Raymond Lull

CONCERNING BL. RAYMOND LULL, HERMIT,

ILLUMINATED DOCTOR OF THE LULLIST SCHOOL,

AT BOUGIE IN AFRICA A MARTYR,

Patron of the University of Majorca named from him.

IN THE YEAR 1315. PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY OF JOHN BAPTIST SOLLIER.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BY J. B. S.

§. I. A brief notice about the Saint. It was once doubted, whether his place here would obtain that great specimen of divine at once and human love, as him our Busser calls; of great certainly contentions and disputations the material; with praises no less adorned, Opinions disagreeing about Lull, than torn apart with vituperations; and even by that title most famous, Bl. Raymond Lull. "Lullius" others write, from the Catalan word "Lull" or (as to others it pleases) "Luyl": but which in Latin ought to be preferred, it nothing helps laboriously by trifling to inquire: "Lullius" to us he will be and "Lullus" the same, as long as it shall be treated of the Majorcan. A sign indeed you would call (if with sacred words it is lawful to use) a Sign, others poured out into reproaches, I say, you would call set, against whom by many it was contradicted; a sign, for whose defending and championing not fewer egregiously sweated. There are who a Vagrant, an Erroneous one, a Buffoon, memory; and what in these is worst, a Heretic, and a Master of errors, to the Christian world most pernicious, to pronounce do not hesitate; and that with an effort so untiring they perform, that to them does not seem of the Catholic name worthy, who Orthodox should call Raymond, as it is in Wadding and Arthur du Moustier. But on the contrary rise up others, in number far superior: who of atrocious injury and enormous calumny the accusers demand to be charged; scarcely him about to hold for a Catholic, who the due to the holy Martyr praise denies and veneration.

[2] Doubtful certainly and scrupulous can seem that province, others into the eximious praises of the man, and so to Wadding once it seemed, of that man the life to write, whom Authors, in the whole Catholic world most received, cry out with a black token into the album of heretics to be cast back; whatever others, no less learned and pious everywhere, as the Fair, an Organ of the Holy Spirit, and a Doctor divinely illustrated; Alphonsus the Great, King of Aragon, an egregious Doctor; Surita, a Great inventor of teaching a new art of Philosophy, and of the liberal disciplines and of divine and human letters, through new revelations and mysteries; others finally, the Trumpet of the Holy Spirit, the Organ of God, the Fount of Truth, the Lamp of Faith, the Restorer of the Church, as and openly, extol, honor, venerate. One remained and that safer way, by Nicolás Antonio greatly approved; namely from the judgment of the aforesaid Wadding, so the whole matter should be proposed, that with as if suspended foot proceeding; both his to Lull should stand fame, and from the adversaries no more should be detracted, than would demand the of the thorny and intricate dissension to be composed necessity. And caused that circumspection, that that Annalist, and also the more recent of Majorca Historiographer Vincent Mut, and others, to Raymond devoted, rather than opposing, from all those ornaments or appellations abstain, which to him either with the Martyr's title, or of Blessed, or of Saint the name should be ascribed.

[3] But if to us should please that counsel, to be kept silent plainly it was, doubtful would hesitate the deliberation, until from those men's opinion by the judgment of the Apostolic See, to the inveterate discords an end were imposed, just as in the 16th and 17th century, at Rome not once to be agitated it began, as in its place will be said. Another moreover sufficiently perplexed vexed anxiety, that everywhere in the Catholic schools, more sharply to be beaten is wont the name of Lull; whether that to the engrained prejudices of some, whether also to a not sufficiently exact notice of things (as among the Doctors Scholastic, of facts less solicitous, often happens; while some others without discrimination transcribe) whether finally to the zeal of parties it should be supposed to be attributed. Troubled that religious scruple, nor sufficiently safe appeared, about him among the Saints to be placed; whose faith's integrity to be doubted at least could; Wadding sincerely confessing, that the keenest even of Lull's defenders, not so his doctrine in all things explain, that fully they satisfy. Nor dissents Vázquez, and he himself to the Lullists not hostile, Vol. 2 on the 1st part, disputation 133, ch. 4 asserting, that several of this Doctor's (Lull's) propositions harder to himself seem. Adds furthermore the same Wadding at the year 1315, no. 11; and confesses again ingenuously, that the greater and chief part of those propositions, whom even some of his patrons coldly defend, which in his Directory of Inquisitors Eymeric described, in Lull's works (genuine, or spurious he does not explain) at least as to substance are found: "Of which some harder and grosser are, than that them the common of Theologians School should admit, or without censures to slip away should permit:" Namely, because with a rude Minerva, with an inelegant style, in barbarous speech, thus Lull certain things enunciates, that to the Schools' tenets, method and phrase, not so easily are adapted. In a similar almost manner speak a few others, who neither to Lull's sectaries, nor to his impugners acceding, about his doctrine to feel themselves they say both most mildly and most moderately.

[4] That indeed most true is, that the pretended those errors, although submitting all his [writings to the judgment of the Church,] of whatever kind finally they were, to stand in the way cannot, so that the man, with the zeal of the Catholic faith most ardent, and with poured-out blood the assertor of it egregious, the place to himself due among the Saints should occupy, after in very many of his books' places most holily he professes, himself his writings all to submit to be corrected to the Church Roman most sacred, as a faithful Catholic Christian. These in Vernon p. 186, 187 and 188, not once he repeats. One out of many example I append from the book of the Clerics, finished, in the year 1308, in the city of Pisa, in the monastery of St. Dominic; where thus he speaks: "If in this book, or in all others, which from me have gone forth into the public, anything perchance, by excessive abundance of mind, or inadvertence has happened me to have said, which from the truth of the most holy faith Catholic declines; I confess it said ignorantly, not bound on my words to swear; nay rather this little book and the rest all, which very many I have made, most humbly to my holy mother the Church I submit to be emended." Such a profession of faith and submission to the Church's judgment, from all at least formal error Bl. Raymond to exempt, there is no one who doubts. Add to these eighteen other ones reported by Custurer p. 192, 193, 194 and 195; and see how by no merit of his own our Blessed to the heretics is reckoned.

[5] For neither is to be heard Bzovius; or his defender Nicolaus Jansenius after Jodocus Coccius, falsely supposing and nowhere proving, but falsely it is supposed that his doctrine was condemned, by Alexander IV the Pontiff to have been condemned Lull's errors, around the year 1260; then namely, when in the world still immersed, about writing books not yet he had thought. From which false supposition infer Lull's adversaries, a heretic him to be able to be called, whom it is established the errors by Alexander IV condemned nowhere to have revoked. But these in their place will be discussed. But now since in his natal city of Majorca, and for a Saint always held, nor sufficiently proved a cult: and as such with erected altars, rayed images, titles, offices, and signs other adorned, and famous with miracles, from almost the very exit of his life he was found; extended also to other regions his cult, and most celebrated, among the Aragonese especially, of the prodigious man the memory; what forbade so illustrious virtues among the other Acts of the Saints to be placed? But that these by Lull's patrons speciously be circulated, there were lacking to us instruments some, by which that cult from time immemorial (as they say) to have lasted, in the city of Majorca and elsewhere, legitimately should be proved: which lacking, rash to seem it could have, against of the Writers, against the opposition of Lullo, to wish to struggle against the torrent.

[6] At length the scruple was removed by the work published in the year 1700 at Majorca, in the Castilian tongue, the Apology of Lull but he shook off both scruples, or rather a pair of Historical Dissertations; the one concerning the immemorial cult of Blessed Raymond Lull, the Illuminated Doctor and Martyr; the other concerning the immunity from censures, which his doctrine enjoys; the author being James Custurer, Professor of Theology of the Society of Jesus; commended by very many of the most distinguished learned men, not so much with censures as with praises. Nor was this undeserved: for the writer, accurate as well as diligent, has there collected whatever can contribute most especially to the Lullian Defenses, with such perspicacity of intellect, maturity of judgment and weight of arguments, James Custurer, S.J. that he impelled us, wavering as we were, to illustrate the Life of Raymond entirely. For the rest, although we esteem his trustworthiness and authority very highly, we have thought we ought there to make use of them only where, through the lack of documents, it was not permitted to examine the more ancient sources elsewhere, which meanwhile are most diligently reported by him. But here, before we undertake to examine the Acts of Lull, and set before the Reader the controversy, entangled on all sides, examined more accurately; those things must be premised which suffice to prove the sacred cult, immemorially rendered to Raymond; then adding afterwards the things which, for the plan of our undertaking, will seem opportune both to his Life, and to vindicating his doctrine from the suspicion of heresy. §. II. The sacred cult rendered of old to B. Raymond, with Office and Mass.

[7] The aforementioned Custurer proves and amply confirms the immemorial course of veneration rendered to Raymond, The cult as of a Saint from time immemorial, throughout the whole first Dissertation, through six very long Chapters: which leave absolutely no doubt remaining, but that in the city and the whole kingdom of Majorca, for many centuries, indeed from his very death, all those things were rendered to the blessed Martyr, from which a cult of this kind is wont to be demonstrated. To enumerate each one, there is neither leisure nor need; yet that we may pluck a few from many, indicating cursorily those things which are commonly drawn from witnesses, documents, and histories; we shall report especially those which are wont to pertain to the external, and more public signs of veneration. Now, just as by Charles Bovillus, in the Life afterwards to be illustrated, and written in the year 1511, not only the diplomas of Princes prove it; instead of a surname of Patron, he is ascribed to a certain friend who was called Raymond; and by Nicholas de Pax, in another Life of our Raymond, published in 1519, he is called the Divine Illuminated Doctor and Martyr; indeed even already then Protector of the city of Majorca, together with Saint Praxedes; so in the privilege of Ferdinand the Catholic King, granted to the Lullistic school on February 21, 1503; so in the twin donation of Beatrice de Piños, the one of September 23, 1478, the other of April 6, 1489, he is called Divine Master and Divine Martyr; again in several documents, reported there by Custurer, Divine Doctor Master Raymond; Blessed, Glorious, and with other titles of this kind, he is everywhere distinguished.

[8] But indeed that these tokens of honor and of more sacred cult were attributed to Raymond through the duration of a long time, so that they ought to be traced back even from the death of the holy man, but even the adversaries acknowledge it, can be made clear from no other testimony better than from that single and decisive one, which is drawn from the mouth of the adversary most hostile to Lull; while among the articles objected to Raymond's disciples, in part 2, question 9 of the Directory, he places this twelfth in order: That the aforesaid Raymond is foretold to be Blessed in the heavens, and to be held as such by his followers, and to be named so. These things, to be sure, not more than forty or fifty years after the death of the holy Martyr, were spread abroad by the Majorcans, and without doubt even before, were openly bandied about; and that his glorious memory has persevered from that time, the Defenses already praised by us plainly attest, abundantly shown and demonstrated in the Processes amply instituted for the Canonization in 1612.

[9] I do not enumerate the witnesses, there cited in great number, as also the sworn witnesses in the Process for Canonization by whose lawful depositions, in the same Process for Canonization, it was established, "that for a very long age Raymond Lull was held as a man most devoted to bodily afflictions; that he had lived an admirable life; that he had been cultivated and always celebrated as a great Saint; and that it was public and notorious that, by the help of his Relics, and by oil drawn from his lamp, God had worked many miracles." Of these signs there will be a place to treat later; but as for the other witnesses, the aforesaid first Dissertation can be consulted, cap. 4, from §. 12: of which Dissertation chapter 5 will give us a fairly large handful of miraculous graces, from a Manuscript in the Majorcan tongue and its Spanish interpretation, to be rendered into Latin and exhibited below after the Lives of the Anonymous author, of Bovillus and of Nicholas de Pax. Nor is there need to weave through each of the proofs of the ancient cult, such as are had from juridical documents, duly drawn up, of men of advanced age, by whose testimonies the antiquity of those matters may be established. These are to be found in the aforesaid Processes, at the place cited and elsewhere; concerning which we shall sometimes more opportunely recall some things, together with those which, of most approved character, published on all sides in historical monuments, it befits us rather to recite than to gather together in a longer discourse. Let us now see those things which can be more than enough for the sum of the whole matter.

[10] In the first place, most ancient images and statues and icons, adorned with rays; Images and statues prove the same even on altars: altars and chapels; other painted monuments of this kind, openly prove the perennity of the Lullian cult. Certainly that sacred honors were rendered from all memory to B. Raymond with solemn rite is so widely known at Majorca, that nothing is lacking to him for canonical Apotheosis, except the breadth of cult and the ecclesiastical Office, granted or enjoined to the Catholic world. For as to what we know was at one time recited in honor of Raymond; that it was restricted to the Balearic Franciscans alone, is rendered probable from the fact that it is found in no Breviaries common to the diocese of Majorca. But that other thing is no less probable, that our Blessed was once cultivated with the canonical Office by the aforesaid Religious, the possessors of the sacred body, by the concession of Leo X. I do not dare to assert the matter as certain, because I do not have at hand the book of the Holy Academy of Perfection, printed at Lyons in folio at the house of Laurence Arnaud and Claude Rigaud in 1657, and a Mass and Office granted to the Minorites, in which (according to John de Aubri, a Presbyter of Montpellier, Abbot of B. V. of the Assumption, in Custurer:) in which book, I say, there exists testimony concerning the aforesaid Bull of the Pontiff, as though the faculty had been granted, both to celebrate a Mass and an Office of B. Raymond, unless you prefer to believe that a concession of that kind was made by the oracle of the living voice. For the rest, it suffices for the present to have brought forward into the open the authority of a distinguished man: for indeed others most worthy of trust are not lacking, from whose report it is abundantly proved that an Office was celebrated in his honor, to which also a Mass was added, either a proper one, or at least one Prayer, or at least from the common of Holy Martyrs not Pontiffs. Take, as equal to all of them, one testimony in Custurer, Dissert. 1, cap. 4, §. 21, drawn from the already cited Processes of the year 1612.

[11] a copy of which from a book preserved among the Preachers; We transcribe the document as it stands. "On the 2nd day of the month of December of the aforesaid year 1612. On the said day and year, by the mandate of his most illustrious and most reverend Lordship, and at the instance of the Magnificent Father Jurats of the present City, University and Kingdom of Majorca, personally constituted, I, Antony Solivelles, one of the scribes of the ecclesiastical Curia and scribe of the present cause, within the library of the monastery and convent of S. Dominic, of the Order of Friars Preachers of the aforesaid city; and having taken in my hands a book, found in the said library, and there guarded and reserved, printed in the renowned city of Valencia, in the year of Christian salvation one thousand five hundred and six, on the last day of the Kalends of March, entitled The Natural Metaphysical Art of the natural order of every intelligible thing, of the tree of nature, of the Reverend Doctor, the most renowned Master James

Januarius, Monk, of the Diocese of Tarragona, for elders and juniors etc.; of which book the table thus begins. Table of the first book of the Metaphysicales (he meant to say, Metaphysicalis) concerning the generality of the principles of the general art of Raymond, the Illuminated Doctor, fol. 1, concerning the Alphabet etc., fol. 2, Epistle of the reverend Master etc., fol. 3.

[12] it is authentically brought forward, The Office of the most glorious and most blessed Martyr Raymond Lull, fol. 281. The tenor of which folio runs thus: The Office of the most glorious and most blessed Martyr Raymond Lull, who suffered for the name of Christ in the city of Tunis (read Bugia, as will later be said), and fell among the stones, and so was stoned by the Saracens: and translated after death to Majorca, and there rests in the peace of the Church, in the Monastery of the Friars Minor, in a certain marble tomb, honorably, and there he did many miracles, by reason of which he deserves to be canonized by the Church; because the testimonies of his sanctity sufficiently suffice for canonizing this Doctor and Martyr. At Vespers, the Responsory, and the Antiphon at the Magnificat. Raymond, abounding in precious praise, the profound Doctor, reigns joyful without end; and many shall praise together his wisdom, and unto the age his name shall not be blotted out. Versicle. Pray for us, B. Raymond etc., that we may be made worthy of the promises of Christ. The Prayer or Commemoration. O God, who for the illuminating of the darkness of this world, didst illuminate B. Raymond, thy Martyr, with the wondrous doctrine of thy wisdom; grant to thy Church, that, illuminated by his doctrines, with errors and the darkness of vices driven away, it may walk by the way of virtues; and may grow strong to remember, understand, and love thee; and may he be for us a perpetual intercessor of intelligence, wisdom, knowledge and eloquence. Through our Lord etc."

[13] These things were said chiefly that it may appear through how long a duration of time both as Saint and as Martyr Raymond was heard of among his own people; whatever meanwhile may be determined about that question, which I see can here be raised, and which you will find solved in Custurer: namely, how long at Majorca such an Office was in use by the Friars Minor? when it was introduced? whether it lasted even to the reformation of the Roman Breviary? However it may be, both for the Office and Mass proper to Lull, besides Vincent Mut, the most Illustrious Cornejo, and others, Bonaventure Armengual stands expressly, in his Archielogium, published in the year 1643; "Most devoutly," he says, "on diverse days of the year, feasts are celebrated to Lull; and it is said that our countrymen obtained a Bull from Leo X, that on the day of his glorious Martyrdom they might celebrate a proper Office and Mass," As to what was done in the year 1541, an elegant epitaph testifies, and the epitaph agrees. superadded to an older and more barbarous one, where it is thus sung: And to the blessed ashes incense is laid to be burned on the sacred hearths. To this man therefore let the Priest, to be beheld in his Tyrian robe, concelebrate pious praises by night and by day. But a longer digression has carried us hither, on the occasion of the Office and Mass celebrated in honor of Lull; to which other festivities could be added, accustomed to be instituted more solemnly, with public money destined to that end, were it not that those things must first be dispatched which pertain to the signs, of which we had already begun above to speak.

[14] This is well established, that to Raymond all external signs of sanctity at Majorca, Images with rays from the year 300, formerly and today, have constantly been wont to be rendered, which are accustomed to be displayed to the Blesseds most received by the universal Church. His image, surrounded with rays, endowed with the other prerogatives of the Saints, in each of the principal temples of that city, whether painted or sculpted, is exposed to the veneration of the people, and was long ago exposed from the 14th century onward; from which by no means doubtful monuments of immemorial cult flow forth as it were of their own accord. And first indeed, in the Cathedral temple of Majorca itself, in the Cathedral church next to the Mother of God, in the chapel which they call the Conception, there exists a very ancient effigy of Lull, painted on a panel, and adorned with rays; and lest you doubt concerning the sacred cult, it has been placed in that spot so that, since the image of B. V. Mary holds the middle, S. Francis of Assisi occupies one part, and Raymond the other, the very circumstances display open indications of veneration. And the same effigy is also affixed, likewise illustrious with rays, in the form of a shield, over the door of the barrier by which the chapel of B. Virgin of the Crown is closed. What more? On the very alms-dishes by which alms are collected, both in the cathedral and in the other churches of the whole city; on the alms-dishes for the Canonization; on these, I say, on the dishes is displayed the rayed image of Raymond, as if for an incitement, that the citizens may freely confer what was lacking for the expenses of Canonization, now sought for a century and more; and this by order of the most Illustrious John de Santander, as appears from his decree, given on the 30th of July 1638; programs also being affixed throughout the temples, by which the faculty is granted to the Procurators of the Lullian cause sometimes to address words to the people on this subject.

[15] Raymond moreover has his signs of heavenly honor in the Parish church in three places, in the principal parish temple of the city, commonly called S. Eulalia: in which, in three different places, an image is exposed, everywhere distinguished with its rays. The first is seen in the chapel of S. Catherine Martyr, the second on the altar of B. Virgin of Pity, the third in the chapel of the Conception, where it is painted on the wall. and in the Franciscan church on a proper altar, But nowhere do the indications of Lullian veneration shine more splendidly than in the temple of S. Francis, that is, where the venerable Body is deposited. On the very principal altar, divided into five niches, larger statues stand out; the first four of which represent Saints, namely S. Francis, S. John the Baptist, S. John the Evangelist, S. Onuphrius; the fifth, blessed Raymond, equal to the rest, and as to the ornaments, entirely similar. There is also superimposed a painting of Lull, in a gilded border, where he is shown adoring the child Jesus, presented in the arms of the most blessed Mother.

