage of the Egyptian Bishops, even now observed by the Ruthenians, it ought to have been painted covered, just as was done in the Alexandrian picture.

[387] Moreover just as St. Antony dying charged his disciples, not to suffer his body to be carried into Egypt, the body is buried outside the city, where perchance it would have to be deposited in some house; but to bury it and cover it with earth, as Athanasius wrote in his Life: so we know this very man, St. John Damascene being witness in oration 1 on images, judged that the relics of the Saints were not to be placed in urns, but to be laid in the ground with this counsel, that he might abrogate the absurd custom of the Egyptians, who did not lay their dead under the earth, but placed them on couches and litters. And so we do not doubt that this constitution of the holy Prelate then indeed was observed even in him, and that the body was not only buried in the earth (yet within a chest or stone sarcophagus, and with an honorific title above) but also outside the city in the cemetery: but whether it was brought back within the city after the deposition of Lucius the Arian, or even after the death of Valens, under the Empire of the great Theodosius, when to the Episcopal and other urban Churches the bones of holy Prelates and those more worthy of popular veneration could easily be carried; we vehemently hesitate.

[388] For a great suspicion of the body translated to Constantinople, which afterwards translated to Constantinople, and indeed in the time of St. Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople: for he either composed wholly the ecclesiastical Office to be recited in honor of the Saint, or augmented it with several notable parts: or even much earlier translated, I say, of the body the printed Menaea of the Greeks for the II day of May suggest a suspicion: when a synopsis of the life much more prolix than usual is set forth, and from the Metrical Ephemeris of the city of Constantinople is read this Verse: Δευτερίῃ νέκυς Ἀθανασίου εἰσεκομίσθη. The body of Athanasius was brought in on the second day. This Ephemeris contains, as said elsewhere, almost the Constantinopolitan fasti; and what it itself gives to think about the carrying of the body within the royal city, the distich still more confirms, preluding by custom to the elogium about to follow: Ἀθανάσιε ποῦ κομίζῃ μοι πάλιν; Καὶ νεκρὸν ἐξόρισμον ἐκπέμπουσί σε. Whither art thou borne again, whither art thou borne, Athanasius? Even dead they banish thee into exile.

[389] where he was venerated with a common feast with St. Cyril on January 18. It is added that on January XVIII (which we judge to be the day of his Ordination from the reckoning of the times and the death of his predecessor Alexander) where with a doubled order of sacred Hymns of him and of St. Cyril, likewise Bishop of Alexandria, a common feast in MSS. and all printed books is set forth, at the end of the common elogium to both there are added these words, Their feast is kept in the holy greater church, called of Sophia: for no other cause, as it is permitted to suppose, than because, the Relics of St. Athanasius having long ago been brought into that church on his birthday, afterwards the Relics of St. Cyril were joined, likewise conveyed from Egypt: since no other likely cause appears of commemorating him, and indeed so solemnly, on that day, on which in no Egyptian fasti is St. Cyril found inscribed. For ordained about October XVIII, as is established from Socrates book 7 chapter 7, he is thought to have died in the month of June, when all Greek monuments set forth his Birthday. For the rest, what hitherto I have called suspicion; from certain knowledge will be proved below, and it will be understood, and separately in his own church, that howsoever St. Athanasius once had his feast in the greater church, his cult afterwards was more augmented, a church of his own being built under his name in the Xerolophus, and the body of the Saint translated into it, probably after the times of the iconoclasts.

[390] Gregory XIII Supreme Pontiff, as Baronius writes in the notes to the Roman Martyrology, most desirous of the union and peace of the Eastern Church, Under his name was founded the Seminary of the Greeks at Rome. built at Rome an excellent temple, under the name of St. Athanasius; and instituted a College of the Greeks, where many youths are trained in good morals and in the doctrine of the orthodox faith: from which Seminary it is permitted to hope, by the kindness of God and the patronage of St. Athanasius, that abundant fruits of piety will sometime come to the Eastern Church. Thus Baronius, aptly enough premising, that, since once the city of Rome, the See of the Apostle Peter, was to Athanasius, agitated by great storms of attacks, a most safe harbor and as it were an asylum and refuge of all the calamities of the most holy man; it seems not without divine counsel to have been done, that the most valiant defender of the faith, for the cause of propagating religion in the East and of conciliating ecclesiastical union, again in a manner, after a thousand two hundred years and more, returned to the City, the aforesaid illustrious domicile being constituted for him, which not long after committed to our Society, to this very day not sluggishly brings forth the fruits hoped for from it.

[391] Concerning the age of the Saint, which he had when dying, nothing can be definitely established. I esteem that he was far closer to an octogenarian than to a septuagenarian. But having inquired about a successor, he chose Peter, the partaker and associate of his tribulations. Peter designated successor by Athanasius, Thus Rufinus book 12 chapter 3, with whom Socrates book 4 chapter 16, and Sozomen book 6 chapter 18, agree; but before the rest Theodoret book 4 chapter 18. When the glorious Athanasius, after so many contests and as many crowns, had received the end of his labors, and had passed to a life free from troubles; Peter, a man far the best, undertook the Prelacy; first indeed designated by the suffrage of that blessed head, then by the consent of all excelling both in the sacred and the political order. But the whole people, praising him together, testified its joy. and ordained with the great approbation of all, For the associate and partaker of the labors undertaken by Athanasius, having always been engaged with him, both while he was at Alexandria, and while traveling abroad, he had sustained many perils with the same. There came together therefore the neighboring Bishops; and those who inhabited the ascetic palaestrae, these being dismissed, deigned to draw near to placing Peter in the seat of Athanasius.

[392] But after he had taken his seat on the Archiepiscopal throne, straightway the Prefect of the Province Palladius, Lucius the Arian being substituted in his place, by profession a Gentile and so far given to worshiping idols, a multitude of Gentiles and Jews being collected, surrounded the walls of the church, and gave Peter a mandate that he should go out, otherwise threatening that he would drive him out even unwilling; and that, as he pretended, for the favor of the Emperor. The matter done in the church of Theonas Peter himself pathetically describes, in an epistle afterwards drawn up, part of which the aforesaid Theodoret inserted into his history. But the Arians, as Socrates writes, without delay took care to signify the death of Athanasius to the Emperor, then staying at Antioch. And a few days intervening, Euzoius, President at once of the Antiochene See and of the Arian heresy, the occasion of the time being seized, decreed to go to Alexandria, that he might hand over the administration of the churches there likewise to Lucius the Arian. Which when the Emperor also had approved, there was added to them a Count of the Largesses, Magnus by name; and a mandate was sent to Palladius the Prefect, that with military forces he should serve the purpose of Euzoius. Who both apprehended Peter and delivered him into custody, and the Clergy being variously sent away, placed Lucius on the Episcopal See… and thus the Arians, though few in number, gained possession of the Alexandrian churches. But Peter does not mention the captivity in the epistle, to be given on the XIII day of May.

[393] When these things had been understood at Rome, immediately Damasus sent letters, having escaped he goes to Rome, and condemns Apollinarius. both consolatory and communicatory, to Peter: who having escaped from prison and being carried by ship, arrived at Rome. Where when he himself and the Pontiff had been made more certain concerning the heresy of Apollinarius, first of all, a Council being convoked at Rome, they pronounced it to be alien from the Catholic Church, as Sozomen says book 6 chapter 25, by which being cited through error our Labbe in the Chronological Synopsis ascribes this condemnation of Apollinarius to Athanasius himself, being persuaded that he lived up to the year CCCLXXIII or beyond. What in the meantime a persecution against the Orthodox and how cruel was stirred up at Alexandria and carried around through all Egypt, the aforesaid Epistle of Peter in Theodoret will teach. Rufinus dispatching the matter in few words, Peter having escaped by flight, Lucius, as if the material of his cruelty taken away from him, meanwhile Lucius rages in the city was made more savage toward the rest; and so went into blood, that he did not seem to preserve even any appearance of religion. At his first entrance such foul things were done against the Virgins and Continents of the Church, which are not even recorded in the persecutions of the Gentiles. Then after the flight of the citizens and exiles, after the slaughters and torments and flames by which he had destroyed innumerable, he turned the arms of his fury to the monasteries; he lays waste the desert, declares war on the quiet; three thousand and more men, dispersed through the whole desert in secret and solitary habitation, he assails to attack equally; and in the desert, he sends an armed band of horse and foot; he chooses Tribunes, Officers and Commanders of wars, as if about to fight against barbarians: who when they had come, see a new kind of war; their enemies offering their necks to the swords, and saying nothing else, except, Friend, for what hast thou come?

[394] That persecution lasted, until Valens being slain by the Goths, the Emperors Valentinian and Gratian, by the counsels of Damasus the Roman Pope, recalled the Bishops condemned to exile, Valens being dead Peter returns, a law being given, to their own Sees, the Arians being altogether driven away by them. But then Peter returned to Alexandria, recovered his own throne, Lucius being ejected. Thus Theophanes for the first year of Theodosius, subrogated in the place of Valens, which was the year of Christ CCCLXXIX; so that they err who, either attribute to Lucius only five years, or wish Peter to have been ejected at the very beginning of his Episcopate.