But indeed these things will be able to seem of lesser moment, if they are compared with the Chapel, consecrated to the blessed Martyr in the aforesaid church of the Franciscans. There all things are precious and elegant; the architecture, for its antiquity, of no small luster, of the Corinthian and composite order, with gilded borders, reliefs, and other ornaments neatly interspersed. Here is Lull's own altar, at which Mass is celebrated; here the statue, with all the ornaments of sanctity, here the burning lamp, here all the proofs of veneration that can be displayed to the Saints. Concerning these matters, moreover, it is pleasing to hear speaking, not now a Majorcan or a follower of Lull, but a religious man, as remote as possible from partisan zeal. I rely on the trustworthiness of Father Vernon, in the Life of Lull published in 1668, cited before: but they are taken from the Persian Itinerary of P. Pacificus of Provins, a Capuchin, from p. 395 of the second edition of the year 1645. Thus he has, among other things, concerning Majorcan matters observed by himself on that journey, in Vernon p. 219, which from the French I render into Latin.

[16] (as Br. Pacificus the Capuchin saw them in the year 1645) "What I examined more curiously in the third place," he says, "I trust will be most welcome both to those professing learning and piety: for it concerns a holy man, and one most celebrated among mortals; whom each of the most learned Frenchmen count among the heretics, and whom I myself hitherto, to speak candidly, held in no better place: I name Raymond Lull, whose is the Ars magna for learning thoroughly all the sciences. Behold for you what I learned about him at Majorca. About to perform the sacred rite, I sought the convent of the Friars Minor, by whom I was led into a chapel, at the side of the high altar; so skillfully wrought and enriched with gifts that the whole seemed of gold. I was truly astonished; and that most of all, when, raising my eyes a little, I noticed a niche in the altar, which a most elegant wooden statue occupied, variegated with colors, representing a venerable old man, with a flowing beard, clothed in the habit of the Tertiaries of S. Francis, with face raised, gazing upon the image of the Crucified, conversing with the Blessed man from the sun in a tree, with this gilded inscription added at the foot of the statue itself, Blessed Raymond Lull (he ought to have added, Martyr). The unexpected spectacle struck me: but that scruple was at once removed, in that I thus reasoned; Here, where the tribunal of the Sacred Inquisition reigns, that man would by no means occupy a place among the Saints, if he were truly a heretic." Thus far the Itinerary of Pacificus, at an expense of 4000 Scudi cared for. those things being passed over which he relates concerning Lull's Martyrdom, concerning the School instituted in his honor, and other things to be more conveniently illustrated below. Nor do I enumerate the remaining ornaments of that chapel, conspicuous no less for their cost than for their variety; since by the sworn testimony of the Architect himself it is manifest that the whole structure cost more than five thousand Majorcan pounds, that is, nearly four thousand Roman Scudi. An expanded illustration, transmitted to me from Majorca, will supply the description, in which the ornamentation of the whole work is so accurately expressed that the magnificence of that most elegant altar, to be beheld no less than praised, can easily be read and gathered by the eyes. §. III. The notable Mausoleum, two Epitaphs, and other proofs of constant cult.

[17] Above the other monuments, the Saint's tomb is famous in this very temple, In the Marian chapel among the Franciscans the Mausoleum is placed, not on the altar, of which we have already treated (as the aforementioned Pacificus wrongly reported), but in the neighboring chapel, which some were pleased to call of B. Virgin of Consolation, others of Purity, others of the Conception. By whatever name one pleases to call it, there rises on the left, or at the Epistle horn, a structure of old and skillful work, of which it has also seemed good here to set forth a diagram, that the things which perhaps need some explanation may more easily be understood. The base is adorned with accessory pieces of various kinds, redolent of their age, namely the 15th century; in which, already advanced, it is certain they were wrought, the work having been begun by Master John Lobetius, who departed life in the year 1460. Seven busts, erected in the 15th century, each distinguished by its own characteristics, take the place of pedestals, which are destined to bear the burden of the figures of practical and speculative science: these are the words of the Process of the year 1612, p. 649. The height of the niches contains about eight Majorcan palms, from the upper part of which emerging genii display a crown, destined for the individual statues; with the inscription of the liberal Arts, arranged in such order that, the order being taken from the Altar, Grammar occurs first, then Logic, Rhetoric, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, Astrology. Thus far the structure, in a manner built up beneath the sepulchral urn itself, of a height of nearly eleven palms.

[18] Thereupon in the wall a niche lies open, representing the appearance of a chapel, completed about 1490, on the summit of which traces appear of the insignia of the Kingdom of Majorca, whose colors antiquity has so eaten away that they cannot entirely be discerned. But this is lawfully established from the city Archive itself, that this part of the structure was erected at public expense, between the year 1487 and 1492. The twin busts that you see at the sides of the niche are themselves pedestals, prepared for other statues. The one displays this Gothic inscription, I am the Dispenser of health; a manifest token, if any other, of benefits obtained by his merits. What was placed on the other is doubtful. It is probable, however, that it was either a palm, or some other symbols of martyrdom.

[19] From the inner part of that niche there breathes veneration a marble Urn, with a lamp burning before the urn, most elegantly wrought of alabaster, and placed upon a base, whose front is adorned with three heraldic shields, of the Catholic King Ferdinand, of the Majorcans, and of the Lullistic family; but so effaced by the lapse of time, that scarcely, and only close up, can the colors and golden decorations be discerned. Now let us behold the Urn itself. Sculptural work clothes its outermost part, showing the Blessed in funereal habit, distinguished nevertheless with rays; to which another also is superadded, representing, in the ancient manner, the soul, and it too rayed, borne up into heaven by Angels. The whole niche is closed with curtains. The frequent devotion of the people and concourse toward the Saint places wax candles on the candelabra: but recourse is had most of all to the lamp, lowered for that end so far that oil can be taken from it. Let an authentic document be heard, drawn up on the 5th of November 1614.

"A lamp burns continually before the tomb, with the rope so loosened that even girls and boys of seven are able to take oil from it, when they will; to which a fitting dish has been set, with a tiny vessel, from which is sought the oil, healthful to the sick, with which each one draws the oil who seeks it, as a singular amulet; and so he draws it, that whether on feast days or business days, you may call the business an affair in the lamp." Votive tablets, silver offerings, and many more of this kind it is enough to have named. Custurer testifies that many are lacking, likewise fewer lamps; since out of three silver ones a single one was forged, which hangs in the middle of the chapel.

[20] as the frequent offerings there testify. For the rest, concerning the offerings and the salutary oil, the aforesaid document speaks thus. "From which it comes that those who through the salutary oil are restored to their former health, rejoicing according to the quality of the past disease, again and again adorn the chapel of B. Raymond with various and very many gifts. From there hang very many, both waxen and silver heads, eyes, necks, arms, hands, breasts, hearts; likewise certain bands, which indicate those laboring with hernia, by the help of the holy man, granted health; legs, feet, each separately, jointly heads and necks; from the head to the loins all the members, legs with feet; finally depicted members of the whole body. Then of the votive tablets, of the staffs, of the crutches on which the lame lean, the force and multitude is such, that with them the walls of the chapel are no less everywhere clothed than adorned." There exist besides two other images in the same chapel, endowed with the customary ornaments of the Blessed.

[21] The old Epitaph. But the most ancient epitaph of Raymond ought not to be passed over, engraved in Gothic letters (as they call them) on marble, affixed in the front of the wall of the tomb itself. This bright tomb retains a body within, That of great Raymond, shining with the name of Lull, Distinguished in character: the climes of the world are his heralds, And his writings bear it: who was more renowned than he In Majorca, and the houses of his birth bear witness, and all. The city was, and Lady of the Baleares, a great royal seat. Three first ages held him wanton; But the last made him perfect; When Christ had laid open to all that bed: Turning him from the vanities of the world to his holy things, And teaching readily what all nature demands: And the wondrous things which she created in secret and by nature. This good man, chosen, by ardently loving Christ, From that time the barbarous populace, touched as he went on, And demonstrating that God was both Christ and man, And the Redeemer of the fallen and first parent.

The barbarian disobeys, leaping up he rises against him; And they strike with a stone; the end of life comes to him. Behold Raymond, Fathers, recall this man of yours,

Your fellow-citizen, your glory and your most noble adornment. Francis Ximinus, Canon of Majorca. I have transcribed these unpolished verses, because by their barbarity they without doubt smack of the 15th century. Another, shorter, of three verses below at num. 45, found after the original Life, by which it is signified that Lull died in the year 1315, I let pass; because in it not so much the sanctity of the man as his doctrine is praised.

[22] Another more recent one, It will be helpful to add another more recent one, of a somewhat more cultivated Minerva. The TOMB of Raymond Lull, in which Phoebus AND Calliope CONVERSE. Ph. Whence are these meadows, blooming with varied wood-nymphs, O little Holy Sister, now seen by me more than is usual? You are unlike yourself, Dear: these places indeed seem to smile; you bedew your venerable face with tears. Cal. Lull has a tomb; the place is sacred; within, on high lilies rise up with bright violets. Fragrant balsams breathe on the pyre, and to the blessed ashes incense is laid to be burned on the sacred hearths. P. O Stone, to be venerated before all others throughout the whole world! O Stone! O how much, little though you are, you hold within; To this man that God had given (for he knew him), deserving as he was, whatever there was of Wisdom, whatever there was; and that kind. Indeed a token of so great virtue; in the urn so many violets were born of this man, so many roses. C. Sprung of the gods was that man, bringing in Phoebus and Calliope, nourished with divine milk, that he might be the greatest honor of the seats of the Gods above. He did not indulge his desire, when his years flourished, ready to fail; driving away leisure, he was an enemy to indulgences. He unlocked the mystical things of the divine Law: to him too belonged piety, and simplicity of mind. Fleeing wickedness, he conquered the crimes that beset him; and led pure days, himself purer. P. Nor content with that (so great was his ardor toward the Heights) the Martyr feared not to undergo grievous punishments. For which his (but do you lay open the Niobean marble) both shades Christ holds, and perhaps his bones too. C. With the powerful virtue of Christ he raised up the failing battle-lines, not fearing the threats of the enemy. P. Kindly faith, praising the sanctity of Lull, and likewise the kindly Cross of his, with reverence were ever in place of a helmet on the crown of his head. That man, cherishing the pious, had turned the profane, of frenzied mind, with truthful mouth, into upright men: And so he laid open to many the way of ethereal Olympus, whom black Orcus would have held in the rushing waters. C. Hence he approached the gods above, to be entombed in the midst of the stars, that, glowing, he might pour forth his radiance from the middle of the citadel, To this man therefore let the Priest, to be beheld in his Tyrian robe, concelebrate pious praises by night and by day. Speak pious words, I pray; nor scorn the ashes, O Traveler; so may it befall you that such words be sung for you. P. But let us, dear Sister, leave the hills and the caves, and let us sing many songs to the divine man.

THE END.

By the authors John Genovard and Augustine Andrea, Balearic young men. On the ninth of the Kalends of October, in the year from the birth of Christ 1541. These things are taken, according to Custurer, from the often cited Process of the year 1612, fol. 653. Whoever shall wish to read more Elegies and Odes of this kind, composed in honor of Lull, let him consult Vernon, from p. 301 to 312.

[23] Among the other monuments of the Lullian cult, that which is seen in the chapel of the most holy Trinity, of the church of Saint Spirit, among the Trinitarian Fathers, displays great antiquity, An altar among the Trinitarians, as the altar itself of most ancient work manifestly shows, here engraved in bronze, and set before the eyes of the reader. Above we said that Raymond occupied a side of that altar, on the other part of which S. Francis of Assisi was placed; but now, compared with the Great Antony, what else does it indicate, than that at Majorca the opinion of men concerning his sanctity was no less common than ancient? Indeed even on the same altar a repeated effigy, conspicuous with rays, represents both his zeal in announcing the Gospel to the Moors, and the martyrdom he endured for the faith. in which are sculpted the Acts of B. Lull; Moreover the Religious of that monastery testify that they heard from elders now deceased, that when the Bull of Urban VIII appeared, prohibiting all cult to be displayed to men not Canonized or Beatified, unless a cult of this kind had lasted from time immemorial; they testify, I say, that the Inquisitor of the place, having recognized the antiquity of those images, and signs so manifest, left all things in peaceful possession.

[24] I pass over many things, which it would be long to enumerate one by one, vestiges of ancient veneration, in other places other things, with frequent Masses, impressed everywhere throughout the whole city and island of Majorca. On the altar of S. Honoratus, among the nuns of blessed Margaret, there is likewise a notable Lullian image, adorned with its rays. In the hall of the University, not only is the venerable effigy set forth, but also there an altar is seen sacred to Raymond; a lamp burns, Masses are celebrated. No place is better known for the throng of people than the porch of S. Antony: there moreover Raymond both has his rays, and another lamp, that it may burn in his honor. I leave aside other places of the city, notable for monuments of Lullian sanctity; as also the remaining towns of the whole island, in each of which illustrious indications of most ancient cult appear; for there is no need to fetch these from afar, since now by most received use images everywhere come forth engraved in bronze, in which to Raymond are attributed all the ornaments of sanctity, for the most part with the express license of the Ordinary, with the addition of an Antiphon, Responsory and Prayer, drawn from the ancient Office; and preserved on a tablet, at his tomb, for the convenience of public devotion. Scarcely any of the Saints obtains the title of Blessed more frequently, whether in theses, or in sermons, or in published books, or finally in other acts, even promulgated by the authority of the Bishop.

[25] The veneration of places memorable on his account. There is also another mark of immemorial cult, of no mean order; first in that chamber where, under the very beginnings of his conversion, Christ Crucified is said to have appeared to Lull; then on the famous Mount Randa, very well known among the inhabitants for its harsh manner of life, and for various exercises of Raymondian penance.

The piety of the faithful judged both places ought to be dedicated to God, with oratories built, in which Masses and other exercises of religion are celebrated: but those things shine forth most of all, which from the memory of men show that the sanctity of Raymond was most thoroughly persuaded to the natives. Indeed even that is worthy of memory which Vincent Mut and Brother Bonaventure Armengual relate, in Custurer, in these words: "To his cave, set about the ridges of the little Mountain, and situated at the first milestone from the hermitical house of Miramar, in which he stayed for the sake of rest and sleep; animals, after his death, approach, abstain from entering, and as if venerating him, withdraw; which the dwellers of that place, seeing very often, marvel at." It can here be added, that in the often cited Processes, in very many places, testimonies are adduced, asserting that the Relics of our B. Raymond are more frequently sought by the sick than any remains of other Saints. Indeed, his jawbone, inserted in a silver case, from the sacristy of the Franciscans, is wont to be carried to the sick; and shines with many miracles; as has been demonstrated not only by the report of the common people, but by many testimonies.

[26] Relics are wont to be sought by the sick; What is said here of the Relics, vehemently sought by every kind of men, indeed before other remains of Saints; the same the sworn religious witnesses assert concerning the Masses, which were ordered to be done in his honor: namely, as it is in the juridical deposition, that of no Saint were so many Masses desired by outsiders as of S. Raymond Lull; so that almost every day five or six

Sacred Masses are sought. I do not mention the more celebrated festivities, both of old and even today wont to be celebrated annually: of which the first, more solemn, other festivities of the Saint instituted thereafter, is said to have been held in the year 1448; namely when the sacred body was carried from the sacristy, in which it had first been deposited, to its own tomb. Another, no less solemn, occurred in 1502; chiefly because the contests, concerning Lull's books, held at Rome and Seville, had been ended with a happy issue. Thereupon, as I was already saying, that celebration began to be repeated annually; and that with public money, destined to that end by the chief men; namely with fifty Majorcan pounds. Now the day of his death, the 30th of June, is wont to be celebrated by the Magistrates. But the University chose for itself a peculiar day, the 25th of January; of which two are repeated each year: the expenses, which before were made by the Lullian School alone, being reduced to the common burden of all the Faculties. For the rest, at both festivities is present the Viceroy, with the Bishop, the Jurats, the Chapter, and the Lord Inquisitors, besides the Masters and Doctors of all the Faculties, and especially of the four Schools, the Lullistic, Thomistic, Scotistic and Suaristic, all proceeding with ceremonial rite and habit.

[27] And by this cult indeed blessed Raymond peacefully rejoices, and formerly rejoiced: nor was anything in these changed on account of the decrees of Urban VIII, so that the Bull of Urban VIII, published once and again, neither Bishops nor Inquisitors judged that anything at all ought to be changed; without doubt about to move everything, if it had not been established on every side concerning immemorial time. This appeared all too manifestly in other servants of God, who, although at the time when the aforesaid Bull was published, were in great veneration at Majorca; nevertheless, because their cult could not be shown to be immemorial, were at once abrogated. Such were, among the Fathers Dominican, the Venerable Father Michael Bennasser; among the Fathers Franciscan, although the cult of many others was on that account prohibited, the Venerable Father Raphael Sierra; in the College of the Society of Jesus of Mount Sion, the Venerable Alphonsus Rodriguez; and several others, enumerated by Custurer. Therefore that the cult of B. Raymond has remained untouched and persists thus far, can by no means come from elsewhere, than that both to the Bishops, and by the judgment of the Apostolic Inquisitors, the immemoriality of the cult, that is, the centenary number of years, was manifestly established. It was fitting to pluck these few from many proofs of the sacred and perennial cult, which otherwise by us are not to be proved but to be supposed, lest perhaps anyone, carried away by prejudices, should rashly think our Raymond placed among the Saints. Almost innumerable other things of this kind, as I warned before, the aforesaid Custurer both adduces and solidly deduces, throughout his whole first Dissertation, to which we refer those who wish to seem either hostile to B. Lull, or less credulous. §. IV. Concerning those who wrote the Life of Blessed Raymond from a more ancient source, after the year 1400. Wadding had it, Custurer cleared it of rubbish.

[28] In so great a multitude of Saints, such as our Acts exhibit, From the old Life, which once existed, you would scarcely find anyone whose deeds so many, so various writers have undertaken to illustrate. This the long catalogue of them, soon to be appended, will abundantly prove.

their long catalogue, soon to be appended. But what is most worthy of admiration in this matter is that, among so many Authors, I found no one who has brought to light the original Acts of blessed Raymond; very few who resolved at least to cite or mention them. That these moreover existed already of old is clear from this very fact, that to the Lullists, contending against Nicholas Eymeric, indeed before the beginnings of those contentions, it was openly asserted to them that the doctrine of their Master had been infused from heaven, that they believed him a holy man, and blessed in the heavens, and other things of this kind, from which also Eymeric had seized matter for disparagement, as is manifestly established from his Directory. But these things could have been had only from his Acts, then without doubt most well known—this, I think, no one will deny. There existed therefore, and were circulated in the hands of the Lullists at that time, those monuments of his life, which afterwards were neglected, when it came to the dispute concerning doctrine alone.

[29] a more recent one written in the year 1511, Moreover, how certain it is that Charles Bovillus of Saint-Quentin was the first who made public the whole series of the Lullian life, received from some Spaniard, and transmitted it to his friend Raymond Boucher in the year 1511, and three years later first took care to have it committed to print; so it seems to me beyond doubt that Acts somewhere in manuscript, from which the Spaniard drew his history, ought to have been preserved. For who, I beseech, unless rashly, would persuade himself that a man honest as well as learned, would either have wished to feign anything from himself, or could not distinguish true things from false. And who would suspect that the Spaniard took his materials from elsewhere than from ancient Commentaries. Indeed Nicholas de Pax, a patrician of Majorca, in his Life, or if you prefer, Encomium, woven (as he says) by his own labor, testifies that he consulted authentic documents, and committed to memory what he had noted concerning the affairs of our Raymond, collected from various places; so much so that he contributed only a new composition of the history; which deserved, not that very writer, but some more eloquent man.