[395] But since through the elevation of a Catholic Emperor there was hope that the royal city Constantinople also (where the few Orthodox whom he had found St. Gregory Nazianzen solicitously gathered together) was to be restored to the cult of the true faith; Peter was persuaded to send his Legates thither, with the show indeed of supporting the affairs of the Church there now breathing again: but in truth, that, Gregory being excluded, they might set over the same a certain Egyptian, Maximus by name, contriving to intrude himself thither. This was a stain in the glory of Peter truly not light, as on the IX day of May we shall see in the Life of Nazianzen: who suspecting no evil, just as he had received Maximus himself most lovingly, a notable Oration being recited; so also at the coming of these Legates he had another Oration which among the rest is the XXIV, in whose exordium when he had praised the Egyptians, as the best dispensers of the divine word, who truly and sincerely heal the spiritual hunger of peoples, gliding to the praises of Athanasius and Peter, to be narrated under the name of Joseph: Such, he says, was Joseph your dispenser, and therefore also ours, who both for his wisdom knew how to foresee famine, and to cure it by counsel and prudence… And indeed whichever Joseph you should wish to understand; whether that lover and effecter and bearer of the name of immortality Athanasius; or his successor both in throne and in doctrine and in hoary age, our new, I say, Peter, no less in virtue than in name; by whom that which was in the midst (namely the Arian heresy) was cut out and crushed, although still a little and languidly like the tail of a cut serpent, it palpitates. Of these one in a good old age, after many contests and palaestrae having ended his life, now beholds our affairs, as I hold persuaded, from heaven, and his cult among the Egyptians. and to those laboring in the cause of virtue stretches forth a hand, and the more because he is freed from corporeal bonds: the other to the same heavenly mansions after the same contests hastens; and is now indeed near to those above, but hitherto still is engaged in the flesh, that he may bring to the Catholic doctrine the last help and with ampler viaticum take up the journey upward.

[396] More things then in the common praise of the great doctors of the truth, the champions and victors, Gregory adds, as if presaging the speedy migration of Peter: which happened in the same year or the following, for to him restored the chronographers attribute only one year. But to him sacred honors with other holy Bishops the Alexandrians seem to have paid: for in the Calendars of the Copts in Selden to be cited below, the feast or memory of Peter the Patriarch is found noted on several days; namely February XIV, June XIX, and October XXIX; besides that in November (when Peter Patriarch and Martyr is venerated by all) the same name is found, both there and elsewhere, on the XXIV, XXV and XXVI of the said month. But, as easy as it is to suspect, that some one of the days of the prior months suits Peter the successor of Athanasius; so difficult is it to discern, which of the three. I remember indeed to have read somewhere of him, who is named October XXIX, that he was a Monophysite, that is, an asserter of one nature in Christ, it is uncertain on what day. which would distinguish him from Peter II, and make him be believed the Third of this name, in the time of the Emperor Maurice; but both the Patriarchal history renders ambiguous, asserting Peter III to have died on the XXV of Abib, that is, June XIX. But that very History concerning the ancients obtains little faith; wherefore neither is it to be made much of that the death of Peter II is by the same conferred to the XXVI of Abib, that is July II.

[397] Meanwhile it pleased to heap all these things here into one place, lest the virtue of so great a man, noted on no certain day, should seem altogether passed over. it is uncertain on what day. Jerome indeed says in the Chronicle, that after the death of Valens he was so easy in receiving heretics, that he brought to some the suspicion of money received: but let this be ascribed to the calumny of the Luciferians of Antioch, nor turned to dishonor, that Peter did that, which the great Athanasius had persuaded should be done even by Lucifer himself, Timothy succeeds Peter, as we saw above; content if, the heresy being abjured, he should profess the Nicene faith, whoever wished to be received by the Church. But Peter being dead, says Theophanes, Timothy his brother is consecrated Bishop of the Alexandrian Church and of the Orthodox in his place: yet before that was done, there was recited at Constantinople by St. Gregory Nazianzen an encomium of St. Athanasius, under whom the oration on St. Athanasius delivered by Nazianzen. which among his orations is extant number XXI, where he prefaces that he will say only a few things out of many and such as more notable and signal of their own accord occurred to memory; and that, both that he might satisfy his own love and discharge his duty to the congregation of the Orthodox, gathered in small number in the little Anastasia on the festal day of the Saint himself. But concerning the day of cult as well as the year of death there still remain certain things to be said, for which let the following chapter be.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

The year and day, of death and of cult: the later writers of the Life.

[398] As to what pertains to the year, in which the holy Doctor went from the living, The year 371 noted by the Consuls displeases Baronius, Socrates, the writer nearest the age, book 4 chapter 16 left it noted, Gratian II and Probus being Consuls, when he had administered the Episcopate forty-six years amid many perils. The same Consulship, which notes the year CCCLXXI, and the same number of years spent on the Episcopate the Anonymous author of the life and Metaphrastes following Socrates note. Baronius on the year 69 number 36 thus speaks: Times numbered through the Consuls, are to be received with more willing ears, since beyond the rest that chronography is known to be more frequent, more liberal and truer, which is deduced from the Consular fasti. Certainly indeed when we sometimes find ancient monuments in the ancient writers to be signed by the Consuls, we are affected with great joy, just as if to one wandering in darkness some longed-for torch should shine before. Thus he, but afterwards forgetful of his vow, the torch held before him by Socrates he himself extinguishes, about to treat of the death of St. Athanasius; and that in the notes to the Martyrology, Modestus and Arintheus being Consuls noting the year CCCLXXII and found in none of the ancients, he first signs. But by what argument is Socrates convicted of falsehood? Because, he says, on the year 372 number 63 from the opinion of Cyril, who ought to have had all these things most thoroughly explored, as being Bishop of the same See, who prefers to note 372: forty-six years (which Socrates also has) and those entire Athanasius is handed down to have sat; … but it is established that in the year following the Nicene Council namely of the Lord CCCXXVI he was created Bishop of Alexandria.

[399] Cyril's words in Epistle I to the Solitaries are these, ὁ τῆς ἀοιδίμου μνήμης πατὴρ ἡμῶν Ἀθανάσιος, τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίας κατακοσμήσας τὸν θρόνον ἐφ᾽ ὅλοις ἔτεσιν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἓξ τὸν ἀριθμὸν. but the passage of Cyril on which he relies, But these words are not so clear, that according to the propriety of Greek locution they designate years entirely completed, and cannot be saved in that sense, in which Rufinus, older than Cyril, said Athanasius rested in peace in the forty-sixth year of his Priesthood: and τὸν ὅλοις, entire, although it seems to affect the word years, immediately following; yet from the mind of the speaker it can be drawn to the sole integrity of the number, as if he say, in altogether sixty-six years, in which manner we speak also when the last is not had fully elapsed. But there are, it does not require 46 years entirely completed. from the XVIII day of January of the year CCCXXVI, up to the II day of May of the year CCCLXXI, years XLV, months III and days XVI. Moreover for the Greeks and Egyptians, beginning the year from the month of September, and so finding in the first year of Athanasius adapted to the common era about eight months, in the last again eight months, it was so much the easier on either side to number incomplete years for entire ones, the less seemed to be lacking to fullness.

[400] Theophanes in the Chronography, composing the last year of St. Athanasius with the year of the Alexandrian Era CCCLXV; who write the year 373 joins the same with the year of the common Era CCCLXXIII; which year also St. Jerome in the Chronicle ascribes to the beginning of Peter, ordained after Athanasius; and the same our Labbe prefers, and believes to be indubitable, on account of the authority of St. Proterius, who himself also was Bishop of Alexandria, a few years after the death of St. Cyril subrogated in the place of Dioscorus, deposed for heresy. But this man in the year CCCCLIV wrote to St. Leo the Pope an Epistle concerning Easter, which received from a MS. our Bucherius inserted into his Commentary on the Canon of Victorius, where on page 84 it is thus read: In the eightieth year from the reign of Diocletian, they rely on the testimonies of Proterius, our Father and Bishop Anastasius (rather Athanasius) of blessed memory surviving, when the XIV moon of Easter had occurred on the XXVIII day of the month Phamenoth, that is, on the ninth day of the Kalends of April, on a Lord's day; it was translated to the subsequent Lord's day, so that on the fifth day of the month Pharmuthi, that is on the day before the Kalends of April, the Lord's Easter was celebrated. but against the opinion of all concerning the 46 years of his Episcopate. All these characters without doubt note the year CCCLXXIII: in which if Athanasius had still lived up to May or beyond, now not only XLVI years, but XLVII and more in the Episcopate he would have to be said to have completed: which would be repugnant to the consent of absolutely all the authors, and of Theophanes himself; but most of all to Cyril, who ought not to have diminished the number in that place, where from the very multitude of years, in which he presided over the Church, he exaggerates the authority of Athanasius in the matter of faith, concerning the sacred Virgin, as truly to be held the Mother of God.

[401] But as to what pertains to the authority of Proterius; it would be greater if either we had the Greek text itself uncorrupted, or at least a Latin version received from an uncorrupted autograph: but the epistle of Proterius, corrupted in many places, but now it has been found in a manuscript faulty in several other places, as Bucherius notes in the margin; not only the very name of the Saint, but also the numbers of the years, bidding be successively corrected, and on page 85 for CCLV be read CLXXI, on page 86 for CCLXXV be written CXCVIII, and for the XXVIII day of the month the XXX day. Truly Proterius seems to have suffered that through the carelessness of the copyists, or the ignorance of the translators, which lest it should happen to himself or his notaries, he says at the end, to translate this epistle into the eloquence of the Latin tongue we have thought not certain enough; lest perhaps those Grecizing among you, nor even able to express these things diligently, * should injure the truth on account of unshapely and incongruous speech; and which perhaps could not be so attentively and knowingly translated as the cause demanded.

[402] What therefore, if in that place, where in Greek was read ἀποβιόντος, dead; someone wrote or read, ἐπιβιόντος surviving? What if some words have fallen out, also in that something seems to have suffered. and Proterius wrote, not what was done in that year, Athanasius surviving, but what for that year some time before was ordained by the same while living? For neither is it incredible that the Paschal tablets, as now for many years consecutively noted they are found in the most ancient Latin MSS., so also in the Alexandrian Church for several years were held digested. These therefore straightway after the Nicene Council, by which the question concerning Easter had been discussed, Athanasius may have taken care to be renewed; and again once more before his death, while the more peaceful state of the Alexandrian Church furnished leisure fit for cares of this kind. Jerome's Chronicle written by him while quite young, as elsewhere often in arranging matters through years, so here also if he erred, just as afterwards Theophanes erred, from this that he put whole XLVI years between the years of ordination and death, is not greatly to be cared for by us, nor in any way to be tolerated that on that account the Consuls be changed.

[403] About the day there seems less to be hesitated, that it was altogether the II of May: for in this absolutely all the fasti agree, Egyptian, The birthday is noted May 2 in all the Egyptian fasti, Greek, and Latin. The Egyptian indeed; for in that Martyrology which is kept at Rome among the Maronites, and made Latin for us by Gratia Simonius, on May II is noted the Memory of St. Athanasius the Great, with this, whether oration or antiphon, Thou wast a pillar of true doctrine and of the Church, by divine confession, O Pontiff Athanasius, because thou didst preach the Son to be consubstantial to the Father, and didst confound Arius, O Holy Father, pray Christ God that He grant us great mercy. In a double similar Coptic Heortologium, written in Arabic (as also that Roman one), likewise it is found on the VII of Bashans, that is, on May II. And first indeed in that which among Abulaibsan Achmed Calcasendius, a most notable Mahometan writer, Selden says he found in MS., book 3 chapter 15 on the Synedria of the Hebrews, the Feast of Asasius, written undoubtedly wrongly, for of Athanasius. Again in the same Selden from a similar manuscript written at the end of the Gospels, copied in the year MCCLXVIII, of St. Athanasius: and is added of the Apostle, for which in the Patriarchal History better is put the surname of Apostolic, which truly his labors for the faith merited. But it is to be noted that in none of those Arabic writers is the name of St. Athanasius anywhere else had except this May II. There is extant however in the aforesaid Maronite College a Chaldaic Calendar, transcribed in Italian by Simon Moses the Maronite, where on January XVIII the memory of St. Athanasius is repeated: just as also in all the Greek MSS.; except that these join to the same the memory of St. Cyril, as we said.

[404] Finally in the History of the Coptic Patriarchs, deduced up to the year MCCLVIII, [which is not rightly composed with the day of Thursday, for that on which the Saint died in the year.] which Abraham Echellensis made Latin and published, it is said that the holy Patriarch died, on the seventh of Bescinas, on a Thursday. The day of the month, from the common, as we have seen, Calendars the author took; the weekday from his own calculation, too often erring, he added: for since wishing to number whole XLVI years of the Episcopate, he had noted the year of the Alexandrian Era CCCLXIV, which for us would be CCCLXVII a Bissextile, noted with Dominical letters A G, the second of May would have been a Wednesday; but a Thursday it was not except in the year CCCLXXIII. But in that very year in which we have said the Saint died the II day of May concurred with the II weekday of the week. But perhaps the reckoning of the Egyptian Calendar is not so constant, that its months concur always in the same manner with the Latin months, which I leave to others to be examined; one thing I admonish, lest the name of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria deceive anyone, perhaps to be found somewhere on September XVI or XVII, which answer to the XX and XXI of the Egyptian Thoth, for this according to the aforesaid History is another more than a hundred years later, as we said above, and is noted as a heretic in the Chronology of St. Nicephorus.

[405] The Greeks also have January 18 festal to St. Athanasius. The Greeks, as we have already often indicated, agree in a double day of cult: and indeed for January XVIII Baronius alleges in the Notes to the Martyrology the Constitution of the Emperor Emmanuel; when also in the Menaea are found Odes, diverse from those which are prescribed May II, under such an acrostic: Ἀθανάσιος εὖχος ὀρθοδοξίας ἔφυ. Athanasius was the ornament of orthodoxy. Whether those Odes are the work of St. Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, whose are other Sticheria, also recurring May II, it is not easy to define: those which are prescribed on May II itself are bound to no acrostic, and so seem more ancient than those which are recited in January; so that it is likely the former feast in the Constantinopolitan Church was later received, when namely the use of acrostics for composing Odes of this kind began to be more common.

[406] Among the Latins, who inscribed the name of St. Athanasius in the sacred fasti on May II, the first place claims for itself Bede; not that supposititious one, whom alone Baronius knew and saw; but the genuine, such as we gave before the 2nd volume of March, with these words IV Nones of May, of our holy Father Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria: which Rabanus transcribed. The Latins know only May 2. Florus added orthodox, who for the faith of Christ suffered many things. More things, and almost taken from Rufinus, subjoin Ado and Notker. Midway between the prolixity of these and the brevity of Bede walks Usuard, whose phrase in the present Roman Martyrology we have modestly augmented and polished, after Pius V ordained an Office to be kept yearly about him under the rite of a Double: which before that under the rite of a simple to be kept who first decreed is not so clear. Gavantus on the Rubrics of the Breviary section 7 chapter 7 says he so found in the Breviary of the year MDL: but much before Cardinal Quignonius, in his Breviary approved by Paul III, proposed an Office of Athanasius to be recited, and the name is found inscribed in Calendars. The Breviary also of Capua of the year MCCCCXCIX has a simple Office with three proper lessons, so that in venerating this Saint the Roman Church altogether seems to have received from the other Churches in Italy an example which it imitated.

[407] Three Greek Lives of later authors The writers of the Life, both Greek and Latin, were many: but, if you except Gregory Nazianzen and the writers of Ecclesiastical history nearest in age, often cited in this commentary, no one published anything which deserves to be inserted into this work. Among the works there is extant a double Greek Life, one of an Anonymous author, which we had endowed with new Latinity, before we had its faults ascertained; the other differing from the former almost only in a more polished style, and edited under the name of Metaphrastes: a third Photius describes in the Library, somewhat more contracted than the prior ones: and all labor with the same defects, which even with me silent the curious reader will easily of himself recognize, after he shall have read this commentary.

[408] The chief are, that they say letters of Constantine the Great were given for Arius to Alexander and Athanasius, they labor with many errors. which were written commonly to Alexander and Arius, without any mention of Athanasius. Secondly that Arsenius, of whose murder Athanasius was accused, and whom he here several times names a Bishop; those Lives make a Lector of Alexandria, a fugitive from Athanasius through fear of penalties deserved on account of some shameful crime. Thirdly that for the Antiochene conventicle, gathered against Athanasius by the mandate of Constantius, they introduce a second conventicle at Tyre; concerning which they narrate all those things which under Constantius were done at Tyre. Fourthly that they narrate Athanasius condemned there, to have lain hid six years in a pit, before he crossed into Europe to Julius and Constans; whereas however the Saint went to Rome in the meantime while his adversaries were conspiring against him; and returned thither in the same year, about to implore aid against Gregory the invader of his See and the iniquitous judgments of the Arians: and thenceforth remained in the West. Fifthly that after the Conventicle of Milan they again shut up Athanasius for a sexennium with the sacred virgin, when it is established that he lay hid in the desert among the monks.

[409] The Latin Legendaries are almost from Rufinus, We have certain ancient Latin Legendaries on parchment, reporting the Life of St. Athanasius, we have seen more; nay we have caused some to be transcribed, first from the Utrecht MS. of St. Salvator, then from Codex 145 of the Cassinese Library written in Lombardic letters. But they are all almost collected from Rufinus and often in plainly the same words. But this Legend, John of Arezzo wrote a fuller one, judging it too narrow and meager for the amplitude of the things done by Athanasius and concerning the Arian heresy John of Arezzo Subdeacon of the Roman Church, a learned man, under Pope Eugenius IV, about the year MCCCCXL, from the fountains of Greek authors, especially Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret and Sozomen, and also from the Life found under the name of Metaphrastes, wove a history prolix enough, and dedicated it to the said Pontiff, about the year 1440 who up to then had unjustly endured innumerable persecutions, among which there were not lacking to him equally as to St. Athanasius consolations. For just as the latter rejoiced to have accomplished many things meanwhile for the Church of God, at length saw peace restored to his own Alexandrian Church: so also to him John congratulates that he had brought the inveterate schism of the Greeks and Armenians to union, at almost infinite expense and supreme labors, a matter attempted by many of his Predecessors, accomplished by none. He makes here no mention of the Jacobites, who were sent in the second year after the aforesaid union and the XLI of that century; none also of the Legates, who in the year next following came from Prester John; so that the time of the written dedication can in no way be called into doubt.

[410] This Life Aloysius Lipomannus published in volume 3 on the Lives of the Saints; but we in the year MDCLX found the same, but without the author's name, it is extant in MS. at Siena. manuscript at Siena in a certain cupboard of the Pontifical library, once by the care of Pius II adorned and furnished beside the Cathedral Church, but now almost empty: and joined to it we found the Epistle of the Emperor Justinian to Mennas the Patriarch, which gave occasion for the celebrating of the fifth Council, the Greek context of which the translator (the same without doubt who was the collector of the life) professed to have had with the memory of Theodore Bishop of Feltre: from Theodore Bishop of the people of Feltre. Such a one since in the whole Catalogue of the Bishops of Feltre we find none: see whether he cannot here be interposed between John of Rimini, of whom for the year MCCCCXXIV there is extant a memory, preserved in a chalice then offered by him; and Francis Angelus of Clairvaux, in the year MCCCCXLIV brought to that chair. two other MSS. at Venice. About the same year there was composed at Venice a certain Life of the same Saint, for the use of the nuns of the holy Cross, to whom the body had recently been translated: which Life since it did not seem certain and polished enough, Hermolaus Barbarus Bishop of Verona compiled another from the writings of Eusebius. Of both more will be said below.