Whence it becomes to me very probable that in the Majorcan archives those monuments were deposited, from which those historians faithfully drew their materials; although through the injury of the times—shall I say?—or through the carelessness of the Lullists themselves, we find that some of them afterwards perished.

[30] it came out in the year 1514: I have already named the two chief writers of the Lullian Life; on whose authority very many things rest, to be discussed in the course of this work. The aforementioned Bovillus, to his friend Raymond Boucher, who was asking for a synonymous Patron, submitted an Elogium of Lull, in the year (as I was saying) 1511, on the 27th of June; such as it came out not much later, from the Ascensian printing-house, namely in 1514; and Benedict Gonon, a Celestine Monk, afterwards reported it in the Lives and Sayings of the Fathers of the West, published at Lyons in 1625; certainly worthy that here too the whole of it, another in the year 1519, among the other Acts of Raymond, should find a place. The other Life, now also alleged, Nicholas de Pax, a patrician of Majorca, collected, dedicated to the Archbishop of Cosenza, Apostolic Nuncio, and given to the press at Alcalá in 1519; concerning which also in its place much will have to be treated. These were followed in rivalry by others, whom it will suffice to indicate in a few words. Louis John Vileta, a Canon of Barcelona, an excellent defender of Lull in the Council of Trent, appended to the Artifice or Brief Art of B.

Raymond Lull a synopsis of his life, printed at Barcelona in 1565. a third in the year 1565: Nicholas Mellinas, a jurisconsult, delivered a sermon On the miraculous conversion, Life and death of the excellent Doctor Raymond Lull, printed at Majorca in 1605. John Segui, Canon and Penitentiary of Majorca, had published a Life in 1606, then others and others, an assiduous promoter of the Lullian Canonization, and at Rome its diligent procurator. Gaspar Escolano inserted the deeds of Lull in Tome 1 of the History of Valencia, published in 1610, Book 3, from cap. 19. Although, however, it would be long to run through the works of all the rest, I thought their names at least ought to be set down; because to the praise of B. Lull they contribute not a little, the testimonies of so many distinguished writers concerning his sanctity and virtues. Behold the list of the others, with no order observed of either age or dignity.

[31] Antony Daza added to the Chronicles of S. Francis by various Authors, the things which concerned B. Raymond, of the 1611 Valladolid impression. Peter Sanchez de Lizaraço; Andrew Libavius, Luke Wadding, Arthur of Monasterio, Bonaventure Armengual, Vincent Mut, Ildephonsus de Zapeda, the Author of the Academy of perfection, Nicholas Causinus, John Maria de Vernon, Damian Cornejo, Nicholas Antonio, Antony Arbiol, Doctor Peter Bennasser, D. Colletet. You will find these books cited in Custurer, Dissert. 2, cap. 8. But to these it is permitted to add more, concerning whom in the preceding chapter the same author treats, and at cap. 30 the cited Vernon, and others to be enumerated in their proper places. Yet it is not fitting, from the trustworthiness of those moderns, though perhaps the best, to determine anything at present, unless those sources are first vindicated, whence they received their narratives. For as to what besides, whether to polish for ornament, or to add for amplification, has pleased some, drawn I know not whence, there is neither leisure to examine it, nor to refute it; since those things wholly suffice for us which we are about to hand down from the most approved authors. But as to the circumstances, in which even those moderns sometimes vary, there is no need greatly to labor, where the truth of at least the whole substance has been established.

[32] This I do not see can be gathered more certainly or drawn more purely from elsewhere, to be estimated from the original: than from the most ancient manuscript, diligently guarded, first in the Archive of the city of Majorca, and then in the College of Wisdom: which the often-to-be-praised Custurer first brought to light, Diss. 2, cap. 8 and 9. We notice that the very same is sometimes named by other writers, at least two; for instance by Nicholas Antonio, and most expressly by Luke Wadding, in the Annals, Tom. 2, at the year 1287, num. 2. drawn upon by Wadding, that he plucked very many things from that Ms., a most clear specimen will at once show. Meanwhile it is permissible justly to complain that monuments so authentic were filched from us by Wadding; which, if he had wished to intermingle them word for word in his Annals, it is wonderful with how great a treasure he would have enriched posterity, who, however much they grant to his narratives, will never not most grievously endure that those more ancient things were withdrawn from them. But the manner of weaving together the history excuses Wadding, from which it would have been alien to insert that kind of Acts entire. unearthed by Custurer, It is not pleasing to bring a lawsuit; for the rest our Custurer deserved far better of sacred matters, when he exposed to public light the Ms. Life, so often sought by us, so long sought in vain.

[33] But lest anyone think that the ancient Ms. is one thing at Majorca, another at Rome, which Wadding had before his eyes, and proved by mutual comparison. from a few indications the matter will become more certain. Thus he has at the place already cited. "The contemporary Author, and conscious of his whole life, writes, in his Life, in my possession in Ms., that he came to Rome this year, for the sake of instituting and establishing Colleges of this kind; and, Honorius being dead, proceeded to Paris, to prosecute this cause. There, by the mandate of Chancellor Berthold, he publicly lectured on that new kind of his Science and Art in the Literary Hall; but while the students profited little or nothing in it, he went away to Montpellier, to James, King of Majorca. Here for some time he stayed, where Raymond strove to render this Art, which he judged ought to be called the Inventive of Truth, clearer, with many figures and notes cut away, leaving, out of the sixteen which before there were, only four. Thence to Genoa, where he rendered this book of his into Arabic; soon he came to Rome: about to treat with Nicholas IV concerning founding monasteries or colleges of the Oriental languages everywhere. But on account of various vicissitudes of affairs, and tumults of the Christian state, he found the Pontiff's mind distracted by graver matters: nor did he hope that he would obtain anything in this matter. He returned therefore to Genoa, thence to cross over into Africa, that even alone he might attempt what he desired to be done by several laborers, the conversion of the Saracens." These and other such things, with the phrasing a little changed, copied by Wadding from the contemporary Ms. (as, briefly, by the eye, from the Acts themselves, cap. 2, near the end and elsewhere, the Reader himself will be able to discern for himself) most clearly show that the Historiographer of the Franciscans had no other Ms. than that which we shall afterwards subjoin, to be more accurately examined.

[34] Whence Wadding obtained a copy of the Majorcan manuscript,

It seems it was carried to Rome for the Canonization, is not easy to attain by conjecture; unless perhaps it was permitted him to inspect all the documents transmitted to Rome for the Process of Canonization, as he indicates somewhere; and among them the very series of the life with which we deal, elaborated by a contemporary of Raymond, one or several. But that I doubt whether the aforementioned Ms. was adorned by several, or by one alone, the title, conceived in such a way, makes me doubt, so that, if not written out by several, at least the things which are contained in it must have been narrated by many friends of Raymond. However you may wish those things to have been done, to us he will always seem and be cited as one and the same Anonymous, the author of the whole little work. The rather simple style, the rude speech, the order and the very phrasing smack of antiquity, and plainly savor of the age, to which the whole Life is to be referred. Errors, gaps, and other defects, mixed in through the fault of the copyists, and occurring here and there, will be corrected, where it can be done by a word, in another character (lest anything in the copy be changed, and begun to be written while Lull was still living.) or will be conveniently enough explained in the observations. But it must be most especially noted that here not the whole life is described, but only those things which, concerning his conversion, and certain others pertaining to his peregrinations and writings, Raymond had at some time narrated to his friends and to the author himself in France; and which, committed to memory while he himself was still alive, we gather from this, that concerning the last years of his life, and concerning his glorious death, the Anonymous mentions nothing. This too let the Reader notice, that the Chapters, the titles of Chapters, the marginal Notes, and any other things pertaining to clarity, have been added by us, that they may afterwards more easily be illustrated by their Annotations. §. V. The Letter of Custurer, proving the authenticity of the old Life.

[35] Custurer, asked to prove the authenticity, What I said in the preceding Paragraph could seem to anyone of sense sufficiently opportune for confirming the antiquity of the manuscript, so that consequently it would be superfluous to labor over that matter at length. But B. Raymond has met with such adversaries as you cannot easily call away by reasonings, however most probable, from inveterate prejudices. Since therefore on the undoubted trustworthiness of these Acts the whole series of the Lullian life chiefly depends; in such a way was the truth to be established, that absolutely every avenue to evasion might be cut off. So indeed I had long ago resolved with myself; but lacking in this part more evident arguments, besides those which have just been adduced, I held nothing more important than to have recourse to the source whence some light could be brought. I consulted by letter once and again, the never sufficiently praised Custurer; and proposed to him those things which would impel a most diligent investigator of Lullian matters, that whatever was available at Majorca for confirming the antiquity and integrity of the aforesaid Acts, he would wish at once to be communicated. Nor did my opinion deceive me. He readily complied, he answered fully, and (unless I am mistaken) plainly carried the point. It will not, I think, be unwelcome to the Reader to hear both what I proposed in a few words, and what he set forth at greater length. Behold a fragment of my letter.

[36] That before all things must be established with all effort; that that manuscript Life, concerning the articles proposed about it which Your Reverence calls one of contemporary Writers, is entirely such, and that from all the indications which can be alleged. For on this foundation, as on the chief one, must rest whatever concerning the sanctity of the Blessed Martyr, and the deeds gloriously done for the Catholic religion, throughout our whole treatise will be more fully deduced. I have before my eyes the letter of Your Reverence, given on the 4th of the Kalends of August 1699, in which it complains that there was great carelessness (at Majorca) in preserving ancient writings. In which matter, in my own opinion, they are accused by no merit of their own, if they so studiously guarded that Life. But this is plainly to be wondered at, that it now for the first time, after nearly four centuries from the death of Raymond, beholds the light; and that especially, because the Lullists, the most ardent defenders of their Doctor, omitted nothing of those things which could contribute even a little to illustrating his Life. I know that a Life not unlike this is cited by Wadding; but with him too

I am indignant, that he begrudged us such a monument. It is not in my mind to call that Life in any way into doubt, but I would wish those weighty arguments to be adduced, which would utterly remove all suspicion either of forgery or of falsity.] To these things Custurer thus replies:

[37] In the first place, he says, that that Life is of contemporary Writers, he replies that that Life is to be judged entirely of contemporaries, in my Dissertations I did not doubt to affirm, for those reasons and conjectures which I there bring, all of which I shall here collect, that I may confirm them by such indications as I can. I had read, in Wadding and Nicholas Antonio, what those men have concerning a Life of this kind. I had also observed among other things, in the Process, drawn up by the authority of the Ordinary for the Canonization of the B. Martyr, that D. Francis Montaner, a noble and erudite man, in the year 1613, under oath in his deposition affirmed; that he had read a Relation of the Life, conversion and penance (of Raymond); which, to the honor and praise of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that as such it was alleged at Rome in the Process; the Venerable Doctor Raymond narrated to certain devout men and friends of his, once and again earnestly asked by them, that it might be set forth, as it is there reported: which Life appears in a most ancient manuscript book, preserved among the other hidden books, in the House of the present city of Majorca. That book therefore, and others, intending to seek, I went to the archive of this city; but those things not being found there, indeed the Secretary of the city pouring forth complaints, that some writings of Raymond, and pertaining to him, had once been carried off from there, perhaps by his disciples, importunately avid for writings of this kind; I asked some Lullists, what of that Life? and nothing else was reported, than that it was preserved at Rome in the Franciscan College of the Irish of S. Isidore.

[38] and long sought in vain at Majorca among the Lullists, Then, intending to seek some things necessary to the argument of my Dissertations, I went once and again to the library of the College of B. Mary of Wisdom, solely intent on quite many headings of that little work of mine, which then pressed, and of whose plan it did not then seem to me to be, to examine the Acts of Raymond. I turned over there in summary fashion several manuscript works of Raymond, some in a more recent, others in a more ancient, others in a most ancient character, which, left there by its founder, about the year 1635, and thereafter by other Lullists, the alumni of that College narrated; who all, although they profess the doctrine of Lull, are nevertheless young men, and are not kept beyond eight years in that College, solely intent on turning over their own codices, and little concerned about ancient Mss.; whence it is no wonder that, like the other older Lullists too, they knew nothing of that Life. By which it came about that, although I had many things prepared for my Dissertations, as I wrote to Father Daniel Papebroch; I had not seen that Life, and referred him to the archive of S. Isidore. I went again to the same library; where, while seeking other things, as I was turning over a little bundle, as it were despised, of most ancient codices, partly torn; I lighted upon that one in which the Life of Raymond and a very brief little work of his are contained, which seemed to have been torn from some book.

[39] That codex therefore is plainly most ancient, so that the form of the writing and characters, and at last found in a most ancient codex. the abundance of abbreviations, the kind of paper, and all the rest, could lead even an obstinate man to judge that that codex was written several centuries ago, which I myself judged beyond doubt. I read its title, which, with the compendia of letters removed, of which the typographer was lacking, is had in my Dissertations, p. 485; but in the Ms. plainly in this manner.

[40] which from suitable signs he judges genuine. Having therefore received the codex, which those Colleagues willingly lent me, I carried it with me, examined it, compared it with those things which Raymond wrote about himself in some little works; with the end of some of his little works; in which he subjoins the place and time at which they were written or completed; with the histories of those times, with which the Life of Raymond is intermingled by fate, with that which Charles Bovillus published; and some difficulties being resolved, I found all things to agree among themselves, to be consistent with chronology, and the style to savor of antiquity and candor, just as in the Appendix to the Dissertations I noted. I noticed besides that that Life is brought down only to the times of the Council of Vienne.

[41] All which being weighed, and the title of the Life itself attentively considered, It proceeds down to the year 1311, I did not doubt that I had lighted upon that Life of contemporary writers, of which Wadding, Nicholas Antonio, and D. Francis Montaner, in that sworn deposition of his, had made mention; in which he says that that Life had been hidden away in the house of the city of Majorca; whence, carried off by someone, it came, I supposed, to that library, without any mark of interpolation or addition: indeed so faithfully transcribed, that not even were added to it the events which befell under the end of the life of Raymond. There is annexed only the ancient Epitaph of his tomb, concerning which presently; and which the transcriber without doubt did not add from himself, but from the sepulchral stone, with the subjoined exposition wholly necessary. That that Life moreover was written while Raymond was still living,

and it has nothing about the end of the Life: among other things is manifestly established from this, that nothing there is mentioned about his famous death and martyrdom, which must by no means be believed to have been passed over by anyone who, after those events, had set out to write the Life or even to feign it. But since the Acts of Raymond were brought down only to the times of the Council of Vienne; by a most probable conjecture I judged that the Life was written at that very time by those friends, who then from the very mouth of the Blessed Martyr had received the deeds, most faithfully narrated.

[42] Now, to return to the antiquity of that codex, it must be observed, but the old Epitaph is added, that in it, to the aforesaid Life, as I was already saying, the very ancient Epitaph of Raymond has been added, such as exists in my first Dissertation, p. 64 and 210. From which indeed an argument can be taken, by which it may be proved that that codex was written before the year 1448, namely the year in which the body of B. Raymond, from the place where it lay, was translated to a more splendid tomb, in which today he is venerated, as I fully demonstrated in my Dissertations. For since to that codex was added that Epitaph which was read on the ancient tomb, before that year 1448; and not the other, which from about this year, in the chapel of his tomb, engraved on marble, is seen even today, composed by Doctor Francis Ximinius, such as was read before 1448, Canon and Vicar general of Majorca, which indeed is far more honorific and elegant; even from that reason I do not at all doubt to affirm; that that codex was written before the year 1448. Since indeed it is not credible that the more honorific Epitaph would be passed over, if at the time when the codex was written, it had existed on Raymond's tomb, since it is plainly perceived that the aforesaid Epitaph was subjoined at the end of the Life for no other purpose than that it might serve the praise and honor of the blessed Martyr. And hence (unless I am vehemently mistaken) it is abundantly proved that older than the year 1448 is that manuscript of the Lullian Life with which we deal.

[43] Nor certainly is this argument to be despised, for supporting the antiquity of that codex; since indeed the form of the characters and abbreviations and all the rest most aptly fit those times. But that did not occur to me, [nor, on the contrary, a more recent one, composed after the translation of the body,] while I was writing the Dissertations, to which I attached the Life, nor was the time known to me at which lived that Canon Ximinius (from whom that argument receives more strength) until a great part of the Dissertations had already been given to the press. But when afterwards I had learned that no other Canon of this name was found in the archives of the Cathedral Church, nor had there existed in this kingdom any other Canons; the occasion had to be seized of inserting the then-received not-to-be-despised notice, which would more opportunely have had a place in the Dissertations themselves. But if then, when the Life itself was being put to press by me, I had noticed that these things could be fitted to confirming the antiquity of that codex, I would not have passed over at the end of the Life that Epitaph, then omitted for this reason, because it was already inserted elsewhere in the Dissertations, drawn from other manuscripts.

[44] A more certain proof of genuineness cannot be had, Nevertheless the arguments there adduced, and the antiquity of the codex, which I had before my eyes, seemed to me at that time sufficient, and now seem so, that I judged it, and even now judge it, free from all vice of forgery, at least for some centuries. But before those, it could have been forged. It could indeed, by absolute power, as they say, yet it is not to be suspected. But if this sufficed to overthrow the trust of ancient codices, absolutely none would be trusted, unless by authentic public faith concerning that antiquity; it were established in the codex itself, which not even the more severe investigators of antiquities require. Why, not even those very things would entirely satisfy succeeding times, in which it could easily be doubted concerning the hand of the attesting Notary, especially if his Protocols had perished, as not rarely happens in the most ancient ones, whence also in law a lesser proof of these suffices.

[45] How many besides are the Lives inserted in the Acts of the Saints, nor is it wont to be required in such things; which Your Reverence with so great praise elucidates? How many monuments; to the Antiquity Illustrated of Emmanuel Schelstrate, and to other similar lucubrations, on this trust only, that they were received from the most ancient Ms. of some Library, which for several centuries had lain hidden, especially if the narration contains nothing which renders it suspect, indeed if it is confirmed by other undoubted notices of the same matter? All which, as I said above; I observed in the Ms. Nor was it a slight argument to me, not to suspect a forgery, that, if it were present, in a matter so connected with the history and chronology of those times, it would more than once be detected. Add that, if the Life so often mentioned had been forged, there would without doubt be found added some specious things, and most like to prodigies, nor would the martyrdom of the Blessed be omitted in it, since it would have been easy to feign that those friends had survived Raymond, and had added his death to those things which he himself had before narrated.

[46] though the original Ms. long lay hidden, But this is plainly to be wondered at (Your Reverence will urge), that it (the Life) now for the first time, after nearly four centuries from the death of Raymond, beholds the light; and that especially, because the Lullists, the most ardent defenders of their Doctor, omitted nothing of those things which could contribute even a little to illustrating his life. To be wondered at indeed, if this matter had been treated by just appraisers of ancient monuments, of whom very few faithful ones were found in Spain in past centuries. Does not Your Reverence well know that it has been the judgment of very many men, that they thought they rendered great service to holy men, if, leaving the ancient codices as food for moths, each one composed his own Life of any Saint, content with this faith, that some, not all, indicate whence they received those things which they wrote? Did not Wadding, Segui and Colletet, cited by Nicholas Antonio, do this very thing in this matter, with all of whom and very many others, equally as with Wadding, Your Reverence will be able to be indignant?