[411] There is extant also another collection of the Acts of St. Athanasius, from the aforesaid Aloysius Lipomannus, [A Catena on the Life of the Saint from the Greeks and an oration of an Anonymous.] after the Works of the Saint himself; and it is as it were a catena from Socrates, Theodoret, and Sozomen: to which there is subjoined in the same place an Oration on the life, contests, and praises of the Saint, written by a certain learned man many years ago: which here it suffices to have indicated, that I may at length finish with Nazianzen, thus addressing the Saint: But thou, O sacred and dear head … benignly from heaven regard us, and rule this people, the perfect worshiper of the perfect Trinity, The conclusion of Nazianzen. which in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit is understood and adored; and me, if indeed it be permitted to live in peace, hold by the hand, at the same time feeding the flock; but if it must be lived in war, lead me away hence or take me up, and with thee and with thy like place me, although it is a great thing that is asked, in Christ Himself our Lord, to whom all glory honor and dominion for the ages. Amen. By which words he both explains his own confidence concerning the greatest merits of Athanasius, and goes before by example of invoking him, even in those things which now disturb the Church with tempests of various and new opinions: which as if in a mirror our Louis Maimbourg seems to set forth, in two volumes edited in French and called the History of Arianism, where St. Athanasius everywhere plays the chief parts.

[412] But what and how great virtues of his shone forth in so varied a fortune and tossing, if anyone wishes to see collected from his own writings, a synopsis of his virtues. he has the last book of the French Life, praised in the beginning, whose summary synopsis through the titles of the chapters it pleases here to set forth. Book XII.

Chapter I. On the faith of St. Athanasius, the foundation of his Constancy. II. On the solidity and eminence of his knowledge, leaning on the Scriptures and tradition. III. On his hope and confidence in God. IV. On his charity toward God. V. On his love toward the Church in general, and specially toward the Alexandrian. VI. On the prudence and justice of St. Athanasius. VII. On the fortitude and magnanimity of the same. VIII. On his frequent retreat and flight, in no way to be accused of pusillanimity. IX. On his patience, and how much in the government of souls he exercised this virtue. X. On his temperance, austerity of life and most perfect continence. XI. On the humility and meekness of St. Athanasius. XII. What he felt about the Episcopal state, and with what rules he fortified the entrance to the same writing to Dracontius. XIII. How much he always loved solitude and the Solitaries. XIV. What care he bore of the sacred Virgins, prescribing for them opportune rules. XV. How much he made of the Psalms of David, a chief estimator of ecclesiastical Psalmody.

for now not whether we should injure? * ardently

CHAPTER XXXV.

On the body of St. Athanasius translated from Constantinople to Venice and his cult there.

[413] What concerning the body of St. Athanasius, translated from Alexandria to Constantinople, On the body in the church not of St. Zacharias we said above by conjecture only, receive certitude from the certitude of the church built there for him and the translation afterwards following to Venice. When Baronius and Ughellus say that it was brought thither into the edifice of St. Zacharias, they erred without doubt in naming the church: because there is no memory of St. Athanasius there: but the aforesaid body even today is kept in the monastery, to which it was brought at the beginning, of the holy Cross of the Judaica, one of those islands, which gird the Venetian city as it were by a certain concatenation, on that side where the basilica of St. Mark and the forum look toward the sea. To me seeking a more distinct knowledge of the present state of the body and the translation once made, but kept at St. Cross the Rev. Father Aloysius Gonzaga, Provost of our Professed House at Venice, since he could not himself serve, being called away to more urgent affairs of his office into the Paduan country, took care that one of his men should respond, a man truly most accurate, as appears from his following writing, drawn up in the form of a public testimony.

[414] In the name of the Lord. Amen. I Aloysius Carnolius, of Bologna, Professed of the Society of Jesus, he testifies who inspected it in the year 1676 of LIX years, went on the XV day of September in the year MDCLXXVI to the church of the Nuns of the holy Cross, of the Order of St. Benedict, situated at Venice in the Judaica: and I saw upon the altar, situated in the middle of the church, an immense chest, wooden, covered with a silken Damascene canopy, terminated with golden fringes, skillfully sculpted, and wholly gilded: where they say is kept the body of St. Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, who was the author of the Symbol, Whosoever, for so it is named. The canopy being removed, the anterior turning part of the aforesaid chest was taken away, within the chest entire and through most clear immense crystals, one of the candles being also brought near by me who had ascended the altar, by custom lighted as often as the chest is opened; I saw the holy body supine, clothed in a most precious sacrificial vestment: through whose garments and ample artful clefts, I saw one arm and the thigh, both hands too and the fingers adorned with gemmed rings. but without the head. It has the feet shod: but in the place of the head, which they say was long ago brought to Rome, there is a certain wrapping of most fine byssus, distinguished with Phrygian silk, on which a miter is placed. To the right wall of the church is affixed a very large picture, not inelegantly painted, on one part of which are expressed the more celebrated deeds of St. Athanasius, especially those which in the Roman Breviary on the II day of May are noted; on the other part the series and history of the Translation to the Venetian city and to this edifice. From the same wall are to be seen hanging several votive offerings of silver, and little wooden tablets painted, in proof and memory of the cures and benefits received and evils repelled through St. Athanasius.

[415] Besides in the Venetian Calendar, or Order of reciting the divine Office, accustomed to be printed every year, where the name of St. Athanasius is noted, there is always read added, His body is in the church of the monastery of the holy Cross in the Judaica. the cult prescribed at Venice, In a book also printed at Venice, whose title is the Venetian Chronology, it is expressly asserted, that in the Judaica beside the church of the holy Cross lies the body of St. Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria. Finally the Greek monks, who at Venice cultivate the church of St. George of the Greeks, every year on a fixed day go to the church of the holy Cross in the Judaica, to venerate in it the body of St. Athanasius, and perform their psalmody before it with solemn rite. In the temple of St. Laurence is still kept, a finger in the church of St. Laurence. and indeed for some centuries, a finger torn from the holy body: but among the Nuns of St. Zacharias at Venice nowhere is St. Athanasius: not his body, not part of the body, not any relic; not a monument, not a private or public picture; not a rumor or fame about this any, neither among the Nuns themselves. And these things after a most exact inquiry, and so that I attest them as more certain than certain.

[416] a book on the life and translation in MS. in Italian These things thus inspected the most Reverend Abbess of that convent, Lady Cecilia Cesara, at the entreaty of the Noble Senator Lord Livius Sanudo, offered me a book, accustomed to be kept by her, with this title written in Italian, A book in which on the Life and translation of the glorious St. Athanasius. It is a Codex in quarto, as they say, to the thickness of a human thumb usually compacted of the thickest paper, armed with wooden tablets, and closed with leather clasps: in which after the life of St. Athanasius narrated cursorily in Italian, but most rude speech, occurs this title. Here begins the Translation of the glorious St. Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria: which I afterwards faithfully translated into the Latin tongue and translated I send together with these. The same book mentions the year MDC, a witness of the translation made into a new chest. in which from the prior chest the body of St. Athanasius was deposited more decently into a more elegant one, which today is seen, the chest; nor without pomp and concourse of the people restored with solemn rite into the same place on the I day of May. But in the year MDCXXXIII, by order of Cardinal Cornelius, Patriarch of Venice, for ornament and protection there was set to the same a crystal.

[417] And these things together with the aforesaid history of the translation I excerpted from the aforesaid MS. book: another likewise in Latin of Hermolaus Barbarus Bishop of Verona. which when I returned to the Abbess, by the same there was shown me another book, of equal size and form, covered with red leather, likewise manuscript; in which the same things altogether are contained which in the other, but in Latin speech, with this preliminary epistle. Hermolaus by the patience of God Bishop of Verona to the venerable nuns of the holy Cross of the Judaica. You asked of me, Sisters and Daughters most beloved in Christ, that the Life of Athanasius the most holy man, which it is established was once written by Eusebius in the Greek tongue, I should translate for you into the Latin language; that that man, of singular excellence and virtue, might be celebrated also in Latin letters; asked to render the life from the Greek of Eusebius into Latin, and what his morals and discipline were, and what his contest for the faith of Christ and constancy of soul, you might truly and faithfully recognize; since you esteem that old history about that man so widely published, which on account of your devotion to him is daily turned in your hands, to be by no means faithful, nor of such a kind, that its style could in any part respond to the gravity and excellence of that man; and you judge it in many things apocryphal, nor everywhere to contain the truth: and it through my Reverend Father and most devout man Bartholomew, Abbot of St. Nicholas on the shore, you sent to me, that not by your judgment more than also by mine it might be either approved or refuted.

[418] But although I am not such a one as to esteem that I can, either by elegance of speech or by dignity of conversion, respond to your expectation of me; and especially since all that knowledge of Greek letters, which from my adolescence I had imbibed, since none was had written worthily and accurately enough: this care annexed to my Pastoral dignity seems either to have preoccupied, or to have diverted to other more useful and holier uses; then also because there is extant among us no Greek history, in which we could contemplate the life of that man: yet I judged it base that that be denied you by me, which I understood you to demand with a certain zeal of virtue and wondrous veneration and charity toward that man: and I preferred perhaps to seem imprudent to the rest, than to have failed you, and to so honorable a petition and desire of yours to have subtracted anything of my duty: and especially since it was certain, that the former history about that man, which you sent to me, in most places, especially when it inclines to the end, altogether deflects from the truth.

[419] I did therefore, as you asked of me; not with that dignity or elegance, which he says he did, which you seem to desire from me, or which would befit the glory of so great a man, whom it is established to have been most elegant; but with that, which the ineffable and immense grace of the Spirit by its kindness breathed upon me. One thing is most certain, that I have written the truth about that man, having especially followed Eusebius, whom our Church has always approved as a most faithful writer. I added besides in what manner his most holy body was translated to us, the history of the Translation also added. lest the memory of so great a matter should perish by some chance of age; but rather should always remain, and to eternal monuments of letters be commended to the future age; and that posterity might understand, how much of His kindness the immortal God bestowed on this our city. For I always esteemed that it was not done without the singular benefit and gift of that Divinity, that so precious a jewel, snatched from the very midst of the flames and ruins of that city, was conducted to that city, to which it was always a glory greatly to venerate the bodies of the Saints; and these women possessed it, who excelled in religion and sanctity in the same city, and who were always cultivators of that man's both continence and integrity.

[420] At the end of the same book there is extant a certain office of St. Athanasius, a proper Office by the author Aegidius of Sarzana. by the devout Priest and learned Lord Aegidius of Sarzana according to the monastic rite: whose first Hymn at Vespers begins: Behold the defender of the supernal faith. But in the progress these strophes are read, besides others: And you, O blessed city of Venice, the treasure of the holy Body being found, And rejoice glad, gifted With so great a gift. You too, O Mothers of the Cross in the Judaica, Let frequent songs and praises resound: And the Father's body with worthy honor Always hold. In the third Nocturn of this Office, after the Gospel, are placed Lessons from the Homily of Hermolaus Barbarus, Bishop of Verona, and they begin: You have seen, Sisters most beloved in Christ: whence it is established that both the Prologue and the whole Latin history, contained in this book, are of Hermolaus Barbarus.

[421] Thus far Aloysius Carnolius, now just about to migrate from Venice; for the rest however, The Latin history of Hermolaus however passed over. if any work should remain, leaving there the Rev. Father Daniel Simonetti, most prepared for prosecuting the services begun by him. About to use therefore so ready a will, when I suspected from the Latin history of Hermolaus the Italian context to have been taken, which was contained in the prior book, and therefore that it would be more suitable for our work, in which we profess to give the several monuments in the original phrase of the authors, I asked and obtained, that from the Latin book also there should be copied the history of the Translation and of the miracles: for those things which Hermolaus professed to have collected concerning the Life from Eusebius were not going to be of use, to those having the whole matter more accurately deduced. But as I read, what had been transcribed, and compared with the history translated by Carnolius, I recognized that one, although written in Italian, to be nevertheless more ancient, and much more accurate than the composition of Hermolaus: who spending eloquence on the speeches, held back and forth among the authors of the translation, a new translation is given from the Italian. as they seemed able to have been held, to be explicated and adorned; reported the matter itself more strictly, and diminished it of many notable circumstances; but omitted the miracles altogether. Wherefore that being set aside I preferred the version of Carnolius, stricter in words, richer in matter, as of a history begun to be written in Italian on the faith of public Acts, in the very year in which the thing was done MCCCCLIV, since Hermolaus promoted to the Veronese Chair in the preceding year, up to MCCCCLXXI propagated his life in that office, and so could have composed his little work several years after the thing done and written.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

How the body was carried away from Constantinople, from an old Italian MS., the translator Aloysius Carnolius S. I.

[420] About the year one thousand four hundred and fifty-four, in the month of December, Lord Dominicus Zotarelli arrived at Constantinople with his ship: The Venetian Skipper having spoken with a Greek Bishop, which when a certain Metropolitan or Greek Bishop had learned, who then was staying at Constantinople, long desirous of seeing some Catholic man, went to the ship: and into it graciously and reverently, as was fitting, received, he began to treat with the master of the ship concerning the various persecutions of the holy Catholic faith, among which he reckoned the cutting off of one most noble member, namely of the city of Constantinople. a Which when the skipper affirmed to be the greatest loss, and they mutually lamented much concerning the extermination done there, by which so many churches had been destroyed, sacred things dissipated, the bodies and relics of the Saints exposed to mockery; the skipper, as a true Catholic and much desiring to withdraw some notable relic from the hands of those Turkish dogs, said to the Bishop: Would that, Father, by your aid I could obtain some such Relic, and carry it to Venice, there to be held with due honor and venerated, nor any more to be trampled by the feet of those infidel dogs! Certainly nothing in that matter could you do more pleasing to me.

[421] To these things the Metropolitan, considering the pious desire of the skipper, and the daily contempt of the sacred bodies in that place, and by him instructed about the body of St. Athanasius, and moved by religious zeal, said to him: If you have spirit for that matter, I will show you one notable and very precious. But when the skipper had undertaken that he would faithfully execute all that he should suggest; Go, said the Bishop, to the extreme b corner of the land running out into the sea, there in such a square (and this he named) you will find a chapel covered with lead; and in it the body of c St. Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria, who made the third d Symbol of the Catholic Church: which if you can carry away thence, you will certainly have a most beautiful Relic: but I have determined quickly to depart from this region; for I can no longer endure to see such great iniquities. Giving faith to such his words the skipper, summoned e his shipwright, skilled in the Greek tongue and the regions of the city; who with most ready spirit offered himself to the work, he commits the matter to his shipwright: saying to the skipper: Trust the matter to me, and I promise that I will carry that holy body itself safe to you to the ship.

[422] And when he had deliberated to undertake the business on some turbid and rainy day, the morrow soon offered itself such to him, from which the divine will appeared more evidently. who having obtained a rainy sky the next day Seeing therefore the shipwright his counsel directed by God, and the sky disposed according to his wish, he clothed himself in a long nautical garment, and took a sack f, and went to the chapel designated to him, where he found that blessed body in a great wooden chest, on whose lid from within was painted the figure and expressed the name of St. Athanasius: he finds it unguarded and carries it off: and the chest itself seemed to have been dragged through the chapel by the Turkish dogs, for it was open and badly composed. Then the shipwright g the glorious body received put into the sack which he carried, but less than it itself was long, and therefore had need to fold up h its legs: and so composed in the better way he could to this end that he might be able to carry it off, he hid it under his garment.

[423] But going forth outside, in the very road not far from the aforesaid chapel he saw at a distance coming toward him six Turks: from whom fearing for himself he entered a certain Greek i wall-enclosure, of some vineyard once as it seemed, as if for a cause of natural necessity: and the six Turks meeting him being hidden and there hid the holy body, as he could, beneath the brambles, in a most vile place, that it might not be able to be seen; and soon returned to the road, lest he should bring any suspicion to the Turks, and pretended that he was prosecuting the journey begun. But they asked him, whither he went and who he was. But he answering that he was a nautical man, and was returning to the ship; going moreover on their way they permitted him too to pass free, him to pass, asking nothing further, as the will of God bore. Seeing them therefore having passed far off and out of sight the shipwright, amid the densest rain he carries it to the ship. returned to take up the holy body; which being taken up a most vehement shower descended from heaven, so opportunely, that it was not intermitted until he came to the ship unobserved and secure; not without a notable favor of God; for neither had the shipwright believed it would be that without great peril he should measure out so long a way: but that the miracle might appear more evidently, as soon as the sacred body was brought into the ship, the sky was suddenly made serene.

[424] Then receiving the desirable treasure devoutly and reverently k the skipper, vowed that he would carry it to Venice, and offer it to the venerable Ladies of the holy Cross in the Judaica. Then he ordered the helmsman to lead the ship away from the place in which it stood, to another more secure: to that called the Columns l, where ships are accustomed to be fitted out: which was led to another place than the skipper had ordered but he himself went off by land to his affairs. But the helmsman applied the ship to another place than that which had been prescribed. By night therefore when the skipper had returned, and considered the place more attentively, as one which his chief care regarded; he saw the station to be by no means secure, nor understood the ship to be there where he had ordered. Which being known the helmsman said to the skipper: Lord Master, fear nothing: for here the water is deep more than nine paces.

[425] The skipper acquiesced in his words: but in that very night a grievous tempest arose, from the peril of the nocturnal tempest he is divinely saved. and it was judged necessary that the ship be made firm with several anchors, as by the skipper's order was done. But the tempest brought no harm, through the grace of God and of that glorious Saint, whose first miracle here shone forth. For when the tempest arisen by night, had ceased in the morning; the ship stood altogether immovable. Which the skipper wondering at, What, said he, is this matter? Is there perhaps slime m within the ship? Running and inspecting the ship the sailors reported no slime to be there. Then the sounding-line being cast it pleased to explore the bottom, and the ship was found to stand upon the ground. Then indeed both he and all the rest said: Eia! to the merits alone of this holy and glorious Athanasius is it to be ascribed, that this ship, with all of us, has remained safe and entire, from this so great peril: for more certain than certain through the tempest which we sustained this night, the ship adhering to the ground ought to have been dissolved and broken into parts. And truly whoever shall understand the matter will affirm it to have been a most beautiful miracle, that in so savage a storm the ship suffered nothing of harm, which it is permitted to believe to have been during that tempest as it were suspended from the ground, by the merits and intercession of St. Athanasius. For indeed when the calm returned, the ship could not be led into the deep, except the burden being lightened, and many forces and machines being applied: which however was also done without harm.

[426] The Venetian Patriarch being admonished of the whole matter, Since moreover for some time still they had to make a stay there, the skipper had in the meantime occasion of writing to Venice, and signifying to the aforesaid Ladies of the holy Cross in the Judaica, what gift he wished to give them, namely the body of the glorious St. Athanasius: but they indicated the whole matter to the most Reverend Lord Patriarch Mocenigo n Justinian. Who having understood these things gave operation through the month of February, that before the aforesaid ship should arrive to us, there might be found someone skilled in Constantinopolitan affairs, from whom certain information could be had for exploring the truth of that holy body. But the fame being divulged through the city, there was found a certain Master James, by profession a barber, by origin a Venetian, who for full eighteen years had stayed at Constantinople; and said that he had the best knowledge of the holy body itself, because, since he was most familiar with the Calogerus of the very church, in which it was kept, he had frequently inspected it.