[47] From this oblivion of ancient codices of this kind, [or rather they were ignorantly despised, in comparison with more recent writings;] and as it were contempt, it came about that, while I was searching for Lives of Raymond, some Lullists seemed to satisfy both themselves and me, if they referred me to Vincent Mut, Antony Daza, Nicholas Causinus and others of this kind, especially to John Segui, whose Life some thought ought to be reprinted, and they wondered that I was so intent on searching out antiquities. Nor was there lacking a Lullist Doctor, a Professor of this Academy, who, since he knew that I held that Ms. Life in esteem, told me that, while he dwelt in that college, he had seen it, and had reported nothing of it; because he judged that I would care nothing for it: since other more modern and more profuse Lives of Raymond existed in print, which he had no doubt I had seen: indeed he even showed a Balearic version of the same Life, conformable enough to the Latin; from which it was permitted to supply something, but not the rest, as I noted in the Dissertations, p. 492.

[48] These things, unless I am mistaken, were the reason why that Life had not hitherto been published; as also many other things, just as also several other ancient monuments, pertaining to the body of B. Raymond and his cult, inserted in my work, which could be of no small honor to the Blessed, nor were ever published by those Lullists, the most ardent defenders of Lullian matters; yet in such a way that they by no means thereby lose their undoubted trustworthiness. With Your Reverence's leave I will say, that the Lullists neglected many things, and the unpublished Mss. of Lull himself, which conduced to defending their Lull, solely intent on protecting his writings, and on his doctrine to be handed down and defended in chairs and theaters. For since in that college of B. Mary of Wisdom, and in the monastery of S. Francis there exist very many works of Raymond in manuscript, in a most ancient character, others written in a not so ancient one; they neither take care to commit them to print, nor to reprint those already given to print, with those Notes added which Wadding consulted, deservedly praised by Nicholas Antonio. Which counsel I too have often urged ought gradually to be carried into execution, which deserve to be printed and illustrated. to no avail; the Lullists alleging again and again, that expenses must be made, and certain other excuses.

There is added finally, that if the fact that that Ms. was not published for nearly four centuries by the Lullists, most studious of the affairs of Lull, is to be turned into a suspicion of forgery of the whole Life, in what place will be the several other monuments and Lives of Saints and of pious Men, which for several centuries lay hidden, until, by the solicitous care of more recent Writers, they beheld the light? while meanwhile among those, whose Acts of this kind are exhibited, there are not lacking some, to the promoting of whose honor whole cities and nations have devoted themselves.

[49] These things seem to me able to satisfy Your Reverence's first doubt; Meanwhile Custurer thinks he has fulfilled his duty, but if they do not satisfy, let me now at least again complain of that great carelessness of the Majorcans, in preserving ancient writings. Since indeed this Life, without doubt most ancient, I see so negligently preserved, and so carelessly guarded, that neither was it found in any archive, nor are there available other arguments of its antiquity. Although, when I was long ago writing those things, my complaints were not aimed at that; but because I found those things which I was preparing for my Dissertations not so free from difficulties, that I did not long labor in collecting scattered things, and in reconciling the collected ones: which being done, I see nevertheless that some confirmation in certain contemporary writings is needed, which certainly not all things have, which I adduce in the Dissertations, as Your Reverence will easily perceive from the examination of each one; although the chief things have it, and before the rest that one, concerning which between us there is controversy, the Life in manuscript. Whence it will appear, that I have ingenuously adduced those foundations which were available, for confirming each thing, nor have I extended my effort beyond what is lawful.] Thus far Custurer.

[50] most diligent in this whole argument, And all curious appraisers of treasures of this kind will surely praise the skillful man's diligence, and his solid zeal for antiquity. Certainly the things which, for proving the antiquity of our manuscript he brings forward, must seem such, that nothing besides could deservedly be desired. Let there be as argument even the mere diagram of the very ancient character, which from the original fragment, sent hither by Custurer himself, I took care to have engraved on bronze, and set forth above, to be estimated by the judgment of Antiquaries. But that the things contained in the whole little work are feigned or corrupt, no one will suspect, who knows even only the elements of criticism, wont to be employed in examining these things. Nor will anyone in any way make it probable (as Custurer rightly observes) that all the circumstances of persons, and a critic suitable for distinguishing true from false, of place and time could be so accurately observed, except by one who, with most upright trust, transmitted to posterity what he heard from Raymond himself. Whoever shall wish to make the test of this matter for himself, let him, I beseech, consult most of the Lives of Lull, written by more recent men; he will find that they everywhere wandered from the truth, indeed even from the probable, as often as they deserted the way shown by the Anonymous. An example will be Canon Segui, often heaping up many things, which only not palpably exceed the limits of truth, destitute of the light of Geography and Chronology; against which rocks they continually strike, who, the ancient monuments being neglected, are more zealous for ornament than for truth. But of these things enough now, that the antiquity and trustworthiness of the manuscript Acts may be placed beyond all hazard.

[51] Yet certain disquisitions seem to be premised to that Life Here was the proper place, at which the acts themselves might at once be subjoined, and then the two other Lives, of Bovillus and de Pax, lately mentioned; with observations added, for explaining those things which otherwise would seem rather obscure. And this too was our counsel, were it not that, in weighing all things more carefully, so great a forest of matters to be sifted occurred, that I foresaw the Annotations on the Acts would be much longer than the Acts themselves. It pleased me therefore to set the graver difficulties, distributed into various paragraphs, before the Acts themselves; furnished with which the Reader would find plainer those things which perhaps at first sight would strike the mind. This I see was observed by our Elders, Bolland and his followers; in whose footsteps I would prefer to tread, than to comply with the genius of others. Hence I divided into various Paragraphs certain disquisitions, those things which could neither be referred to the Notes, nor opportunely subjoined to the Acts, as being necessary to their understanding; rejecting only into the Appendix all those things which pertain to the works of Raymond, and to freeing his doctrine from the suspicion of heresy. First therefore, concerning the birth of Lull, his conversion, journeys, and other things pertaining thereto, a Chronological series had to be arranged, by which, the peregrinations of his whole life being enumerated in order, an easier access might lie open to the rest. It will then be treated concerning the office of royal Seneschal, intended to illustrate that Life. with the difficulties wiped away or composed, which could be objected concerning it. The following paragraph will serve for dispatching other troubles, and those especially by which our authors are reconciled. Finally, by a chemical exploration, in a peculiar dissertation, Lull will be vindicated. These things being thus premised, we shall come to the Acts, to be cleared of rubbish by a more convenient method. §. VI. Concerning B. Raymond's origin, nativity, peregrinations, down to the end of the 13th century.

[52] From a family noble at Barcelona, Raymond's birth and origin, more accurately than the rest, Vincent Mut narrates, in tome 2 of the History of Majorca, in these words, translated from Castilian into Latin: Raymond Lull, father of the Venerable Raymond (whom, properly called Lull, we, following common custom, will name Lullius) set sail with King James to subdue the kingdom of Majorca in the year 1229. Some trace the origin of this Lullian house from that Lull; who, just as is to be read in the histories of the County of Barcelona, took up the governance of that city, snatched from the servitude of the Moors, in the year 799. Others think the beginnings of the same family ought to be traced from Germany, impelled by this reasoning, that S. Lullus was Archbishop of Mainz. But both traditions never had the weight of even the least moment. I certainly judge that they are apocryphal, and devoid of all truth; since indeed they were born from the mere kinship of names.

[53] This we hold as ascertained, that the father of Raymond Lull, his father distinguished among the conquerors of Majorca, was born of distinguished blood in the city of Barcelona; that he was a celebrated, noble, brave Soldier, perfect in all respects. This he showed both in the Majorcan expedition, and also King James in the partition of that Island: for he assigned to him two villas, the one called Beniatron, the other Aliebeti… his mother a Catalan; His mother was of the most noble and most renowned family of the Counts Heril of Catalonia. This woman he, two years after the Island was subdued, summoned thither, that he might pass his life with her at Majorca. And they begot a son, to whom likewise they gave the name Raymond. He was born in that city, in an impassable alley, born at Majorca about 1235; behind the holy Inquisition. The time of his nativity is unknown, but in certain manuscript monuments it is found, that it was about the year 1235.]

[54] Rightly, I think; nor certainly are those at all to be heard who make Raymond either older or younger. For since, according to Bernardino Gomez, On the deeds of James the Conqueror, book 7, p. 443, the greater Island and its city were most gloriously taken by James on the day before the Kalends of January, of the year of Christian salvation 1230, after R. James occupied the Island, that is, on the last day of the year 1229; our Raymond could surely not have been born at Majorca before that year. But if a whole two years yet elapsed, before his mother was summoned thither by her husband; it is very probable that the blessed Martyr did not come into the light before the year 1235.

I know that Surita, Wadding, and the chief adversary of Lull, Abraham Bzovius, hand down various things in this matter, by no means to be reconciled with chronological truth. Namely, although it is established that the holy man, almost an octogenarian, was crowned with martyrdom in the year 1315, most probably on the 29th of June, (whatever others may vary) so that yearly the Majorcans honor him; yet there are those who either anticipate his nativity, or hasten his death, or extend his life to a number of years plainly incredible.

[55] For the rest, from the course of his whole life, reduced to an exact series of years, nor surviving beyond the year 1315; it will at once quite manifestly appear that Raymond did not survive the year 1315. Moreover that is the common and widely-spread voice of the whole kingdom of Majorca, says Vincent Mut, the common and at last the received tradition; to which is added the most ancient epitaph, according to the testimony of the same Author, once inscribed on Raymond's tomb, the very same, namely, which Custurer testified he had found, in the previous §., num. 32, at the end of the Manuscript, in which the Life of B. Lull, written by a contemporary author, was contained. Now the epitaph, designating the time of his death, is in this manner: Raymond Lull, whose pious teachings are odious to no man, lies in this wondrous marble.

Here, with M & CC & with P, he began to be without senses. Which is thus to be explained, as the first epitaph proves; that the capital letter M & the doubled CC, constitute the years one thousand two hundred, the third C in "Cum," makes the one thousand three hundredth; but the letter P, which is the fifteenth of the alphabet, designates fifteen; and so the year 1315 is indicated. But this very thing, as I was already saying, will be more openly demonstrated from the chronological order of the acts.

[56] To be corrected here meanwhile are—shall I say, of P. Luke Wadding, or of his typographer—the blunders, from which year Wadding does not rightly rise to the year of nativity for the cause of which not undeservedly he is beaten by the aforementioned writer Vincent Mut. He writes, says Mut, tom. 2 of his Annals, at the year 1275, concerning B. Lull in this manner: He was born in the island and city of Majorca, in the village of S. Michael, his father being Raymond Lull, and his mother of the generous family of the Herils, noble Catalans, in 1236. For they write that he died in the year 1315, in the seventieth year of his age. This period of his life, if you subtract it from the later number, the nativity will fall in that year which we established. By no means, (adds Mut,) for from this very thing which Wadding affirms, the contrary is established; and that he lived not only seventy years, but indeed even seventy-nine, because he supposes him born in 1236, but dead in 1315. In the third tome, however, he recognized the error, and wished to emend it. However it be, from that vague judgment, and inconstant manner, in which Wadding speaks of this distinguished man, it is evident with how great carelessness he wrote concerning Raymond; since nevertheless he had aids for more accurately investigating this very truth; indeed, because Raymond was a religious Franciscan, even an obligation.

[57] In tome 3, at the year 1315, num. 14, wishing to discuss having slipped in another blunder also; whether Raymond dealt with Edward, he has thus: But this Edward is the Third of this name, who began to reign in the year 1225, at the 14th year of his age, and died in the year 1377. But King Edward, of whom he speaks, and who died in the year 1377; although called by some the Third, was Edward the Sixth; and if he began to reign in the year 1227, and died in 1377, it follows that he lived 164 years: who however lived only sixty-five years. At num. 8 he then says, that Raymond was at Rome in the year 1393. But how could he be at Rome in 1393, that man who had died in the year 1315? Perhaps they will be called errors of the typographer, which with the rest were not emended: but if so great carelessness was admitted in proofreading the specimens of the typographical press, how great would it have been in weighing the writings against Lull?] Thus Mut, a little too unfair to the Annalist, because he was ignorant that it was not in Wadding's power to correct the typographer's errors, residing as he was at Rome, while the Annals were being printed at Lyons. Nor however would I excuse Wadding in everything, whose reckoning is openly mistaken, in that he made Raymond's conversion ten years later, and in very many other matters, regarding the holy man's life, he allowed his diligence to be missed.

[58] More disgracefully slips Bzovius, the continuator of Baronius, and his defender Nicholas Jansenius, but more grievously others, giving Lull more than a hundred years. everywhere supposing that Lull's blasphemies were thundered against by Alexander IV; namely at the time when he, as I insinuated above, had not yet dreamed of writing books. But what impelled Jansenius to assert that Lull lived more than a hundred years; that he wrote very many Books in the year 1333; that eighty years afterward he sent a letter to Robert King of England; I have hitherto not been able to attain even by light conjecture. To this also pertains what, from the Persian

Itinerary of P. Pacificus of Provins, the Capuchin, Vernon reports on p. 222; namely that it was narrated by the islanders of Majorca, that Raymond, by reason of the most lofty understanding of natural things with which he was divinely imbued, found a general medicine with potable gold, by whose protection he himself prolonged his life to one hundred and forty-five years. These are fabrications, most openly contrary to historical and chronological truth, as has already been shown.

[59] We have brought back the birth of B. Raymond to the year 1235, and that from the common and most certain opinion of writers, He himself writes that he was converted in the 30th completed year of his age; abundantly confirmed by other authorities. But now, since he himself, in book 2 On Contemplation, cap. 70, in Custurer p. 200, writes of himself, that he had completed thirty years before, illuminated by the rays of divine grace, he was converted from insane loves to God; the consequence is that this change was made about the year 1266: under the end of which (as Vincent Mut very aptly gathers) he undertook his first peregrination to the Rock-of-the-Lover, and so in the year of Christ 1267 he first set out on pilgrimage,

perhaps also to Montserrat, and to Compostela, to S. James the Patron of the Spains. Returning thence, in the next following year 1267, by the counsel of S. Raymond of Peñafort, he gave himself wholly to works of penance, that he might shine forth with his virtues before his countrymen, whom by examples of incontinence he had perhaps before enticed to evil.

[60] This manner of life lasted, by the concordant opinion of the authors, altogether nine years: in which time he also learned both Latin, and in the ninth year after he published his Art, and Arabic, until, illuminated from heaven, he set about composing that famous Art, and stirred up those rumors, by which impelled James I, King of the Baleares, son of the Great Conqueror, summoned him to himself at Montpellier; without doubt under the end of the year 1275, or the beginning of the next 1276: and this is manifestly established from the Bull of John XXI, given at Viterbo on the 16th of the Kalends of October, in the first year of his Pontificate, on account of which he was summoned to Montpellier, to the aforesaid King James, concerning the erection of a monastery for learning the Arabic language; that, namely, which from that King with the highest prayers Raymond had obtained, to this end, that thence those Religious might be rendered capable for converting the Mohammedans: which thing as long as he lived he strove to promote, just as from his Acts it will be all too clearly established.

[61] At Montpellier therefore the Lullian General Art first underwent examination. But when the holy man, having attained his wish, what he most desired he had obtained from the King; he returned to his homeland, intent on establishing the monastery. What success that affair had, it is of no concern to say. he proves it to King James, This seems certain, that Raymond stayed some years at Majorca, turning over in his mind the conversion of the Saracens; and to him laboring for that thing by himself, it came at length into his mind to propose the matter before the Roman Pontiff himself, and therefore to seek Rome; that what at Majorca had been begun under happy auspices, might be propagated throughout the whole Catholic world. Relying on this hope, he seized upon the journey at the end of the year 1286, or the beginning of the next 1287, with empty success: for, according to the contemporary Author and others, and in the year 1287 set out for Rome, when he himself had arrived at the Curia, he found the Pope then recently dead, namely Pope Honorius, who on the 3rd of April of the same year 1287, had departed this life. This year will be for us as the epoch of the most celebrated peregrinations of B. Lull, from which by almost continuous journeys, for the increase of the Catholic Religion, he traveled over no small part of the World.

[62] thence to Paris, Since indeed [having abandoned the (Roman) Curia, he directed his steps toward Paris, to communicate there to the world the Art that God had given him. Raymond therefore, coming to Paris, in the time of Chancellor Berthold, lectured in the Hall on his Commentary of the General Art, by the special precept of the aforesaid Chancellor; and that Commentary having been lectured through at Paris, and the manner of the Scholars having been seen there, he returned to Montpellier.] Thus the contemporary Author. where the disciple teaches his master, Which things receive light from Bovillus, handing down that Raymond [had in the Parisian School a certain teacher, Thomas by name, to whom he dedicated several books; and whom in turn (the disciple instructing the master) he taught all his Art; rendering, in place of payment, spirit for voice, and for the dead letter a vivifying doctrine.] Hence it is easy to gather that Raymond, having tarried quite long at Paris, returned to Montpellier first in the year 1289.

[63] and in the year 1289 returned to Montpellier, I judge it most probable that Raymond's stay was also there rather lengthy: since indeed he elaborated the Inventive Art, his sixteen figures being reduced to only four. Which being duly completed, says the Anonymous Writer, in the year 1290 seizing upon a journey, [1291] he came to Genoa, where, making no long stay … he directed his steps to the Roman Curia, intent on obtaining monasteries, then to Genoa and always intent on the union of the military Orders. This our Chronology Briët excellently confirms in the Annals, at the year 1291, reporting that Nicholas IV attempted to reduce the Orders of the Templars and Hospitallers into one, and in vain attempted to unite the Hospitallers with the Templars, to the perfecting of which business Raymond Lull labored much: but it was more difficult to perfect this concord than to hope for it. Nor certainly did he perfect anything, on account of the impediments of the Roman Curia, which then were many and grave, as those even moderately skilled in Ecclesiastical affairs sufficiently know. Having therefore with deliberate counsel proceeded, he came to Genoa, that thence he might cross over to the land of the Saracens. and to preach the faith at Tunis, That this happened in the same year or under the beginning of the next is manifest, from this, that, the Gospel of Christ having been preached for several months at Tunis, thence after many reproaches and blows cast out, and received by the Genoese in the port, Raymond himself testifies that he began, in the port of Tunis, in the middle of the month of September, in the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1292, his Science, or General Table, applicable to all sciences.

[64] The holy man adds in the same place, that it (that Science) was finished in the same aforesaid year, in the octaves of the Epiphany, in the city of Naples. Which Nicholas Antonio, in his ancient Library, book 9, cap. 3, in the year 1293 he finishes his Art at Naples, num. 89, very well observes is so to be understood, that the work was completed before a whole year had elapsed, from the day on which it had been begun. Namely, he put the last hand to that work in the year 1293, since at the end of the preceding year, he had been carried to Naples by Genoese ships. That he there lectured on his Art the Anonymous testifies, and that he stayed until the election of Celestine the Fifth, whose election falls on the 5th day of July 1294. Nor meanwhile was B. Lull idle; but assiduous in publishing books, he composed at Naples the Disputation of five wise men, and writes certain other things, given to the press at Valencia in 1510 by John Jofred: at the end of which is read; Raymond finished this book in the city of Naples, to the praise of the supreme and undivided Trinity, in the year 1094, where one must read 1294, as Nicholas Antonio rightly warned in the ancient Library, book 9, cap. 3, num. 136. It does not seem able to be doubted that Raymond remained at Naples until the coming of Celestine, that he might propose to the Pontiff what he had now so long meditated. But again with vain effort. then certain other things at Rome, 1294: Wherefore he went to the Roman Curia, understand Rome, although then the Curia resided at Naples; where he composed books, and namely the book On the rational Soul, printed at Alcalá with the Elogium of Nicholas de Pax, in 1519, at the end of which Raymond himself had appended these things: This book was finished in the city of Rome, in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand two hundred ninety-four.