[427] he examines the man who knew the place, Him therefore the Patriarch summoned, and cautiously began to examine, asking first about the region: which he answered, was called Ixirolaphum o in Greek: where there is a most lofty column, sculpted p like that which is seen at Rome: and on one part indeed is the place which is named Christ on the cross, on the other St. Athanasius, but the whole place is called Ixirolaphus. The most Reverend Patriarch then asked how far from that place were the markets q; he answered, two or three thousand paces. Then the Patriarch, Were there also other churches there? Six, he answered, or seven, but ruinous, among which also the church of St. Athanasius: whose body was held there in a chapel covered with lead, within a chest wooden and painted. Asked whether the body itself was there in any honor, he answered, it was among some Catholics. To many other things finally about various more minute circumstances that barber being asked answered, which one by one to recount here I omit for the study of brevity. r

[428] But let us return to the ship, which loosing from Constantinople, when with prosperous journey s it was sailing past Methone, the ship snatched from the peril of the Catalans lying in wait for it, there were seen coming to meet it two ships; which the sailors thinking to be of the Venetians, with great joy awaited, hoping to learn something of new matter from them about their familiars, as is wont to be done: there appeared then also a third ship: which being made nearer it was recognized that they were ships of the Catalans, to whom by I know not what way it had become known that the body of St. Athanasius was carried in that ship, as appeared from what afterwards followed. But God so disposing it was done, that those applying somewhat below the Venetian ship, could not apply themselves so near as they wished, to this end that they might snatch the holy body from the Venetians, suspecting nothing less than what the Catalans were meditating. And when the following night the Venetian ship had loosed, about to prosecute its journey, a great litigation about that matter arose among the Catalans, having beheld the Venetian ship escaped from their hands, as afterwards at Venice it became certainly known through the Catalans themselves, who were carried in those ships, and having arrived in Catalonia narrated to the Venetian merchants staying there, what had happened on the way concerning the Venetian ship.

[429] This therefore through the grace of God and the merits of His Saint thus delivered arrived in Istria, it arrives in port, where the skipper made a descent and came to Venice: it then made sail toward the port, a notable space outside beyond t the channel. To it standing there the Skipper returned, with two nephews and three servants of his in a skiff, safe indeed, but not without labor, because a more vehement wind had risen. But the Lord Patriarch understanding the ship to have arrived, ordered the holy body to be carried away from it: but because the wind grew strong, it was necessary to send a stronger cargo-boat u, and this very one when it was on the sea some of the boatmen began to suffer nausea, thence the body received into the skiff, but others to be disturbed on account of the violence of the tempest. But when they had drawn near to the ship, they saw the skipper's skiff had sailed off with the holy body; and therefore mutually animating themselves they said: Eia let us follow that little skiff; that we may be able to be a help to it, if perchance anything sinister happen. But it sailed so quietly, that above the marine waves, not a skiff, through the tempest it is calmly carried. but a bird seemed to fly; and through the grace of God safe without peril it arrived; while the Patriarchal cargo-boat could not but with much labor hold its way and the port. And yet that skiff, besides the sacred body carried six men, and various merchandise besides, far exceeding the weight of the passengers themselves.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The truth of the holy Body examined and approved by the Patriarch the solemn Translation of the same to the church of the holy Cross.

[430] But that skiff carried the holy body even to a Castle, where it was presented to the most Reverend Lordship Lord Mocenigo Justinian, The body brought into the Judaica. first Patriarch of Venice, who ordered that it be secretly carried away to the Ladies of the holy Cross in the Judaica, strictly forbidding that any honor or reverence be exhibited to it, before he had been made more certain that it was truly the body of St. Athanasius, Doctor of the Catholic Church, who made that beautiful Symbol which begins, Whosoever wishes to be saved before all things it is needful that he hold the Catholic faith. The Patriarch examines the shipwright before one skilled in the places: Wishing therefore to be certified about the whole matter, although he had already before spoken with the abovesaid Master James the Barber, who had several times visited and inspected the holy body itself, as is abovesaid; yet straightway as soon as the ship arrived, his Patriarchal Lordship ordered him to be summoned, and at the same time the shipwright who had taken away the glorious body from his chapel at Constantinople; while one knew nothing of the other, and the aforesaid Barber had never spoken to the shipwright, much less examined him.

[431] Then this man being present the Patriarch began, according to those things which he had before heard from the Barber, to interrogate the shipwright, whence he had taken that body. Who answered, From the region and city of Constantinople. From what quarter? said the Patriarch. From that, answered the shipwright, which is called Ixirolaphus, where is a great and beautiful column. From what church? he said. From the church of St. Athanasius, from whose answers in all things conformable to the truth, answered the other. He again, From what chapel? From one, replied the other, which is covered with lead. But asked about the form of the burial, he answered, that the chest was wooden: but also required about the signs whence it could be more distinctly recognized, he said it was painted outside and inside. Nay also examined about the very figures painted there, he answered the figure from within seemed to be of St. Athanasius. Finally to every question that was put to him the shipwright answered so congruously and conformably to what had been before reported by the Barber, that it could not be doubted, that all things consisted with the truth; and his Patriarchal Lordship, with all those constituted over that business, confessed themselves most fully satisfied. But because the Barber had before said, that the holy body itself had behind on its back two black spots, this too was explored, and those spots were really found. Lastly the shipwright being asked, whether about that body the fame was certain and constant, that it was of St. Athanasius Doctor of the Church; he answered that altogether such it was there.

[432] Another testimony moreover to the aforesaid truth came in this manner. [and by the assertion of another witness recollecting that one finger was lacking,] A certain Noble of the Justinian family had set out to Constantinople on account of certain affairs of his, at that time when there a great pestilence raged: from whose contagion that the aforesaid noble might be more secure and more remote, he had chosen for himself lodging with that Priest, in whose care was the aforesaid holy body; and with him he had remained six months, learning from him the Greek tongue, and meanwhile more often inspecting the holy body itself. He being asked whether he would recognize it if he saw it, answered, that he could not promise that, because already six years had passed from that time in which he last saw it; only one thing he remembered, namely that one finger was lacking to the right hand. He was then asked that he would deign himself to go to the nuns of the holy Cross in the Judaica: which he willingly did: and straightway as he saw the hand maimed of a finger, Most certainly, said he, this is the body which I saw: but the finger which is lacking here, is kept from of old in the church of St. Laurence b at Venice.

[433] Moreover with the greatest and most exact diligence of our most Reverend Lord Patriarch it was done, that several other clear arguments of the aforesaid truth might be had, from the tenth day c of April, up to d the eleventh day of May: and also by other arguments made more certain of the truth of the body itself, for the whole intermediate time was spent in interrogating and variously examining, both the shipwright himself, who affirmed that he had taken away the body from the chapel of St. Athanasius, and the skipper or master of the ship itself, and all those, from whom any indication or document could be had about that matter, for certainly and clearly knowing it to be the true body of St. Athanasius. Having therefore so full a certitude, with great fervor his most Reverend Lordship turned himself to honoring so sacred a pledge; nor the Patriarch only, but also many other Bishops and Prelates, and the most Illustrious Venetian Senate itself with all the people, consented to celebrating, with as great pomp as could be made and was fitting, the Translation of that most glorious Saint, whom God Himself, through so evident a demonstration of the truth, had signified worthy of altogether singular honor.

[434] But all things pertaining hither were prepared on the Sunday within the Octave of the most holy Ascension: On the Sunday within the octave of the Ascension, when about dawn his most Reverend Lordship sent men, who should secretly translate the holy body, from the holy Cross in the Judaica, to the church of St. Mark: where with due devotion and reverence it was placed upon the principal altar, most preciously and most splendidly clothed with golden cloths. There had been prepared besides out of the greatest ships, firmly concatenated and floored together among themselves, a spacious platform, furnished with seats, he institutes the translation to be made. and most beautifully adorned with silken cloths of diverse color and golden, that it might offer a most pleasing spectacle to those beholding near and far. But at a competent hour there came together the most Reverend Lord Patriarch with his e Suffragans, and the Lord f Bishop of Padua with other Bishops and Prelates, who were then found at Venice fifteen or sixteen, all mitered: likewise all the Sacerdotal congregations to the number of nine, and all the Religious with their Chapters solemnly arrayed, within their flat boats. Then the four greater Schools with their lights; and finally the most Serene g Prince with his most noble and most adorned Senate, for exhibiting due reverence to the holy body.

[435] But when this most splendid h pomp arrived at the area of St. Mark, a more vehement wind fell upon the sea, as was done the tempest being suddenly allayed, than seemed to befit a procession orderly to be made through waters thus disturbed. To proceed nevertheless his most Reverend Lordship judged, trusting in the Lord and His servant. And so there began to proceed first the four Schools, then the Religious, then the Congregations, and finally the Chapter of St. Mark with the most Illustrious Senate. While these were proceeding, the Patriarch ordered that eight Bishops Pontifically vested and mitered should put their shoulders to the sacred bier, to be placed upon the aforesaid flooring in a high and eminent place, as was done, the most Reverend Patriarch sitting round about with the Bishops and Prelates, and the most Serene Prince and his Senators. When all these had been received in the seats destined for them, the wind subsided, the sea grew quiet, and there was made a great and admirable tranquillity.

[436] In this manner there was a departure from the shore toward the Judaica, with great solemnity and piety, with great jubilation and joy of all, the trumpets and pipes and instruments of music of every kind resounding. But all made the descent in the same order in which they had come, the Schools, the Religious, the Congregations of Priests, and the rest proceeded to the parish i of St. Euphemia, and to the holy Cross through the island, all strewn and clothed over with green branches and herbs: but all the field of it the tents filled, orderly and devoutly disposed. Meanwhile little by little the machine swam up, bearing the holy body with its most Reverend and most Serene company: which when it too in the manner of a triumphal chariot arrived, several Plebans of the Venetian parishes coming forth to meet it, carrying great burning candles, the bier was taken up on the shoulders of the aforesaid Prelates, and carried within the church of the holy Cross, and in the midst of it placed upon a high platform prepared for that.