[65] Wondrous was the man's constancy in pursuing the advantages of the Christian faith: and seeing himself laboring in vain with Boniface 8, for although he suffered many straits, by frequently following the supreme Pontiff; he by no means ceased from his intention. To Celestine V, who abdicated, in that very year 1294 had succeeded Boniface VIII; whom without delay Raymond attempted to supplicate, so that for a whole two years he stayed at Rome or in the company of the Pontiff, not for his own good, or a prebend; but incessantly supplicating for the good of the Catholic faith. Hence that famous Apostrophe he elaborated, completed at Rome, according to Raymond himself, in 1296 on the vigil of B. John the Baptist; in which, with bent knees, with as much humility and reverence as he can, he supplicates the most Holy Father, the supreme Pontiff, Lord Boniface, the Vicar of Christ, and the Lord Cardinals, that they etc. Nevertheless he was not heard, God, as is credible, exercising the patience of his faithful servant by adverse misfortunes, that he might be more fully crowned for them in heaven.

[66] Whence Raymond, seeing that he could not obtain anything from the supreme Pontiff; having set out for the city of Genoa (I think, he returns to Genoa; under the end of the aforesaid year 1296) compiled some books there, whose names I have not ascertained, as neither how long he then stayed at Genoa. For the rest, since, having set out from there to the King of Majorca at Montpellier, and thence through Montpellier in 1298 to Paris: he not long after seized upon a journey to Paris, where it is certain he arrived before the feast of the Assumption of B. M. V. of the year 1298; it is probable that not before the end of the year 1297 did Raymond depart from Genoa. But that he was at Paris at the time I said, openly appears from his disputation on the Master of the Sentences, finished there in the year 1298, in the octave of the Assumption of blessed Mary. He did not fail to lecture again publicly on his Art, and to compile very many books, which Nicholas Antonio enumerates in the Library, often cited by us.

[67] As to what pertains to our undertaking, it is established that Raymond then dealt with King Philip, concerning certain things most useful to the holy Church of God: but seeing that he obtained little or nothing concerning such things, he returned to Majorca, after he had stayed at Paris a year and a half and more. From the book whose Title is, Questions of Master Thomas of Arras, and at last to Majorca; solved according to the Art, which book Raymond writes that he compiled at Paris in the year of the Lord 1299 in the month of July; it appears that his return to Majorca must be deferred to the end of that year. But since at the end of the lecture of the Art, which is entitled, Brief practice of the general Art, he himself added, that this lecture was finished in the city of Genoa, in the year of the Lord 1300, in the month of February, it is manifest enough that he could not have landed at Majorca before that year. As it must also be manifest, that he again passed through Montpellier, since among his little works preserved at the Sorbonne, in tome 6, is had a Treatise On Preaching, finished at Montpellier in 1300, as the most Erudite Castellanus testifies, in a letter given on the 23rd of April, 1707. But that in the year 1300 he zealously expended himself at Majorca, where in the year 1300 he expends himself in converting Saracens; both in disputations and in preachings, that he might draw the innumerable Saracens dwelling there into the way of salvation; several little works prove, completed there in that year, as may be seen in Custurer, dissert. 2, cap. 9, p. 513, which here, for the sake of brevity, we have not thought ought to be named, content with the chronological series.

[68] Stupendous was the blessed man's alacrity, as often as even slight hope shone forth of propagating the Catholic faith. He zealously toiled at pious labors at Majorca; and with the same zeal he heads through Cyprus into Armenia. when news was brought to him, That the Emperor of the Tartars, Cassanus, had attacked the Kingdom of Syria, and was encompassing the whole of it under his dominion etc. There was no need of many words, that, a ship being found immediately ready, he might cross over into Cyprus. Concerning that navigation later it will be treated more fully; here it will suffice to have noted, that it pertains to the year 1300; since indeed Raymond himself affirms that he was in Armenia, and wrote there a book On those things which man ought to believe concerning God, in the city of Alleas, in the month of January 1301. Nor is there reason that the Armenian journey should be called into doubt; since Custurer, p. 515, reports the undoubted testimony of Lull himself, by which he writes in the book On the End, dist. 2, part 3, that he had gone Toward Cyprus into Armenia, but because those lands are not healthful to all, as I know, because I was there etc. In which indeed the holy man is not mistaken, for the most recent Itineraries with unanimous consent confess that the grosser climate of Armenia, and the unhealthful air, deservedly turn foreigners away from those regions. §. VII. Raymond's works and journeys, in the 14th century down to his death, chronologically deduced.

[69] In the year 1301, sick in Cyprus, From Armenia he returned to Cyprus in the same year 1301: since indeed he asserts that he completed the Treatise On Nature, in the city of Famagusta, in the month of December, in the year 1301. Then he began to work vigorously by preachings and disputations, so that, insisting on his doctrines, he was burdened with no small bodily infirmity; and suffered other things, which the Anonymous Author more fully expounds. These things without doubt detained Raymond in Cyprus almost the whole year 1302, until then, crossing over to Genoa, he published there very many books. Custurer adduces two, finished there in the year 1303; the one in the month of February; the other in the month of May. Then he set out for Paris, says the often-cited Ms., and with it Bovillus; he there efficaciously lectured on his Art, in 1303 from Genoa he went to Paris, and compiled very many books. In what manner this is to be understood, must be established by as probable a conjecture as possible. Of books composed at that time at Paris Nicholas Antonio nowhere makes mention, nor does Custurer adduce any, although I find altogether four little works, which in one and the same month of March 1304, thence he returned to Montpellier, Raymond finished at Montpellier, besides others elaborated in the aforesaid city in the year 1303 and 1305. But these with the Acts of Raymond seem thus to be able conveniently to be reconciled.

[70] The blessed Martyr dealt at Genoa until the month of May 1303; and from here again to Paris; whence we establish that he proceeded with the Authors of the Life, to Paris in the month of June; that he there efficaciously lectured on his Art, and either plainly compiled, or at least began, very many books; to which he afterward put the last hand; or (as he himself says) which he finished at Montpellier. The holy man was then burning with incredible desire of laboring for the sacred confederation of Christian Princes, for recovering the Holy Land, whose calamities and hardships he had more nearly beheld. Therefore it is credible that he, from Paris to King James II of Aragon, sometimes residing at Montpellier, and hence again to Paris, traveled back and forth. Lest I seem to invent this without ground, behold the very words of the Saint, at the end of the Disputation of Raymond the Christian and Homer the Saracen: [And with these three arrangements perhaps the world could return to a good state, and again to Montpellier, as we have spoken more largely in the book, which we said above, On the End; and which we presented to the King of Aragon; and he immediately sent it to the Lord Pope, who now has it: when at Montpellier, in my presence, he offered his whole kingdom, his person, his soldiery and treasure, to fight against the Saracens, at all times in which it should please the Lord Pope and the Lord Cardinals. I am most certain of this, because at that time I was present.]

[71] Let the order therefore of those goings and returnings be of this kind. where he completed certain little works in the year 1304 & 5, He must be brought back from Paris to Montpellier, in the month of October 1303; if it is true, that in that very month he completed in that city the Disputation of Faith and Intellect, as Nicholas Antonio has, num. 132. From Montpellier he returned to Paris, after the month of March

1304, by the way of Lyons; and in that city (as in Custurer, p. 518, Lull himself testifies) he began the General Art; another, I think, from the first; which he often brought back to the anvil, as we have handed down above. How long the Parisian peregrination was, it is not given to gather from elsewhere, than that again he toiled at writing books at Montpellier, in 1305, in the month of April; in which Raymond finished the book On the End, to the praise and honor of the holy Spirit. The Anonymous Author, Bovillus, and others, neglecting those shorter journeys of Raymond, lead him from Genoa to Paris; and thence to Clement V, at Lyons. The words of the contemporary are: [In the time therefore of the Lord Pope Clement V, departing from the city of Paris, he arrived at Lyons; and residing there, and whence to Lyons he came to Clement V, he supplicated the supreme Pontiff concerning a matter of most abundant goodness for the faith etc.] But I think that those things cannot cohere with the truth of the matter, unless Raymond's excursions are doubled, in our way, or in another not unlike way.

[72] Let it therefore be beyond controversy, that Lull was in Montpellier in the month of April 1305. For if he met Clement V at Lyons, (which all the writers of his Life suppose as certain) the consequence is; that he went there; not from Paris, but from Montpellier; unless someone, by hastening the wanderings, should feign a new Parisian journey, in the months of May and June; let him then establish a stay of one or another month; and let him say that Raymond did not come to Lyons sooner than the coronation of Clement V had been made, instituted on the 3rd of the Ides of November, of the aforesaid year 1305. more probably not yet crowned, To me, however, it is far more probable that our Martyr presented a supplication to Clement before the Coronation. Which supplication indeed, since both to the Lord Pope and also to the Cardinals it had been of little concern; having returned to Majorca, he crossed over to a certain land of the Saracens, which is called Bugia. Now in doing and treating all these things it is necessary not so to compress the times, that to this new mission, most certain among all, so much space be not allotted as the distances and intervals of places and traversed regions require, certainly not to be despised.

[73] Carried to Pisa in the year 1307, But now, since from the Contemporary it is established that Raymond was committed to prison at Bugia in Africa for more than six months; while from elsewhere he himself writes, that he finished the Brief Art, at Pisa in the monastery of S. Dominic, in the month of January in the year 1307; who does not see that Raymond's conference with Clement, then held at Lyons, would be very inconveniently deferred to the end of the year 1305? To us in this matter the following reckoning of journeys would be most pleasing. Noticing that he profited nothing with the new Pontiff, most occupied at that time with other things; he left Lyons in full summer, probably in the month of September, in which already at Lyons

Clement V was acting, having proceeded there in the month of August, as his Acts hand down, described by Bernard Guidonis, Bishop of Lodève. Hence we would say that Raymond landed at Majorca, about the month of December of the same year 1305; whence not long after, carried to Africa, he instituted that lengthy disputation with the Mohammedan Prelate and others, on account of which, afflicted with reproaches, after a second excursion into Africa insults, blows and many torments, he endured a long imprisonment; from which, freed by the prayers of the Genoese, then having suffered shipwreck, scarcely at last swam to Pisa, the year 1306 verging toward its end. Nevertheless this reckoning of ours is contradicted by the very little note of the holy man, opposed to the end of some General Art; which he affirms was begun at Lyons on the Rhône, in the month of November in the year 1305; whence one may infer the plainly stupendous swiftness of Raymond in his peregrinations.

[74] he returns to Montpellier; Wonder moreover grows from another excursion of the Blessed; which I would think incredible, did not the testimonies, not to be rejected from elsewhere, convince me. He himself testifies in the Brief Art, that he finished this book at Pisa in the monastery of S. Dominic, in the month of January 1307 of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. Again he says, that he wrote the Art of both Laws at Montpellier, in the month of January 1307, Clement V being Pontiff. Wondrous indeed haste, scarcely had he landed at Pisa, he completed the book; he crosses to Montpellier, hastens another book, and for dispatching all these things one single month abundantly suffices. However it be, and having returned to Pisa; of this journey the Anonymous Author mentions nothing, nothing Bovillus; perhaps because the shorter crossing, to transact business with King James, did not seem of such moment that it should disturb the series of other matters. They write therefore, [That Raymond proposed to the Council of the Pisans (here, namely, he had returned, the business at Montpellier being done) that it would be good, that into the same Order should be constituted Christian religious Soldiers, ordained for this, namely, he persuaded that the military Orders ought to be united; that for the sake of recovering the Holy Land they should maintain continual battle against the perfidious Saracens. To whose pleasing eloquence, and pleasing admonition, condescending; letters to the supreme Pontiff and Cardinals, concerning this kind of salutary business, they wrote out. And those letters being obtained in the city of Pisa, he seized upon a journey to Genoa.]

[75] And these things we judge ought thus to be arranged. Pisa Raymond held at the end of the year 1306. [To him having returned to Genoa a great sum of money is offered for the relief of the Holy Land,] In the next following January he made an excursion to Montpellier, whence he revisited the Pisans in the year 1307 not yet elapsed. There he wrote out various little works produced by Custurer, p. 525, to two of which is ascribed a month, to one March, to the other April, in 1308. From which it is given to understand, that Raymond passed no small part of that year at Pisa, both compiling little works, and obtaining the commendatory letters lately mentioned. These things being duly done, he proceeded to Genoa, to procure similar letters from that Republic, by which he might move the supreme Pontiff to grant those things which with all his strength for forty years and more he had striven to promote. The writers of the Life here narrate a notable monument of the munificence of the Genoese Matrons, inasmuch as they, in aid of the Holy Land, of their own accord promised Raymond thirty thousand florins. Strengthened in his purpose by these things, having departed from Genoa (in full, I think, summer of the year 1308) he came to the Pope, then at that time residing at Avignon. But seeing that of his purpose he could there obtain nothing, he seized upon a journey to Paris. Having first made an excursion to Montpellier, if it is true, that there in the same year he wrote a book On the Experience of the General Art, as he testifies that he lectured on it in the lesser library of the Sorbonne, praised by us most recently, Claude Castellanus.

[76] Without doubt the solicitation of the Pontiff and Cardinals for the recovery of the Holy Land held Raymond at Avignon some months; thence from Avignon he returned to Paris, so that not until the end of the year 1308 did he reach Paris; where he both lectured publicly on his Art, and on very many other books, which he had made in past times. Moreover that Parisian journey could not be deferred further, because at the end of the book New compendious Physics, it is read that he finished that book at Paris in the month of February, which was begun on the last day of the month of January, with the sun eclipsing, in the year 1309. Which can also be further confirmed from another book On mobile Being, and there wrote various little books, written in the same place in the month of January of the aforesaid year; from which all doubt is removed, if any perchance should seem to remain to anyone. But how this could arise, I certainly do not see; unless anyone should dare to call vain the famous Approbation of the Lullian Art, confirmed by oath by forty Masters and Bachelors, guarded with a seal, and given on the Tuesday after the Octaves of the Purification of B. M. V. of that year 1309, after Raymond himself had lectured on that Art for not a few days. Besides, another book On Being, simply existing and acting through itself and for itself, according to Custurer, Raymond finished at Paris in the month of September 1309; likewise another On the demonstrative Art of truth. Besides, the book of Contradiction, between Raymond and the Averroist, On a hundred Syllogisms concerning the mystery of the Trinity, he wrote in the same place, in the month of February 1310. Finally On the unknown God, at Paris in the month of March 1310, and others enumerated by Custurer, p. 530.

[77] And these things so far cohere very well: A new excursion to Montpellier makes trouble, then at Montpellier in the year 1310; from which asserted by Custurer from Raymond's books, p. 531. He here notes that, among his works, two are found, which display the months of March and April of the already cited year 1310, written or completed at Montpellier. However you take it, it is not so very easy to understand, in what way Raymond, in one and the same month both elaborated two books, though not of great bulk, in those two cities, and at the same time passed from one to the other. I know that Nicholas Antonio somewhere indicates, that the copies of the book On the Controversy of faith and intellect in the object do not entirely agree, concerning the annotation of the year, some marking the year 1304, others 1308, others finally that of which we are speaking, 1310. If it be permitted to me to select from these, which I think more probably ought to be assumed; I will say that the year 1304 ought to be preferred; into which conveniently the composition of that work can be thrown back; since above I said, that not before the month of March 1304 did Lull depart from Montpellier. By this means indeed I see the difficulty ought to be softened, which by multiplying Raymond's most frequent journeys the Spanish writers render arduous to believe, and only not impossible; so that he must have been winged, who traversed regions and cities most disjoined as if with no trouble.

[78] I have passed over in silence what others invent, no less fabulous than incredible, concerning Raymond's passage from Armenia into England; as also concerning another, reported by Canon Segui, a terrestrial African journey, from Egypt into the Tunisian kingdom; and several things of this kind, handed down with no author, with no foundation. For the rest, although the writers of the Life are deeply silent concerning Montpellier, revisited at that time by Lull; it is not plainly improbable, that Raymond proceeded there in the month of March 1310; having returned to Paris and there finished the book On Unity and Essence, in the month of April of the same year 1310. Not long after Paris had him returning: since indeed at the end of the book On the Conversion of subject and predicate, this clause is read; Raymond finished this book at Paris in the month of July 1310. He then rested at Paris for a whole year and more, as the books published by him then show, and reported by Custurer, p. 531; to one of which, Whether the faithful man can resolve and destroy all objections, which the infidels can make against the holy Catholic Faith, is ascribed the month of August 1311. Concerning the book, Lord, what part, which they call the Disputation of Raymond with Scotus; in the year 1311 he is said to have disputed with Scotus, concerning the Approbation of the Lullian doctrine, given by the Parisian Doctors at that time, and other things pertaining to the same, there will be a proper place to treat elsewhere; now let us weave together the rest of the series of his life.

[79] But after these things, Raymond, knowing that a general Council would be celebrated by the most holy Father, Lord Pope Clement the Fifth, at the city of Vienne, in the year of the Lord 1311 on the Kalends of October; proposed to go to the said Council, that he might there obtain three things, for the repair of the orthodox faith. Concerning these things more largely afterward in the Life. Meanwhile from the book which begins, Being simply absolute; and which seems to be that very one, which elsewhere we have called, then that he was at Vienne at the time of the Council, On Being simply existing through itself and for itself, then reduced by Raymond to a better form; from that book, I say, written at the time of the Council of Vienne in the year 1312, it manifestly appears that the holy man resided at Vienne for some months; until, having again returned to Paris, he compiled the book On the Efficient and the Effect, in the month of March 1312. That the Anonymous reports nothing concerning the return to Paris, ought not to seem strange; since beyond the Council of Vienne he does not extend his Acts. Why others were silent of this, or what its cause, it is not pleasing to divine. Our Custurer, p. 538, adduces altogether six books or little books of Raymond, having again set out for Majorca, produced in that very year 1312 at Majorca; from which you may gather, that he could not for long after the month of March stay at Paris.

[80] There remains the last navigation of the blessed Martyr, from Palma of the Baleares (so he calls the metropolis of Majorca) to Messina, then to Messina; and into the Kingdom of Bugia; where at length he reached the happy goal of his labors, crowned with glorious martyrdom. I have nothing whence I may certainly determine, in what month he set sail from the island; nevertheless, since the little treatise In proof of the Trinity, which he prefixes the title, On Substance and Accident,

Raymond completed in the city of Messina, in the month of October 1313; it appears probable that it happened at the very end of spring, or under summer. Nor do I hold it ascertained, and having revisited Majorca for the last time, into Africa whether from Sicily into Africa, or rather, having returned to his homeland, from it he undertook the last African journey, to which side Custurer rather inclines, from the Acts of the Process for canonization, recalling, p. 541, that he crossed over from the island of Majorca into Africa on the 14th of August 1314. Let it be so, for all I care; but that being supposed, it will have to be said that Raymond, at the beginning of summer 1314, in the year 1314, having returned to Palma, not long after hastened to his desired martyrdom.

[81] Why I should defer this return of Raymond to his homeland to the summer, is caused by the book On the Council of the Divine dignities, finished to the praise and honor of God in the month of May, in the city of Messina, in the year 1314: whence not into England, as some invent, but either into Majorca, or into Africa, it is undoubted that he set sail. And this at last was the final, shall I say peregrination, of Raymond, or rather a truly Apostolic mission, gloriously confirmed by blood poured out for Christ, which thus narrates Nicholas de Pax in the Life, afterward to be subjoined in full: where, preaching the faith more boldly, [The holy man, fearing lest he should lose the glory of the most desired martyrdom; was carried over again to Bugia; and there at first lying hidden among the Christian merchants, he began gradually to address clandestinely certain Saracens, whom he had before left to himself both well-disposed and disciples. Those being confirmed in the orthodox faith, no longer able to bear the silence of the faith, having proceeded into the square of the city, he boldly declaimed the proclamations of the Christian law.] Then, having pursued the rest, the praised de Pax The Martyr is made in 1315. adds: [By these and more things the crowd of the people being moved, seized with a furious onset, afflicted with blows and reproaches, dragged him to the palace of the King. By whose mandate Raymond, herald of the Christian faith, ordered to be killed outside the walls of the city, as blessedly as cruelly was stoned, in about the eightieth year of his age, and of human salvation 1315; on the feast day, as is believed to have been received from the Elders, of the Saints Peter and Paul.] All which things fit most beautifully with the chronology hitherto deduced by us, and with the whole series of the deeds done by Raymond.

[82] From this moreover far astray go various more recent writers, whom we hinted at above, The manifest blunders of others contrary to these who have so sometimes piled up Raymond's peregrinations, that they take from them every appearance of truth. Most of all Canon Segui and Cornejo exceed, not otherwise to be excused, except that they may be judged to have had regard rather for the things themselves than for the times. Thus Custurer thought they ought to be reconciled: but how those things can be combined which in chapter 6 of his History of Majorca, Vincent Mut throws together into one heap, I am deceived, if even he himself by divining could attain, much less understand. To dispatch the matter in a few words, it will be enough to subjoin that little narrative of Mut, as it stands, that anyone may from the above refute it with no trouble, so incredible are they, not to say absolutely impossible. Thus he has in §2 of the cited chapter.

[83] they are indicated in passing. From Vienne Raymond proceeded to Majorca (in the year, as I said, 1312) where in writing certain books he spent somewhat more than a year. Then he hastened into Sicily. From Messina (in which city he was still living in the month of May 1314) he thought of Jerusalem, traversed Egypt, and arrived at the holy City about the year 1315; and there he adored those sacred places, trodden by the footsteps of God-man, made bloody with the blood of him who restored the likeness of his image. He visited Armenia, surveyed all Syria, came into Bohemia, and (as some say) the whole coast of Britain he often retraced, as also the Kingdom of England… From England he set sail into Spain; he ran through all old Castile, Galicia, Lusitania, Vandalicia, and the Kingdom of Granada, then still oppressed by the yoke of the Moors. Having returned to Majorca, he composed the book On the End, in which he shows the way of conquering the Holy Land. For always to Raymond this was the end, this the aim. So indeed the monuments printed have it.] I confess, and those not a few, but so ineptly patched together, that it is wonderful that the man, in other matters accurate enough, spent time in reporting fictions of this trifling kind; I certainly take no pleasure in delaying longer even in refuting them. §. VIII. Concerning the office of Seneschal, which the Anonymous, Bovillus, de Pax, and writers everywhere all attribute to Raymond, not being opposed to him.

[84] Among the various notions of this title, The Anonymous, the contemporary of Raymond, thus began his narration: Raymond, Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca. Bovillus, explaining the same with other words; he held, he says, with the King of Majorca, a Magistracy, which commonly they call Seneschal. Nor does de Pax dissent, while he says, that he grew up in the palace of Majorca, and by his splendor of family and morals was raised to Seneschal of the royal table. Others I do not enumerate, to whom it is so certain that Raymond filled that office, that they do not doubt to affirm it with one mouth; not at all concerned, whether these things fit aptly enough with time, place, and person. Who first attempted to test them by the chronological standard, was Vincent Mut, often praised by us, in his History of Majorca, in which he follows the life of Lull, cap. 1, in these words: But since by the impulse of nature he was carried only toward arms, he was enrolled among the honorary boys of the Infante James, and afterward created Seneschal, as they call it, and Prefect of the royal House.

[85] to this pertains that which indicates the Prefect of the Royal Table, There is no need by useless inquiry to discourse much concerning the etymology of Senescallus or Senescalcus, and its various meanings, not undiligently reported by Du Cange; as, that it is taken for the Administrator of the revenues of the lord's Fisc, or for the Rector of the Dominions: that the Seneschals held the first place in the Courts of the Frankish Kings: that they bore the standard of the Prince before them, and other things of this kind, concerning which the cited Author may be consulted. The texts already alleged by us abundantly circumscribe the matter, declaring in express words, that the Seneschal was the Prefect of the royal table and of the royal house: King James names him Master of the Household, by which it is given to understand, that Raymond was not Prince of the Soldiery, but had care of the royal house and family, which alone, according to Du Cange and Spelman, was originally the office of Seneschals. And in the present matter I hold this the more easily persuaded, because the Palatine laws of James II, King of Majorca, make absolutely no mention of a Seneschal, but in his place substitute Masters of the household and Stewards of the house, as from the documents, prefixed to Tome III of June by Papebroch, we have ascertained.

[86] I know that Custurer, p. 480, adduces law XVII of the Partidas, the Steward of the house, the Majorcan Laws. title 2, part 9, where in express terms the same is called Senescallus, who among others is Steward of the house, which Du Cange also confesses. But on these the hinge of the controversy does not turn; this must be established, in what royal palace, of what Infante's honorary boy, of what King of Majorca Raymond was Seneschal, or Prefect of the royal house and Steward of the house. It is asked where and under which King James? Nicholas Antonio, I think, felt the difficulty not so easily passable, Tom. 2 of the Ancient Spanish Library, book 9, cap. 3, p. 81, col. 2, yet did not solve it. Since indeed, tacitly rejecting the opinion of Vincent Mut, he says, that Raymond was attached to the Curia of James, King of the Balearic islands, son of Peter the Great of Aragon. Here the most learned man errs palpably, with more than one slip, among which let it suffice that one which is diametrically opposed to Chronology; inasmuch as he narrates Raymond attached to the Curia at the time at which already for more than twenty-five years he had sent away every farewell to worldly pomp and honor. For that James, son of Peter, only in the year 1291, Someone understands the son of Peter; began to administer the Balearic kingdom snatched from the other James, his uncle, when Raymond, following another King and Lord, was zealous solely to promote the Christian cause.

[87] Custurer, in Dissertation 1, p. 87, cites an authentic document, but this one only began in the year 1291: employed in the Process of Canonization, to be reported by us among B. Lull's miracles, in which is read [that Raymond was Seneschal of the royal table, of that most unconquered and most powerful King James the Conqueror, who with his own royal hand, powerful and strong, in the year 1229, snatched this our Balearic kingdom, from the hand and power of the infidel Turks, with most Christian zeal; and afterward exchanged life with death on the 27th day of the month of July 1276.] These indeed are the words of the document; for the rest Custurer not badly observes, others the Conqueror, who took the island in the year 1229, that that opinion, which, perhaps from popular tradition, had referred Raymond's Seneschalship to James the Great, does not agree well enough with historical truth, and for that reason there explains his mind thus: [Vincent Mut says, book 2, cap. 1, of the History of Majorca, that he was Seneschal of James II, son of the Conqueror, which seems more conformable to the circumstances: for the Conqueror did not have a stable residence at Majorca: indeed James II (so the Spanish always call him, or his son, granted it by his father in the year 1256. whom we call I of Majorca) already from the year 1256, in place of his parent, was set over that kingdom, as the future heir from the death of the Conqueror.] And that Infante James was indeed heir of the Baleares, troubled by various fortune, ejected by his nephew and brother, and suffering other things, which at the end of the Palatine laws Papebroch more fully enumerates, to whom accordingly we refer the reader, content to have explained the proposed difficulty.

[88] [Whichever of these you hold, Lull's certain nobility remains from the title of Seneschal;] This is asked, the opinion of Nicholas Antonio being repudiated, to which of the two latter one must adhere; to that one, which under James the Conqueror pronounces Raymond Seneschal; or rather are Mut and Custurer to be followed; contending for the Infante James? Each opinion rests on its own foundations; and each has difficulties with which it labors; yet so that whichever you prefer, it makes no great difference for saving the authority and trustworthiness of the Anonymous, Bovillus, and de Pax, whom at the beginning of this paragraph we cited. That is the sole and only aim of the whole disquisition, namely that to Raymond his nobility may be vindicated, adorned with the illustrious office of Seneschal; whatever the adversaries, against the most express consensus of nearly all the Writers, may vainly attempt, to depress our Blessed Martyr into the class of the plebeians or merchants. Now I weigh the arguments of each side, for the sake only of investigating the truth.

[89] You have heard Custurer's reasoning, resting chiefly on this foundation, that James the Conqueror, nor is it therefore necessary that either lived at Majorca; or the father of the younger James, did not have a stable residence at Majorca; but the son already from the year 1256 administered the Majorcan kingdom in place of his parent. Hence, namely, it follows, that Raymond's Seneschalship is to be referred entirely not to the parent, but to the son. Freely and willingly I will admit, that the elder James, commonly called the Conqueror, never fixed a domicile at Majorca; inasmuch as he was occupied with almost continual wars, and sometimes with domestic dissensions. But, with Custurer's leave I will say it, it is not equally manifest, that James the Infante inhabited Majorca with a stable habitation, indeed perhaps more probably, not even for two years, about those times, was he set over the Majorcan kingdom with power; whence it would come about that by the argument which they call ad hominem, against Custurer it would be shown, that not even under James the Infante did Raymond exercise the office of Seneschal. These things must be repeated a little higher, that concerning the whole matter it may be established more probably.

[90] I have not been able hitherto to explore with certainty, in what year the Infante James, son of the Conqueror, was born; for after various divisions of the kingdoms decreed by the father, for the rest, by probable conjecture, I think his birth is to be referred to the year 1244 or 1245; led chiefly by this reasoning; that since the Conqueror, having repudiated Leonora, by whom he had begotten Alphonsus, had married Yolande, daughter of Andrew king of Hungary, in the month of September 1235; and from her a few years after had received Peter; he immediately endowed him with the Principality of Catalonia in 1244. Again, since after three years or a little more, two other sons were begotten, James and Ferdinand, he instituted a new division of the domains in 1248, or (as others read) 1247, whence it can be conjectured that James, who was older than Ferdinand, at least before the year 1246 beheld the light, nor could this happen before the year 1244, since it would otherwise come about that in the division he would have had a part, which fell to him in the already cited year 1248 or 1247. By that partition, moreover, the Baleares were ascribed to Peter, but to James the Infante the Valencian kingdom; whence most grave dissensions between the father and Alphonsus the firstborn from Leonora. In the year 1251, Ferdinand being dead, such a partition is made, that to James fall the Valencian kingdom, the Baleares and Iviza. But neither did that division stand: for Alphonsus making tumult, there had to be committed in the year 1254, the procuration of the Aragonese and Valencian kingdom.

[91] These things are taken from Zurita, who does not make even a word of any administration of the Balearic kingdom, [it is established that the Infante James in the year 1256 was only 10 or 12 years old.] committed to James the Infante; a boy, namely, of ten or twelve, in that year, which Custurer wishes, 1256. Why, those leaping dispositions of the parent almost show, that down to that time, nothing certain concerning the future inheritance was established for the sons, until, Alphonsus being taken from the living, Peter in the year 1262 married Constance, daughter of Manfred; with whose consent, that famous distribution of dominions among the sons was at last made and held ratified, by which the Baleares, part of Catalonia, and Montpellier were ascribed to the Infante James. Almost equal things concerning these partitions of kingdoms Gomez hands down, book 14, p. 505, and more expressly in the same book p. 511 in these words: when he was endowed with that kingdom, [Besides, the king added another assignment, which he made to James the other son, of the Balearic kingdom and the island of Iviza, indeed also of the city and the whole territory of Montpellier.] Likewise book 15, p. 522 through these words: [James (namely the Conqueror) coming to Montpellier, understood that Prince Alphonsus was again disturbing everything… and that not only Catalonia, separated from the rest of the royal dominion, had been conferred on Peter; but Valencia also and the Baleares, which were of the Aragonese conquest, as if, cut off from the stock, had fallen to James, the last of the brothers.] What I said concerning the last separation, were also taken from Gomez himself.

[92] Who also elsewhere adds, that when those assignments of kingdoms and domains had been made, the father still surviving, an oath of fidelity was administered to the sons, and going there and acknowledged as King of Majorca, each in his part of the inheritance. But this Custurer authentically proves, by producing documents from the Archive of Majorca and transmitted to me; of which by the first, given at Valencia in the month of August 1256, James the Conqueror addresses the Majorcans in this manner: [Know that we are sending to Majorca, our most dear son the Infante, Lord James, heir of the kingdom of Majorca and of Montpellier. Wherefore to you firmly we say and command; that, the present letters being seen, you swear to him and do homage, that after our death, you have and hold him always, and not any other as your King and natural Lord.] From another document it appears, he confirmed his privileges to him, that the aforesaid Infante James on the 12th of the Kalends of September of the same year 1256, confirmed and swore all [privileges, franchises, knighthoods, donations and concessions, given and made to the inhabitants of Majorca by the most Illustrious Lord James King of Aragon.]

[93] Two diplomas besides Custurer adduces, the one of the year 1268 published by the Infante for civil causes, but while the father was still living, the other of King Sancho of 1311; by which all the former are confirmed. By these, moreover, he thinks it is proved, what above we saw asserted by him, namely that the younger James had a stable residence at Majorca; inasmuch as he carried on his parent's functions in that kingdom, and administered it as future heir, already then. This I candidly confess does not hitherto become probable to me, nor is sufficiently demonstrated from the documents alleged by Custurer. As if indeed James could not have made an excursion to Majorca once and again, nor yet having a stable seat there, without its being immediately consequent from that, that he fixed a domicile in that island. For what? Did the sons, while the father was still living, obtain command? Did each have his own palaces in different places, adorned with royal splendor? Was to a boy of ten or twelve committed the government of various kingdoms and domains, the parent still surviving and excluded on all sides? Excluded, I say: for when in the year 1251 the division of kingdoms is said to have been made, the Conqueror so divided everything among his sons, that he made nothing left for himself. If these things should seem credible to anyone, I will not unwillingly suffer them to be reported in the Annals of the Majorcans.

[94] For the rest it is far more probable, in my opinion, that the sons of the Great James, but their own residence in the paternal court, content with the mere ornament of Kings, lived a private life so long, until, the parent being dead, they entered the inheritance long since assigned. Not so, however, would I have it understood, that they lacked entirely all royal Majesty and ornament. By no means. For, as the parent's court was abounding in luxury and magnificence, I will easily grant, that to the sons also their own royal chambers, royal retinue, royal apparatus, ministers and officials, according to the splendor of their birth, were assigned, the authority and administration of all the dominions meanwhile remaining in the hands of the single King. If this only Custurer wishes, with no trouble we will join hands, and by that means a plainer way will be opened, that to Raymond his dignity of Seneschal may be vindicated; and the other difficulties, which could occur, will be most conveniently dissolved.

[95] Among these, first, and perhaps chiefest, militates against the Seneschalship, under whom Lull was Seneschal, exercised by Raymond under James the Conqueror, however roundly the Process of Canonization affirms it. But this is sought from this, that James of Aragon is nowhere read to have borne the title of King of Majorca simply, although that island, snatched from the servitude of the Moors, he first added to his dominions. And for that cause above I indicated, but not the father, who never wrote himself King of Majorca: that not rightly by some Spanish writers is the series of the Jameses, Kings of Majorca, deduced from him, as by irrefragable testimony Papebroch shows, on the aforementioned Palatine laws, prefixed to Tome III of June. Namely the elder James was called king of Aragon, surnamed the Victor, the Conqueror, the Great, everywhere wont to be designated by his Historiographers. I have here Custurer agreeing, indeed by that very argument opposing me, in order to prove that Raymond cannot fittingly enough be called Seneschal of James the Conqueror. I do not dissent: I do not resist: but neither from that is it established, that James the Infante had to dwell at Majorca, shining with royal splendor, that to Raymond we may keep safe and sound his office of Seneschal of the table of the King of Majorca.

[96] What therefore? Did neither under the Conqueror, nor under the Infante son, Raymond exercise that office; but of the son, now called King, and so shall we be opposed to all the writers, attributing that office to Raymond with unanimous consent? This is the knot, for the loosing of which more than one way remains. But, lest I seem to delay longer than is right in these things, I think the whole matter is to be so composed, that not even Custurer may deservedly oppose me. This one thing is necessary for protecting the truth of the Acts, that Raymond was Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca; or (which comes to the same) that he held with the king of Majorca a magistracy, which commonly they call Seneschal. These things I judge most true, although neither the Conqueror, nor the Infante James, resided regularly at Majorca. But indeed Raymond, already from adolescence educated in the court, confesses of himself, that he was very wanton and worldly. Be it so. Did he therefore have to lead an idle and slothful life at Palma of Majorca, as if by design, in order to fill the part of Seneschal, he could have added Lull as a boy among the honorary pages, ensnared in delights and loves? He could indeed, and I judge this most probable: he could, I say, in tenderer age, be chosen among the honorary boys of James the Infante, and afterward be promoted to other offices in his retinue, which required no residence at Majorca, no royal court there.

[97] Lately we supposed as undoubted, that from the year 1251 that James was declared King of Majorca by his parent. and finally that he ordained a Majorcan Seneschal. But what more easy, than that then in royal fashion he had that household and those ministers, which that dignity required; and among them Raymond, as he was by origin a Majorcan, himself also obtained his place, gradually advanced to higher things; until at length, having attained the supreme office, he could most rightly be called Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca. Examples of this kind are all too obvious. Did we not in recent memory see, while Leopold the Emperor was still surviving, his firstborn son Joseph, proclaimed King of Hungary, while he was still a boy, shine forth with all those titles of honors, which befitted royal dignity? It will please, I think, Custurer, the parity adduced by himself. But where will he find, that for King Joseph, either at Buda or at Pressburg, a royal court was needed, that his domestics and officials might each be distinguished by their own dignities and prerogatives? In just that way I think it was done with James, King of Majorca; so that, namely, illustrious by the mere title of King; he either followed his warring father, or led a private life in his court, as long as he survived. But Raymond could in the same court behold in person those things which, his nature being prone to vices, more allured and incited him, as those know, who are not strangers in the life and deeds of James the Great.

[98] I believe indeed that by this reasoning Mut and Custurer are satisfied, [Whence, however, it does not follow that he for that cause dwelt stably at Majorca,] and so to Raymond the office of Seneschal is asserted, that nothing solid can be opposed, by which it may be called into doubt. As to the document recited above, by which that office was attributed to Raymond under the Conqueror; this so understand, that you remember that in his court such a province was administered by the blessed Martyr. But that that James the Victor, involved in almost continual wars, seems rather to have led his court around through various dominions than anywhere to have fixed a stable residence, contributes nothing at all to our matter; unless it was troublesome to Raymond to accompany the King wherever he carried his victorious arms, against the Moors especially, to whose leading to the Christian faith he afterward consecrated himself wholly, his means, and finally his very life, with so great glory. There is certainly in all these things nothing of inconvenience, nothing absurd, unless it be first shown, that Raymond himself had so fixed a domicile at Majorca, that from that island for thirty whole years he did not set foot out; but with what semblance of truth this can be affirmed, I hitherto do not understand.

[99] Yet let not these things be so said, that I may seem to wish to contend more laboriously, as to that which is there shown to be a Palace. that James the Infante at that time never inhabited at Majorca the royal Palace, which to this very day is shown there, sumptuous indeed and magnificent. This I will freely and most willingly confess, if from anywhere it be established, even by the sole authority of John Damet, whom Custurer somewhere cites as Annalist of Majorca. For however the ancient monuments, at least those which I have been permitted to consult, do not put this in the open; to the head of our matter it makes no difference, whether that James inhabited Majorca with a stable residence; or (which I have tried to show is more probable) followed the court of his parent the Conqueror; provided this remain beyond controversy, that blessed Raymond filled the office of Seneschal in the service of one or the other, just as most expressly our Acts repeatedly pronounce. As to the rest therefore, as one prefers, anyone will be able to decide; for these things have been disputed by me with no other end, than that, more probable things being adduced, the variety of opinions might be composed; in which our effort not even those, I think, will blame, whose opinion we have set after, for the sake only of eliciting the truth, as I have more than once protested and now again most sincerely profess.