[437] Nor indeed does it seem to have been without mystery, that the aforesaid skipper judged the body of that saint, the pomp led to the church of the holy Cross who while he lived contended so manfully for the faith of the holy Cross, was to be given to the church of the same most holy Cross: since also it pleased the Lord God, that he should end his life and pass to perpetual glory on the vigil of the Cross found. But the body being placed, as we said, there was recited a brief oration, by which God was praised for such a gift and present, offered to this blessed city of Venice, that it was the true body of one of the Doctors of the holy Church. Thanks were then given to the most Reverend Lord Patriarch, and to all the Bishops and Prelates accompanying him, and to the most Serene Prince and the whole most Illustrious Senate, and to all who followed them, for such and so great honor.

[438] Nor indeed within the memory of men was seen a solemnity so adorned and so devout. by far the most splendid. It had ravished the eyes and minds of all straightway from the beginning, when the holy body was carried from the church of St. Mark; but more in the progress through the water; but most of all when it was placed in its place, with so great quiet and reverence, in so great a multitude of the people flowing together from every side, that no noise, no scandal anywhere was noted, nothing even lost or destroyed. Wherefore all most consoled withdrew, recognizing the whole matter most certainly to have been done from the will of omnipotent God, for honoring His Servant in this blessed place of the holy Cross: which He also ceases not to demonstrate by daily and evident miracles and signs, which there the Divine majesty works, in favor of all who commend themselves to the merits and intercession of St. Athanasius. Whence although the aforesaid proofs should fail, for declaring that this is the true body of St. Athanasius, who wrote that beautiful Symbol, Whosoever wishes to be saved; yet the miraculous graces, which God wrought for certain special persons, piously devoted to the Symbol itself and its glorious author, would suffice to make full certitude. Some of these, lest a longer prolixity beget weariness, I will here consequently subjoin.

ANNOTATA

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The miracles of St. Athanasius chiefly after the translation of the body.

[439] A sweet odor proceeds from the body. The first miracle which St. Athanasius wrought, ought to be reckoned the most sweet odor, proceeding from his body, in that place in which it was deposited, with the greatest admiration of all the bystanders. For the nearer anyone approached that place, the more and the more sweetly he perceived it, and with stupor said, What is this fragrance? how wonderful? But on the glorious day of his Translation itself, wherever the holy body passed, the same odor was perceived.

[440] There had been present at Venice a certain youth of Parma, when the holy body carried out of the ship was first deposited at the holy Cross: there are healed, a youth laboring with pestilence, to him afterwards the plague came: which growing strong, there appeared to him by night a certain holy Bishop, and comforting him, Do not, said he, despond in mind: but go to the holy Cross in the Judaica, and there devoutly reciting three times the Our Father and Hail, bid the relics of that Saint to be brought to you, and straightway you will be free. The sick man did the next day what he had been ordered about the hour of Vespers, he went to the church of the holy Cross, where he found the Priests occupied in fitly and decently placing the holy body; he brought its Relics to the affected part of his body, and soon recovered: which when a certain near kinsman of his, in whose company he had come, doubted to believe; With your hands, said the youth, explore whether I speak the truth. He explored, and so recognized and believed the matter to be.

[441] a paralytic woman, A certain woman suffered a most grievous infirmity for fifteen years, by which all her nerves were contracted, so that with her whole body benumbed she trembled like a paralytic. No physicians, no medicines had been able to help her; but more and more the evil was aggravated. When therefore she had understood that the glorious body of St. Athanasius had been brought to Venice, more and more often she began to commend herself to his prayers. But on a certain day suffering more than usual, she increased also her devotion and faith, asking God through the merits of that blessed Saint, that if indeed He knew it to be expedient for the salvation of her soul, He would take this infirmity from her. And making this prayer she felt herself made better, and on that same day was thoroughly healed, nor any more suffered that disease.

[442] another with pain of head and arm, A certain woman, for four whole months afflicted with the greatest torment of the head, and no less in the arm, straightway as she commended herself to St. Athanasius obtained the health of both members, and brought a waxen image of both, coming to visit the holy body with thanksgiving. a blind boy, Another woman had a little son, with the head so swollen that it admitted no light to the eyes: but she placed him upon the altar of St. Athanasius, and the boy in the presence of many present opened his eyes and began to see clearly. A third, and she a noble, for a whole year had pain in the arm so grievously that she could by no means move it: who commending herself to the Saint, and reciting the Whosoever, and signing the affected part with the Cross, suddenly experienced and wondered at herself freed from that torment.

[443] Another suffered a foul disease in the face, nor received any help from physicians or medicines; a foul disease in the face, wherefore much anxious she determined to visit the body of St. Athanasius, before whom praying she said; Lord God, through the merits of this glorious Saint, deign to restore to me the health, which physicians and medicines cannot restore: then a string of prayer-beads, which she had brought to the holy body, she applied to her face, devoutly signing herself in that place where the evil sat, and was healed. A certain noble by a great and continual fever, a vehement fever, which he suffered, brought to death, vowed to the aforesaid glorious Saint, that if he were freed from the fever, he would go to no other place before he visited his body, and there cause a beautiful Mass to be sung: and soon healed he fulfilled his vow with singular devotion.

[444] a dying boy, A certain woman's sick son more and more daily inclined to death: but at the vow of the mother, promising a waxen statue for him with a Mass, if he were healed, to be said, he suddenly recovered. another paralytic, Another boy, for the space of four months benumbed, was under the care of physicians; but the mother experiencing it to profit nothing commended him to this glorious Saint, and in a short space had him thoroughly healed. A certain youth laboring nine years with an incurable infirmity, an incurable disease, signed himself with a candle which had touched the sacred body, and suddenly recovered, and vowed to visit the holy body itself: but because he neglected to fulfill the vow, the same infirmity and much graver than before returned to him. A certain woman had a son who for the space of five months day and night ceased not to wail, for the torment which he sustained: which the afflicted mother perceiving and pitying the boy, remembered this blessed Saint, and vowed to carry the son into the church where his body is kept. No delay: the boy was healed, and his vow the glad mother hastened to fulfill.

[445] Another woman, impeded in a certain part of her body, commended herself to the various Saints to whom she was devoutly affected, a woman impeded in part of her body. chiefly on their festivities asking the grace of health: at length turning herself also to St. Athanasius, and suddenly cured, she knew not to whom most of all, of the several whom she had invoked, she ought to refer the health received. Hence tossed by a varied surge of thoughts when she was much anxious, and on a certain day a litigation having arisen between her and her consort she had been forced to go out of the house, again she commended herself to St. Athanasius, saying, the same obtains peace, O holy Athanasius, if thou art he through whose merits God conferred on me health, make I beseech that returning home I may find peace: and on the same day made partaker of the desired grace, she thenceforth led her life with her consort in peace, just as before.

[446] A certain pilgrim trireme was tossed by a tempest in the sea, 15 pilgrims cast from the ship by a wave returning are put back into the same. when a supervening wave snatched fifteen men from it, and so terrified the rest, that despairing of their life they confessed their sins to one another. There was among them a certain one, who being at Constantinople had been devoted to St. Athanasius: to him therefore he makes a vow: and behold a wave, coming into the ship from the other side, put those very fifteen whom the prior had cast out back into it, and there was suddenly made a great tranquillity. But knowing that the body of St. Athanasius was now at Venice, as soon as they could they came thither: and the vow by which they were obligated being fulfilled, they narrated to the nuns the miracle which had happened to them.

[447] A paralytic maidservant carried to the body, A certain noble matron had a maidservant benumbed, and much afflicted, because she had no faculty of walking without supports under the armpits. To her in a vision appeared a certain Bishop saying: Go to the holy Cross in the Judaica, and commend yourself to that Saint: for he, the grace of God mediating, will heal you. Waking moreover she told her mistress whatever she had seen and heard, asking that she would lead her to the holy Cross, where is that holy body. On that very morning therefore the aforesaid matron led her with her crutches to the aforesaid Saint, commanding two servants that they should carry her, lifted out of the skiff and placed on a cart, to the church: the Saint appearing in sleep she recovers, who most devoutly commended herself to that blessed Saint, and then was carried back home with her mistress. But the following night there appeared to her the aforesaid Bishop, and touched her through all those parts of the body in which she was benumbed; and said, Know that you are sound; and took away the crutches placed beside her, and carried them to the other part of the bedroom. But she waking believed that she had dreamed, and stretching her hand to take the crutches, found them lacking. She tried therefore whether without them she could move herself, and moved herself most well: wherefore suddenly rising, with the greatest joy she went to the bedroom of her mistress; and whatever had happened to her she narrated to the same. But day being come she came to the holy Cross in the Judaica with great joy, and caused a Mass to be sung there in honor of this glorious St. Athanasius: and in monument of the miracle wrought in her she there hung up her crutches, praising God and this blessed Saint, who had worked so beautiful a miracle in her.

[448] A certain honest man from Pastena and his two sons suffered a grievous infirmity: the father with 2 sons is healed of a grievous disease. and when there came into his memory the excellent festivity in which the translation of St. Athanasius had been celebrated, he devoted himself and his sons to the same: and in the same hour all were healed of that infirmity. Similarly suddenly recovered a boy, whom the mother seeing to be at the point of death, had devoted to the same Saint. A certain woman from Herza, sick eight months, and so direly tormented that day and night she cried out wailing, a dying woman and no remedy being found was judged brought to the article of death; remembered the glorious St. Athanasius, and commended herself to him with the desire of touching something of his relics. But there came into her mind a ring, which the Reverend Mothers of the monastery called of the Body of the Lord had received from the Bishop of Padua, which ring was consecrated by the touch of the holy body. She asked therefore that it be brought to her from the said monastery, and brought she placed it in that place where she felt the greater torment, and suddenly began to sleep, and saw many boys clothed in white, and among them an illustrious man, who also said: What is the matter with you, woman? But she, Ah! a great evil. But he put his hand upon her head saying: Give yourself to me of your own accord, for you will feel no more any evil. Then she gazing more curiously saw him to be without a head: and awaking narrated to her husband in order what she had seen. To whom her husband: Know, said he, that that Saint, who is held at the holy Cross, and to whom you commended yourself, has no head. And from that hour and thenceforth she remained sound from all infirmity.

[449] another with pain in the leg, Another woman from the first years of childhood suffered the greatest pain in the leg from a certain defect of it; so that she could walk only a very little. When therefore for many years she had borne that infirmity, she commended herself to St. Athanasius, to whom already before she had been much devoted, gifted by him with not a few other graces. But although her health seemed difficult of obtaining to her, yet with great confidence and devotion she determined to ask this grace also from the same, vows and prayers being directed to him: and suddenly feeling herself free, she began to walk, accustomed thenceforth to say often, that she would willingly have made the loss of one hand for the faculty of walking to be obtained. Wherefore from that which had happened to her she remained most consoled, a leprous boy. nor did she seem able to be satisfied in giving thanks to God and His blessed Saint, for so singular a favor. A certain infant had been born into the world so leprous, that when its swaddling-bands and cloths were changed to it, the flesh fell off and the tender bones of the whole body appeared bare. The mother of that one did not dare to apply any of the medicaments to it, fearing lest it should be worse therefrom: only with the greatest devotion and faith she had recourse to St. Athanasius: to whom as soon as she made a vow, the infant appeared wholly sound and entire, as if it had never suffered any evil.

[450] A certain youth, for four years consumed by an incurable leprosy, had been given up by the physicians: likewise a youth, wherefore to St. Athanasius he turned his vows and hope, and suddenly began to be better, and the skin being dried nothing of the old disease remained to him except a slight trace, in that place where it had first appeared. But it was then the day of Saturday, and on the following Monday he himself came to visit this blessed St. Athanasius: and in memory of so great a miracle, the old being laid aside, he assumed the name of Athanasius. A certain boy already for three years labored with a quartan fever very vehement, and one laboring with a quartan. and found no relief in physicians or medicines, until his father commended him to St. Athanasius, by whose merits he was soon thoroughly healed.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

On the cult of the sacred head in Spain and Gaul.

[451] That the sacred body of St. Athanasius, not only now lacks the head the Rev. Father Aloysius Carnolius found; but that from the beginning of its translation to the Venetians it was without it, The body brought to Venice without the head, manifestly appears from the words reported number 446, since St. Athanasius was beheld by the dying woman without a head. For although in the whole preceding narration and examination, held concerning the truth of the body brought or to be brought, no mention is made of the head lacking; yet it is sufficiently gathered, first from the words of that Venetian noble, who at number 430 doubted whether he would recognize the body often seen by him, after the six years in which he had not been at Constantinople, except by the defect of one finger; and from the two black spots, required on the back of the same body, according to the testimony of James the barber. For how much more distinct and more obvious indications or distinctive signs could have been taken, from the form and state of the face, entire, or from the extremities of the nose, ears, or lips lacking diminished; such as in most of those bodies of the Saints, which after death are shown in some measure entire, I remember to have everywhere beheld? Then the measure of the ordinary sack, which could not have held the body, unless put in with the feet bent backward; persuades, that the trunk was diminished of the head, for even this would have stood higher than the sack, nor would have suffered the shipwright to hide the same sack under the cowl with which he was clothed: but without it the burden, not much more than three and a half feet long, could without difficulty be carried under the armpit in the sack.

[452] But whither shall we say the head was carried? At Venice it is believed, that it is long ago held at Rome. this is said to be in Spain together with the incorrupt tongue. If it was, it ought to have been very long ago: for now there is no knowledge or memory of it there. Fr. Gregory Bravus de Sotomayor, in the history of the Monastery of Vallis-Venarum commonly Valvanera, in the boundary of the Calahorra Diocese, part 1 chapter 8 folio 40, among other arguments by which he attempts to prove, that the tradition of the place is true, in which it is believed that St. Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria there, while Constantius persecuted him, lay hid, and acted as cook of the monastery, alleges in the fourth place, that this tradition pressing, the ancient Fathers of this monastery obtained from a certain Supreme Pontiff the Chasuble of St. Athanasius, and the head with the tongue: which are honorifically kept among other Relics in the greater altar. The tradition itself I cannot approve: and therefore I rather assent to Antonio de Yepez, that the cook of the Monastery Athanasius, of whom there the memory with an opinion of sanctity flourishes, and on whose occasion the opinion was born concerning the hiding-place there afforded to St. Athanasius of Alexandria, was a monk of the Benedictine Order. The same with Yepes judges Tamayus de Salazar on this day, in his Spanish Martyrology: nor is he moved by that argument of Bravus, that in almost all the privileges, graces and indulgences, with which the Supreme Roman Pontiffs enriched this place, it is asserted that they grant these in honor of B. Mary and St. Athanasius the great Doctor, who dwelt in that house; and that Innocent III Supreme Pontiff, who governed the Church about the year MCXCVII, and wrote the life of Athanasius, granted to this house great Indulgences, in contemplation of the holy Doctor, reporting that he had his habitation in it. If however the other part of the tradition concerning the Chasuble, Head, Tongue brought from Rome subsists, which I am willing to believe can be proved by the present exhibition of the Relics themselves; it would become so much the more likely, the more the integrity of the tongue hitherto preserved makes it also more like the truth that it is from the body hitherto entire.

[453] But to the Spaniards the Franks are adverse, among whom in the diocese of Tours there is a village, The Gauls say it is held in the diocese of Tours, called du Serrin, and in it a parish church, which even today displays the head of St. Athanasius of Alexandria: which, as the Rev. Father William Quirini asked about these things wrote to us, the Lords of San-Blanse, of the village neighboring Serrenium, who were once both Dukes of Anjou and Kings of Jerusalem, are believed to have brought from Alexandria and there deposited. The topographical maps, at the interval of four leagues from the Tours Metropolis, beyond the southern bank of the river Indre, place the village San-Branche, that is of St. Pancras (for even the Italians make Brancatius from Pancratius) which the aforesaid Father, from the corrupt pronunciation of the common folk, seems to have converted into Blanse. To this therefore is neighboring the village of Serrinium, passed over in the map; in which the already said Father (whom his zeal for this work compelled to go there himself) found in the year MDCLXXVI the head of St. Athanasius, enclosed in a silver head, and more honorably kept than he had seen elsewhere, but without any writings: he received however from the Pastor of the place, who in Apostolic letters is called of St. Athanasius, a copy of the Archiepiscopal mandate, issued not many months before, which from the French it pleases to make Latin.

[454] Michael, by the mercy of God and the grace of the holy Apostolic See Archbishop of Tours, in the village du Serrin, to the charitable faithful of our diocese health and benediction in the Lord Jesus Christ, who is the God of peace and charity. I know not in what manner it comes about, that things more holy and worthy of greater veneration are for the most part pressed by greater poverty. Certainly not without our groaning can we behold, that old church of Serrinium, no less commendable for its antiquity than for the treasures of precious Relics, reduced to such poverty of the place, that it threatens ruin everywhere. We are compelled therefore to implore the charity of the faithful of our diocese and of others, that they may be willing to confer something of their abundance to the restoration of that place, upon which heaven poured out that largess of heavenly benedictions, which the plenary Indulgences granted to the same testify, where in regard of him Indulgences are proposed. in regard of the great St. Athanasius, whose head it possesses entire, with several other precious Relics: of which Indulgences the treasure will be opened at the first Vespers of the feast of the same Saint, on the first day of next May, to all charitable persons, who shall there bestow something of their own, promising, that they shall be partakers, generally and particularly, of all the prayers, which there in that place shall be made. But our beloved Priors and Curates neighboring we exhort, that each with his people processionally go there, rendering their vows, and inviting the peoples committed to them by efficacious example to perform the same, namely that they be present at the procession and preaching there to be made, and to be terminated with the benediction of the most holy Sacrament. Given at Tours, under our sign and Archiepiscopal seal, with the subscription also of our Secretary, the XVIII of April MDCLXXVI.

[455] It is not mine to compose the controversy, which hence arises between the Spaniards and the Franks: For if it is difficult for these to prove, that the head which they have was received from Alexandria; no less will the Spaniards labor, to prove that they received from Rome what they obtain. If it be objected to the Spaniards that it is credible, that the Relics which they display, especially of the head and tongue, are perhaps of that cook, whence was taken the occasion of devising the residence of St. Athanasius the Bishop in that place: the Spaniards will reply, that it could equally easily have been, that from the Constantinopolitan rather than the Alexandrian Patriarchate the Gauls received the head of some St. Athanasius Bishop, namely of the Corinthians, who is venerated May V. To these things, as it is uncertain whether that holy cook ever was in the nature of things, or at least whether he was called by the name of Athanasius; so it seems certain that the chasuble kept together with the head is a sign of a Bishop, not of a lay Brother: and likewise that the bones of the skull alone, stripped of all flesh, are in Gaul; but that the head which is in Spain, as it still keeps the tongue unrotted, so also keeps the flesh at least dried; which more befits that state in which is the remaining body at Venice. But if anyone should so judge of the Serrinian head, much more would he so judge of the rib, which John Schekmann in the Epitome or Marrow of the deeds of Trier, printed in the year 1617 folio 55, asserts to be kept in the Monastery of St. Maximinus; namely that it cannot be believed to be of St. Athanasius of Alexandria, if his body is kept at Venice, of which it does not seem to be doubted any more.