§. IX. Certain difficulties occurring in the Acts of Raymond are dispatched, together with some which pertain to reconciling the Authors here and there.

[100] The hallucinations of the moderns being dismissed, I here propose difficulties, elicited from the truer narrations of the Writers alone, not those which ought or could be raised by certain Lives of Raymond, embellished by certain moderns, by I know not what authority, or rather so entangled, that, by mixing true with false, or at least with doubtful things, they make even what is certain uncertain and shake it. I will say candidly, that most histories of Raymond's life and deeds, published by more recent men, I have neither seen, nor, if they were at hand, would anything be established by them, which to the Anonymous, Bovillus, and de Pax, on whose commentaries whatever we are about to hand down rests, were not conformable. Nothing accordingly will contribute John Maria Vernon, in the Life published in French in 1668, nothing the others praised by Custurer, except in so far as with the more ancient ones they thoroughly agree. For although with the success of time I do not deny that other things were found, by which the earlier and more ancient things might be illustrated; although also all those Writers may be strong in honesty and trustworthiness; nevertheless, the matter being more maturely considered, quite clearly (unless I am mistaken) I have perceived, that no, or certainly very little aid is brought from them, which could conduce to eliciting the truth.

[101] But at least it would perhaps seem worth the trouble to someone separately to refute those apocryphal things, nor even to be refuted as worthy; so liberally peddled by Vernon and others: to me, however, by no means; since indeed to sift each thing more minutely, that at last would be to involve the Acts themselves in entanglements, creating disgust for the readers, to whom, I think, those things will seem wondrous enough, which our Authors have set forth. These things therefore, and not others, will be the matter of this disquisition; collected therefore into one, both because it seemed superfluous to disperse them into several paragraphs; and because into the Annotations they cannot conveniently be thrown, lest those longer animadversions, mixed into the Acts, by their prolixity beget confusion, and (as I said above) equal or surpass the Acts themselves. The year of birth, the conjectures of various men being rejected, we have already established, and fixed to the year 1235, from which the whole chronological series of the Acts, with what probability we could, we have produced down to the martyrdom; now according to its standard the rest must be carried out.

[102] I premise, what among the other doubts is the slightest, the nomenclature of the name and surname. There are those who write Ræmundus, with the above-praised Bovillus; to whom Gonon added a note, not unworthy that here it should find its place. and the Etymology of the name, [There were, he says, others of this name of exceptional sanctity, one of the Order of Preachers, the other of Toulouse, concerning whom more in the Breviary of the Church of Narbonne, on the 3rd of July. There exist of this our Raymond many works in the famous Library of our monastery of the Holy Trinity of Marcoussis. Moreover Beatus Rhenanus added this elegant epigram at the beginning of his works.

[103] Behold pious Raymond goes forth into the wide world; here is given an elogium, prefixed to his works by Beatus Rhenanus.

who will often bring great advantages to many. Let it not lie for you condemned to perpetual darkness; the whole page lacking trifling falsity. Excellent thoughts lie hidden under uncultivated words; which, apt, can lift up pious minds. Now well had Raymond lived his thirty years pompous, foolish, slothful, idle: leaving with them the turbid joys of the deceitful world, hard, on a steep rock he subdues his body: where, redeeming the harmful crimes of his past life, he received the abundant gifts of the lofty Father. To Paris at last the rudiments of the Latin tongue; after eight lustra completed, thirsting, he sought; tasting Grammar first, with art infused, he left innumerable books in bare simplicity. Whoever therefore you unroll his worthy labors, see by prayer that you help, as many as he restored to the work.

Although that Beatus may have some other things suspect, called Beatus from the baptismal font, not from the merit of his life (in which I see some deceived), so that, I say, although that Beatus Rhenanus of doubtful religion may have some suspect or even reprobate things, otherwise of literary matters, both sacred and profane, often very well deserving; these verses certainly smack of nothing but the pious and Catholic, worthy accordingly to be here ascribed in Raymond's honor.

[104] I return whence I digressed. Rightly says Gonon, that there were several synonymous Raymonds, Several Saints and Blesseds of the same name, celebrated for the praise of sanctity. For besides those named, distinguished are Raymond Nonnatus, Raymond Palmerius, Raymond of Barbastro, and several others, of entirely the same nomenclature, except that some write Raimundus by jota, others by ypsilon, which norm we know was used, not by the Viscounts of Turenne only, but also by the Counts of Toulouse, seven in number. There are also those who write Ragmundus, by which reasoning the most Learned Castellanus, in his new Roman Martyrology, p. 818, names another Blessed, Raymond of Barcelona, surnamed Fiterinus, commonly de Hitero. There are those who would have him called both Ragimundus and Regimundus; indeed, as in letters given to me on the 28th of May 1705 the praised Castellanus warns, there is also found Raguimundus, Ragnemundus, and Ragnemodus. Concerning the etymology of all these to inquire much, seems as much as to lose one's labor. Be it Frankish, be it Germanic, be it Spanish, or if you prefer Gothic, the origin of the name; it will become neither of more value thence, nor of less. As to the fact that the Catalans in the vernacular, or in the Limousin tongue, which B. Lull more than once used, said Ramon, Remon, variously written by various men. and by whatever other inflection one pleases; this for us will be, with the more common method of writing, Raymundus and Raimundus, however much Bovillus thought it should be written Ræmundus, contrary to what Nicholas de Pax, and the Anonymous more ancient than these, did.

[105] It would be vain to delay longer in these. Greater is almost the diversity among Authors in expressing Raymond's surname; The surname Lull, in Latin is rendered Lullus or Lullius, some constantly rendering it Lullium, others on the contrary Lullum. Already I indicated above, that from the Catalan, or if you prefer the Majorcan word Lull or Luyl, the Latin termination is formed. But since with the Spaniards L is wont to liquesce, as everywhere among the French the double LL after I, the Italians substituting G in place of the prior L; it is no wonder, that the Spanish writers everywhere, whether in the vernacular or in Latin, would have it written not Lullum, but Lullium. I think I am not to be bound by those rules, although to me it is a matter of indifference whether Lullus and Lullius. This one thing I notice, the first is here held. that the Spaniards themselves more skilled in the Latin tongue, such as without controversy must be said to be Nicholas de Pax, John Mariana, and Nicholas Antonio; the Spanish pronunciation being neglected, go over to the pure Latin termination, whom in this matter it has not irked me to imitate. Nor however more scrupulously, as I warned above, for both Lullus and Lullius will always be the same to us, provided it concern B. Raymond, the Majorcan Martyr.

[106] He himself confesses that as a youth he was wanton; A little more difficulty have two circumstances, added to Raymond's wanton loves. Concerning the matter all agree, the Saint candidly confessing of himself in more than one place, that he was wanton, worldly and given to carnal appetites. That those fires could not be extinguished even through the lawful bed, all the writers testify with one mouth. Namely a matron he was dying for, chaste no less than beautiful, and herself still held by the bonds of marriage. And these things, none resisting, the moderns varying in the name of the beloved, we think certain and ascertained. But whether that matron's name was Eleonora, as it pleased Mut to devise, or Ambrosia di Castello, as Vernon rather liberally invents, we leave in the middle. Let it be undoubted besides, that that woman labored with a deadly ulcer beneath her breast, as de Pax says; so that, made more certain of the misfortune, Raymond was overcome with sadness. But not so ascertained are the things which Bovillus more fully describes, concerning the foul breast laid bare before Raymond; nor that which he wove concerning Raymond riding, the beloved being seen, seized with such fury; that, as she went forth into the temple, he followed on horseback; concerning which the Anonymous reports nothing, nothing Nicholas de Pax. Let us hear Bovillus himself:

[107] Some write that he proceeded to that madness, [Now he loved before others a certain lady, of comely indeed and elegant face, yet there were two things, which by no means allowed her to come into his embraces. The first was the lawful bed of her husband: the second, the hidden disease of cancer; which although it lay hidden beneath her garment, had nevertheless already so far eaten away her breast, that her vitals were laid bare, and a dreadful stench thence exhaled. Incurable was this plague of cancer in the woman's breast, but far more incurable the cancer of lustful love was tearing the mind of Raymond. For so overwhelmed with insane and illicit love, who was blind chiefly in mind, even with bodily eyes he was believed by all to be almost blind. For, as he related to me, who narrated the very history, when on a certain day Raymond, having mounted his horse, was walking about in the marketplace; and saw her, whom with foolish love he loved, set out into a neighboring temple for the sake of divine prayer (on Sunday, says Mut, that hence perhaps he may confirm the matter more) soon (although on horseback) he followed her into the temple… so that he followed her even into the temple on horseback; But the woman, grieving, that so great a man, and one who held an honorable magistracy with the King, on account of his illicit love for her both became insane, and was turned into the talk of the common people;… Raymond being once called into colloquy (as she had obtained from her husband), and being introduced into the chamber, she did not at all blush to lay bare to him her breast, as it was eaten away by the cancerous disease, and as it was foul with most loathsome odor etc.]

[108] Whence Bovillus took all these things, whence the Spanish narrator drew them, what impelled Mut, and it would seem to have been received through popular tradition, that the laying bare of the breast into the setting of the temple he should say happened at the going-forth into the temple, I have no way to determine; nor is it pleasing to repudiate the matter itself as apocryphal, much less to call it into doubt; although that seems wonderful, that an occurrence so notable should be passed over entirely untouched by the Anonymous and Nicholas de Pax. Was it that Raymond, from whose mouth the Anonymous writes, led by shame, neglected to report these things, who otherwise confesses his sins and the ignorances of his youth so candidly? I certainly do not think so. I would believe that those things slipped from the French writer, which clung more deeply to the memory of the Spaniards; from which then they came into the knowledge of Bovillus, nearly two hundred years after the holy Martyr's death, preserved by the continuous tradition of the people. Nor is this indeed so unusual, since in other Acts of the Saints examples of this kind recur quite often, where the earlier Acts, still rather unformed, so to speak, are afterward illustrated by others, things that before had been omitted: and this ought to have weight here especially, because since in the rest Bovillus everywhere agrees with the Anonymous, he ought not to be thought to have feigned anything; nor would I accuse the Spaniard, that he, without doubt having received it from that most ancient tradition of the Majorcans, reported it.

[109] I know indeed that it happened more than once, from the affinity of names, false perhaps, that what had happened to one, was attributed to another; and what to several, was ascribed to one: which confusion of matters, of how great difficulties it has been a seedbed, who is ignorant? Why might not someone contend that to the Raymonds, so various and so many in number, something of this kind could have happened? Certainly examples will be at hand, not to be fetched from elsewhere nor from afar. For very many writers, so constantly assert that this our man as other graver things were fastened upon Lull, was a chemist, and far most skilled in that art, indeed a maker of the purest gold in England; so that to doubt of it seems to them as much as to deny that the man existed in the nature of things. Others not much fewer do not hesitate to smear upon Lull most loathsome crimes, infernal arts, and commerce with demons. That these nevertheless are mere fabrications, sprung from the similarity of names, and so many calumnies to tear apart the fame of the blessed Martyr, his disciples and defenders, not to be despised, demonstrate. But now what more easy, than that among so many Raymonds there was some one, more than abandonedly seized with the madness of insane love, the traces of whose dementia posterity applied to our Blessed, no distinction being applied of persons, as of names? Let that parity of reasonings prevail as much as it pleases anyone; yet not improbable. to me meanwhile it is not of such moment, that a memorable specimen of more ardent lust, with which the holy man freely concedes he much labored, should be expunged from his Acts, confirmed by the authority of a most trustworthy writer, and by testimony by no means doubtful.

[110] The third disquisition embraces the visions and apparitions shown to Raymond, after, by the pious rebuke of the chaste matron, Meanwhile more certain trust is due to his visions, he began to be brought back to better fruit. Here again, as to the substance of the matter, all the writers, both ancient and more recent, unanimously confirm. Indeed the Blessed himself confirms, in the book which he entitled Desolation, speaking thus: [When my age was being strengthened, I felt myself snatched away by the enticements of the world, and I wandered from the right path, and into sin I rushed. Forgetful of the true God, I gave myself to the pleasures of the body; but Jesus Christ, by his immense mercy, willed to show himself to me five times affixed to the cross; that I might be mindful of him, inasmuch as he is himself a witness of them: and might take care for the knowledge of his name, to be propagated throughout the whole world, and the ineffable mystery of the most holy Trinity, with the glorious Incarnation, to be preached and taught. So I was inspired, and burned with so great love of God, that I have never had anything dearer or of more account, than his glory; and from that time I began to serve him with willing mind.]

[111] but posterity varies in the circumstances, Those five apparitions only those reject, who reckon Raymond among the heretics and fanatics, whose declamations accordingly we do not heed. But if our writers, content with that simple narration, had not mixed in other things, the matter would be plain and easy. Of the amplifications of Mut and Vernon we ought not to be at all solicitous. The one trouble that occurs concerns those three authors, on whom alone we rely, and in reconciling whom we place our labor. The contemporary Anonymous, whose trustworthiness for the rest is to be held the more weighty, having begun the narration of Raymond's deeds with a somewhat more disordered, certainly not sufficiently accurate method, causes no little business. But this is the difficulty. Bovillus and de Pax, having more closely followed the order of his life, the Saint's deliriums being premised, and from the pitiable lot of the beloved, the medicine of his madness, write that he came to his senses first, before he was heaped with heavenly favors. Well, I think, and as the matter required. But the Anonymous, with no distinction, exhibits Raymond occupied in composing amatory verses, at that very crisis of affairs, at which, inspired by a better spirit, and suffused with immense grief, seeing himself wisely reproved by a woman, turning saner counsels in his mind, and submitting himself to prayer, all his effort, with highest vows, he dedicated to Christ; these are the words of Bovillus, thus continuing.

[112] while they wish them offered to one converted, There appeared therefore to him soon a certain sacred and propitious vision, the image, I say, of the Crucified, addressing him in these words: Raymond, follow me. And when this heavenly vision was more frequently repeated to him out of divine goodness; Raymond resolved with himself, the pride of riches being cast off, and his household dismissed, to leave the world etc.] Aptly and coherently these things are said, to which de Pax adds this [that, made more certain of the misfortune, namely of the woman laboring with cancer; since he could not stand on his limbs, prostrate on his bed, he desired nothing but darkness and solitude. With tears therefore and sighs, the sorrow of his mind being for a little exhausted, as he meditated his calamity and his long departure from salvation, and bewailed it in common rhythms, Jesus crucified appeared on the right. The worldly man, terrified by the divine vision, dismisses the begun mournful song. and while composing pious rhythms; Which, after some days had been interposed, having tried four times to complete, four times, as at first, and about the same hour, the Crucified he saw.] If you except the rhythms, I see nothing here which does not very well agree with Raymond's own confession. But hence I think the Anonymous was led into error, that, substituting amatory verses for the lugubrious song, he thus begins the Acts:

[113] Raymond, Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca, while still a youth, But the Contemporary, while he was writing an amatory song given too much to composing vain songs or verses, and to other wantonness of the world; was sitting one night beside his bed, prepared to dictate and write in his vernacular a certain song, concerning a certain lady, whom he then loved with foolish love. While therefore he began to write the aforesaid song; looking to the right, he saw the Lord Jesus Christ, as it were hanging on the cross; at which sight he feared, and leaving what he had in his hands, he entered his bed that he might sleep. But on the morrow rising, and returning to his accustomed vanities, he cared not for that vision; indeed as soon as eight days afterward, in the place where before, and at the same hour, again he prepared himself to write down and complete his aforesaid song; to whom the Lord again on the cross appeared as before. But he then, terrified more than at first, his bed again entering, and to one converted more slowly: as before fell asleep. But still on the morrow, neglecting the apparition made to him, he did not dismiss his wantonness; indeed after a little while he strove to complete his begun song; until to him a third and fourth time successively, some days being interposed, the Savior, in the form always as at first, appeared etc.]

[114] Here indeed our Contemporary agrees with what was said before, which agrees more with his own confession. in the fivefold apparition, expressed by Raymond himself. But indeed now this is clear, what I lately said, perhaps less probable, that a man occupied in writing obscene little verses felt those favors; which others more opportunely thought ought to be attributed to Raymond when penitent, and agitated by the stings of conscience. Not for this are these things said, that we should set limits or bounds to breathing divine grace, [which by mere touch, as de Pax rightly notes, nor would it have been alien to the grace of God. made of a harper a Prophet, of a Fisherman a preacher, a Doctor of a persecutor, of a publican an Evangelist; whose most present fire awaits no delays for changing human hearts.] These things, I say, we do not bring into dispute, who here toil only at harmonizing the contradictions of the Authors. For dispatching these, moreover, I think it is of use what I insinuated above, namely that the Contemporary, although in the matter itself he does not differ from the others, the beginnings of Lull's conversion nevertheless less in order arranged, by narrating confusedly those things which the rest a little more accurately distinguished. Unless one prefer, Bovillus and de Pax, as more recent, being neglected, to subscribe to the Anonymous alone, in which nothing of great moment, for weaving together in order Raymond's other actions, can result in detriment. But perhaps thus both those can, with the Anonymous, be reconciled; if Raymond be conceived, by the sight of the ulcerated breast led to the recognition of his folly; yet not yet converted to the love of the one God; and in that conflict of affections, to have begun a poem, serving each passion, which the Anonymous could call an Amatory song, such, namely, as before he had been accustomed to; others would prefer to name it a Mournful song: concerning which, until it comes to light, let it be free to judge to one side or the other. Determine therefore accordingly, Reader, as you please, while we meanwhile to other things make our step.

[115] To the aforesaid apparitions of the Crucified another memorable one very many writers subjoin, of which however our Authors made no mention; [Others add an apparition of the Mother of God, passed over indeed by the Contemporary,] and which accordingly I would have passed over in silence, were it not that Raymond himself makes its trust nearly undoubted. Vincent Mut narrates, that the Virgin Mother of God, carrying an infant in her arms, showed herself to Raymond at the gate of the Almudaina, near the garden of the Episcopal palace; in whose perpetual memory an image was there placed; which even today, he says, is seen in that spot: it was changed afterward, as Custurer testifies. Things akin to these Vernon and others everywhere hand down; to all whose suffrages I would attribute absolutely nothing, did not the testimony of that very Blessed move me, thus writing in the Blaquerna at num. 14, of the Parisian edition of 1632 which I have at hand. [The Queen of heaven presented her son to her friend, yet certain enough by the testimony of the Saint himself. that he might kiss his feet; and that in his book, he might write the praises and virtues of the Mother of his Beloved.] Now that by the friend Raymond is understood is more certain than that it can come into discussion. But what was prescribed, he here diligently performed, in the book On the Praises of the most Blessed Virgin, published at Paris at the house of John Petit in 1499.

[116] Lull's doctrine approved by the Parisian Academy, What our Authors concerning the approbation of Raymond's doctrine by the Parisian Academy, and others obtained from King Philip, and from the Chancellor of the University, everywhere hand down, here too in a few words I will dispatch. I said in §. 7, num. 76, that the Lullian Art was subjected to the examination of 40 Parisian Theologians in 1309. Custurer adduces the document p. 206: [The said Masters moreover asserted … by their oaths before our aforesaid jurats, that the said Art or Science was good, useful, necessary … and that in it there was nothing against the Catholic faith,] but many things for the support of the said faith. But King Philip makes known, that [having heard Master Raymond Lull, from his present bearing he reputes him to be a man good, just and Catholic, and faithfully insisting on the confirmation and exaltation of the Catholic faith. Wherefore it pleases us, says the King, that he by all worshippers of the orthodox faith, and commended by King Philip, and especially by our subjects, be treated most kindly, and that benevolent favor be bestowed on him, which we hold pleasing and acceptable. In testimony of which thing we have caused our seal to be affixed to the present letters. Given at Vernon on the 2nd of August 1310.] Nicholas de Pax reads Verona. Whichever you prefer it makes no difference: each is a city of France, this one in the Maine, that one in Normandy situated. Finally Francis of Naples left it attested in 1311, [that he had found nothing in them, which is opposed to good morals and is adverse to the sacred Theological doctrine.] The rest you may see in Custurer, p. 207, 528 and 531; where also you will find solved, whether among Lull's Approvers the famous Scotus is to be named. Moreover, what pertains to the whole doctrine of the Blessed, we have thrown into the end of this Treatise; let these few things suffice for saving the trustworthiness of the Acts. §. X. Concerning the Florins, for endowing the College of languages, which Lull was to found, assigned by King James; and concerning the lettered leaves of the mastic-tree on Mount Randa.

[117] For one about to doubt whether this kind of coin was then in use at Majorca, There is also a doubt to be elucidated concerning the foundation of the monastery, made for learning languages by the King of Majorca, about the year 1276, as I said §. 6, num. 60. In this could turn the difficulty, that in the Acts, written by Raymond's contemporary, cap. 2, num. 13, are said to be supplied for the necessities of those Religious each year five hundred florins. It is certain enough, that that monastery, although erected by Pontifical authority, by the fault of I know not whom, afterward perished; this is asked, whether at that time the coinage of Florins was known to the Majorcans; otherwise some more austere Critic could at once suspect, that that Life is later than Raymond, and accordingly to be brought back only to those times, in which in that kingdom Florins began to become known, concerning which what I should determine I was sticking uncertain. At first indeed that scruple seemed to me, and therefore to be despised: but, when afterward I noticed from the Glossary of Du Cange, where he enumerates the first, as they think, origin of Florins and their various kinds, that some difficulty could be raised; I believed the labor would not be ill placed, if for saving in every way the trustworthiness of the Acts, that matter should be sifted a little more diligently, perhaps even of future use, if ever the Glossary itself, recognized with new care, should again be put to the press.

[118] The aforesaid Author notes, under the word Floreni, that those coins, then golden, because it is said to have been first struck at Florence in 1252 were first struck among the Florentines in the year 1252; and the name of Florins given them for this cause, that on one of their sides was sculpted the flower of the lily, the other side representing the effigy of S. John the Baptist. He adds that it happened afterward, especially in Gaul, that to nearly all other golden coins the appellation of Florins was given. Whether it be entirely certain, of a value entirely different from ours; which Du Cange brings, the origin of the Florins, is of another place and disquisition; for the rest, here must first be corrected the modern imagination of men, who, while they hear Florins, immediately have recourse to that acceptation of money, which today, known in many parts of Europe, far differs from those Florins which were once struck; whose price and value, plainly diverse from ours, it is of no concern to the present undertaking more exactly to determine. But nevertheless since among all Du Cange's citations none occurred, and so, is one naming florins truly a contemporary? which referred to the Aragonese or Majorcans; a doubt remained, whether truly at that time, or in the next following centuries; any knowledge of such a coin had reached those regions; especially since in this our age they are said to be entirely ignorant of it, as from Custurer's words I was able to gather. But if in those parts that kind of money had been entirely unknown, from that part not improbably the contemporary Acts were rendered suspect of at least some forgery.

[119] I saw indeed, for the explanation of the whole doubt, that it could easily be replied, that the Anonymous, as the title of the Acts indicates, It is answered, that the French Author used the appellation, was French; that in France, where they were narrated by Raymond himself, he wrote those Acts; moreover that the coinage of Florins, at that time of which we treat, in France was without doubt known and in use. Indeed, if it were for a moment granted, that that money was not so quickly common to the French; this certainly would be undoubted, that then everywhere it was employed by them, while the Life was written; namely under the beginnings of the 14th century, a little after the celebration of the Council of Vienne. For Du Cange lately cited, from the account of the Treasurers of France, shows, that before the year 1316 Florins must have been in use indiscriminately throughout that whole kingdom. Throughout the whole, I say, kingdom: for since the right of striking golden coin was reserved to the King alone, then most well known in Gaul, it was admitted by all the subjects even of other Princes. From which one would not absurdly conclude, that the French writer could reduce the Majorcan coin to French Florins, when he said, that five hundred Florins were attributed to the aforesaid monastery. Why, since we know that at Montpellier by King James a foundation of this kind was made; and nothing is more easy, than that the King used money most received by the French, who most frequently stayed in France.

[120] And these things seem to be said quite plausibly, indeed abundantly, for solving that difficulty, whatever it be. Nevertheless, lest any place be left for cavil, I thought Custurer ought to be consulted, whether any greater light could be fetched from the very place where the monastery was erected. From whom since I have received an answer, very opportune for illustrating that whole matter concerning Florins, it will not be amiss to set forth what he replied, to the curious reader. Thus he writes: indeed even at Majorca, from a diploma of the year 1310. [That to the Majorcans also that coinage of Florins was known at that time (under the end of the 13th century), is established well enough from the privilege of James II King of Majorca, given at Majorca on the 7th of the Kalends of May 1310, which I myself read in the archive of this city, and which Vincent Mut mentions in book 3 of the History of Majorca, in the last chapter: in which the King grants to the Majorcans the faculty of striking golden coin, or golden Reals; which (these are the words of the privilege) shall be perpetually at the standard of twenty-three quilates and a half, the Florin being taken as fine and pure gold, which is said to be of twenty-four quilates. Whence it is manifestly established that in that year 1310, in which that Life was not yet written, already from of old that coin was known to the Majorcans, since indeed according to its standard was assessed the coin to be newly struck.] This Custurer: whose adduced testimony, that it is decisive, everyone sees. But let us pursue the rest, which concerning this matter accurately the same Custurer brings forth.

[121] Now that coin was golden, He notes, in Covarruvias, in the Thesaurus of the Spanish language, that Florenus is taken for a coin, on which is impressed a flower, and commonly for a certain Florentine coin. Antonio of Nebrija in the Dictionary, under the word Florin de Aragon, renders aureus Tarraconensis, so that the knowledge of the Florin must have been most ancient among the Aragonese. James the Conqueror, by a privilege granted on the 8th of the Ides of May 1247, ordered the Majorcans to use the Valencian coin, which the King himself had caused to be struck. bearing a flower on one side. On one side of which let there be a royal head crowned, and on the other side let there be a tree in the manner of a flower, on whose summit extended up to the upper circle, let be placed the ancient Cross of Christ; and therefore under the sign of the salvific Cross above the flower, as the King himself says in the same privilege. But now, since golden coin at that time was in use at Majorca, (since indeed in the letters of James II, given at Majorca on the Ides of September 1302, mention is made of double pieces of gold: which is also read in other letters of nearly the same time) not incongruously could that golden coin be called a Florin, of which great was the use at Majorca, in that and the following centuries, under the name of Florin. There exist of this matter innumerable testimonies, of which I subjoin a few.

[122] and in the 14th and 15th century common among the Aragonese, Peter, King of Aragon, by a privilege given on the 10th of October 1347, says, and under penalty of a thousand florins. John, by a privilege given on the 10th of September 1390, those three thousand florins of gold of Aragon; and again, of the florins of Aragon current today. Martin, on the 1st of December 1400, three thousand of the said florins. The same, on the 10th of October 1407, and under penalty of five hundred florins of gold of Aragon: Alphonsus, on the 5th of August 1416, under penalty of a thousand florins of gold of Aragon. The same, on the 14th of November 1438, penalty of three thousand florins of gold of Aragon. The same, on the 14th of March, 1450, let florins of gold be struck: and again, let him who strikes florins of gold so long, until it shall be otherwise provided by us, strike them in the same Mint of Majorca. All these and other privileges I saw, says Custurer, partly in the archive of the City, partly in the book of privileges of the Mint or money-house of Majorca, from which it is established, that Florins were well enough known at Majorca in ancient times, and the difficulty solved well enough from the sole privilege of James II, in which that coin is supposed from of old most well known to the Baleares. And these things more than enough, for that controversy which I instituted concerning the antiquity of Florins.

[123] Besides those things, which, taken from the Acts, here we have proposed to discuss, Concerning the lettered leaves of the mastic-tree something like a prodigy various writers narrate, both Raymond's countrymen, and also outsiders. The matter I will dispatch in a few words. Already in §. 5 we cursorily insinuated, and moreover from the course of his life it will gradually become more clear, that the blessed Martyr for several years, at the beginning of his conversion, led a solitary life on Mount Randa, intent on contemplating heavenly things, and on delineating his general Art. There is a report, and a most constant tradition among the Majorcans, that Christ at that time appeared to Raymond among the myrtles (they call it Mastic) and that it happened from that time, that the leaves of that shrub bore expressed the characters of various oriental languages. Pacificus of Provins, confusedly handed down by a modern witness, in the Persian Itinerary in Vernon p. 222 and 223, what at Majorca he had heard confusedly enough, describes in this manner: [It was said besides, he says, that when for several years (Raymond) had led an eremitical life, on a plain planted with myrtles, Christ the Lord appeared to him from some one of them, five times crucified, and dictated to him the whole science. And since he at that time, for preaching to the Moors the Gospel, was applying himself to learning the Arabic language; impressing on the leaves of that shrub Arabic characters from time to time, it happened that by a perpetual miracle, the leaves of that mastic-tree alone are adorned with those letters, which appear in no others.] These things P. Pacificus relates, confused enough, as I said: for in many circumstances he wanders from the truth.

[124] A little more exactly the prodigy, whatever it be, Custurer recalls, more distinctly two nonagenarians testify in the Process: from p. 85 of his Dissertations: nor indeed can a more faithful description of the whole matter be had, than from the authentic document, drawn up concerning that matter, on Saturday in the year 1596, for the execution of compulsory letters, given by the order of Clement VIII in 1595, in the eighth Indiction, on the 6th day of the month of March. The juridical formulas being omitted, the witnesses and actors; in this the sum of the matter consisted; that two old farmers, nonagenarians, being called, from their deposition was drawn up the aforesaid document, in which it is asserted, that [the Viceroy's Lieutenant general directed, that the aforesaid inscribed mastic-tree be shown to him by the aforesaid farmers; whither having come, the aforesaid now testifying farmers, asseveratingly said, that they had from immemorial tradition received from their elders, that there, namely in the middle of the same mastic-tree, their specimens sent to Rome and Madrid, to the said Doctor Raymond Lull, the effigy of Christ our crucified Lord had appeared; and that thence, inspired by the divine spirit, he had been instructed with celebrated doctrine. Wherefore the Illustrious Lord Jerome Tagamanent Zaforteca, in the aforesaid name, cut with his own hands many branches and shoots from the same mastic-tree, that he might transmit some of them to the Roman and Royal Curia. To all which I, Francis Antich, scribe of Majorca, for Joseph Amer, public Notary of the university, city and kingdom of the Baleares, scribe, and assisting in his stead and name, this, for the indelible and perpetual memory of the matter, the aforesaid Illustrious and Magnificent Lord Jurats commanding, received this document of public truth and faith, witnesses etc.]

[125] Moreover concerning the characters it did not pertain to the farmers to judge; the form is here expressed, nor for me, to confess the truth, is it whole to determine anything concerning them. The leaves themselves, sent to me at Majorca, I took care to have engraved on bronze, such as here I set before the eyes of the readers, that by himself each one; prejudices being set aside, may be able to judge concerning them.

[126] Custurer affirms, at the place above cited, in the Process instituted for Canonization, and their usefulness for curing the sick affirmed. by sworn testimonies, that the leaves are called prodigious and miraculous; and that it was observed long ago that nowhere on earth are mastic-trees of this kind produced; and therefore not only to the Roman, but also to the Madrid Curia, as the document testifies, leaves of that kind had to be sent. Nor were there lacking those who in the same Process swore that they asserted, among those various signs, the venerable names of Christ the Lord and Mary the Mother of God to have been discerned by them. More you may see in the praised Dissertations of Custurer, where among other things you will find, that not undeservedly those leaves are named miraculous, inasmuch as they brought health to the sick and infirm, the patronage of the blessed Martyr being invoked. This is most certain, that the places neighboring Mount Randa, exhibit very many vestiges of ancient cult, and of the veneration of the whole people toward Raymond, which for the sake of brevity, by us above in §. 2 had to be passed over.

§. XI. It is shown that Blessed Raymond explored nothing by chemical experiment, from Vincent Mut.

[127] The necessity of this little dissertation That is the old and widely-spread fable concerning Lull, so far implanted even today in the minds of many, that while sometimes I was sounding out in familiar conversation the opinion of men otherwise erudite, more than once it was said to my face and rather contentiously repeated, that they had nothing more ascertained concerning Lull's deeds, than that he both taught Chemistry, and himself many times practiced it. The intrepid assertion added goads, that what should be determined concerning this matter, I might inquire more diligently. But when I noticed the province had been forestalled; and those fabrications, injurious to the holy man, excellently confuted by Vincent Mut in the History of Majorca, and by Luke Wadding in the Annals, which through lack of documents could by no means be done by me; I held nothing more important, than to transcribe the little Dissertation, translated from Castilian into Latin, with the brief commentary of Wadding; that what is to be judged concerning those vulgar little fables, the reader himself may by himself consider. Thus writes the above-praised Vincent Mut.

[128] Some accuse Raymond, that he was a Chemist, and that in the manner of those men having made many experiments, The fable of gold formed chemically by Lull, he formed gold. This moreover they strive to demonstrate by these arguments. First, they say, some Historians have consigned to public writings, that Raymond made six millions of gold, and gave them to Edward, the Sixth of that name King of the English, with whom concerning the recovery of the Holy Land he had made a pact. They add, that from that very gold, which he had forged in England, were struck some shields, which are commonly called Sovereigns. They hand down, secondly, that Raymond himself, in certain Chemical books, insinuates that experiences of this kind were made by himself. But it is an error even to think, that that Venerable Doctor made gold or other experiments of the chemical art, defiled with the sordid contagion of avarice. It is not my mind to bring forward the reasons, which P. Riera in his Memorial alleges. According to Raymond's doctrine, he says, the simple elements cannot be separated from one another so as to be pure, and segregated from all concretion; this however is opposed to the principles of the Chemists, who assert that this is δυνατὸν (dynaton), or possible. The same Author asserts, that the chemical books, attributed to Raymond, differ much from the style of Raymond.

[129] Those reasons do not settle the matter. For to say, not refuted solidly enough by Riera, that simple things cannot be so separated, that they remain simple, and have nothing of the heterogeneous or dissimilar mixed in them, is not against the foundations of the Chemists; who do not aspire to such simplicity, but rather to mere purgation; by which, what is redundant and grosser, is so cooked away, that the virtue of some one element, in the simple, obtains the principate. Moreover the diversity of style, which between these and the other books of our Author P. Riera contends to be, can be ascribed, either to those who rendered them from the Limousin tongue into Latin, or even to the zeal of pursuing obscurity, and concealing the secrets of the art. Which is as common as it is ridiculous, this weakness of the Alchemists; not proceeding from the esteem of secrets, but from the necessity of involving ἀδυναςίαν (adynasian) or the impossibility of the matter, which by the paints and allurements of words, as δυνατὸν (dynaton) or possible they shadow forth. Wherefore I leap over to the perspicuous reasons.

[130] In certain books, attributed to Raymond, Hebrew texts are read. But it is certain that Raymond did not know Hebrew, it is more solidly refuted from Chronology, nor was it of interest to his vocation to know it. Besides, from all the works everywhere of that Venerable Master, it clearly appears, how greatly he hisses off the practical Alchemists. Now the author, whoever he is, in the book On the Mercuries, cap. 4, says that he made, in the city of Milan, some experiments of the Chemical art in the year 1333: how then could it be, that the author of those was Raymond Lull, dead eighteen years before? Moreover in his great Art, part 9, the chapter On the Elementative deduced through principles, our Blessed speaks in this manner: The Elementative has true conditions, so that one species does not transmute itself into another species, and this the Alchemists lament, and have occasion for weeping. In the book On the Tree of science, the chapter On the question of the proverbs of the flowers of the celestial Tree, and Lull himself often exploding Chemistry, he asks, whether the Chemical art is true? and rejects the answer to the chapter On the proverbs of the flowers of the celestial tree §. 6, where he says; The Sun and Venus rebuked Mercury, who makes men muse on quicksilver. And §. 8 he says: Silver is worth more in the purse, than in Mercury.

[131] In the same book, the chapter On the question of the fruits of the Elemental Tree, he asks, whether by art gold can be made from silver? and answers: The hammer does not produce a nail of itself, nor does the physician produce health of himself in the patient. In the book On the Marvels of the world, book 6, the last chapter On Alchemy; in the book entitled, Felix; and in the book On his various questions, the chapter Whether Alchemy is in reality or only in reason; he most copiously shows that the art is vain and fictitious; and denying that gold is made through it, and that chemical gold is not true gold, although it may seem to bear the appearance of gold. From which it is clear, that it can by no means be said, that Raymond by chemical experiment explored anything.

[132] whatever the Chemists wrongly allege in his name. There are to be found Chemists, who even from that so manifest declaration of our Venerable Doctor, forging a weapon for themselves, dare to say; that Raymond in all those places speaks of spurious and fictitious Chemistry, not of the true. But, I ask, does that spurious and false thing perhaps deserve the name of Chemistry? Certainly in one of the said places Raymond speaks of his general Art, and into this, as not yet at that time adulterated, the distinction of true and false cannot fall. Indeed what is worse, they invent a most ridiculous evasion, than which I scarcely know whether ignorance itself can give anything more inept. For to one asking, whether from the principles of some art a question can be solved, which thence cannot be solved, and meanwhile there to reserve the distinction of spurious or legitimate, is rather to lead into error, than to take away the doubt, concerning which the question is instituted; and it is set forth in proper words, and not so absurd, as are the words of those, who by fraudulent and lying circumlocution try to cause trouble.

[133] For neither does it suffer But if Raymond had only said, that it cannot be done, that one metal be converted into another; it would be lawful for us to maintain, that he wished to declare, that metals are not distinguished from one another by genus; and that to make silver from tin, is not properly to convert or transmute one genus into another, but so to purge the baser metal, that it acquires a certain form, species and figure of silver. But indeed that venerable Doctor explains himself much more clearly, where he says, that not even thus is it gold or silver, though it may seem to be, on account of accidents, which since they cannot sustain the force of fire, with the lapse of time vanish. But indeed to these above-said texts, which are drawn from legitimate and books of undoubted trust, to oppose other texts from the Chemical books of a doubtful author, is supremely rash. It follows therefore, that he who taught that gold cannot be made, neither handed down the laws of making gold. But when the Chemists wish to ascribe those books to Raymond, that gold is thus made; as to their legitimate author, at least it is necessary that they confess the clauses, in which is approved the artifice of making gold, to be foisted upon him.

[134] If the mind inclines to bring the controverted places to concord, the highest that can be said for excuse, since they are not his books from which they take it, is that here Raymond speaks, as of other thorny problems, which already for many centuries back very many have tried to solve, and even hitherto no one has solved. Such as are, the Squaring of the circle, the Doubling of the cube, the Fixed point, Perpetual motion, and the stone which it has everywhere pleased to call the Philosophical. For of these we investigate the demonstrations, and only not bring them into the light, but do not yet entirely attain them. We know, given the proportion of the circumference to the diameter, that the circle is epideictically squared; and given two mean proportionals, that the cube is doubled. and these, although they taught the art only problematically, Indeed we are so far from attaining those propositions and proportions, that after manifold and various apparatus, we contemplate for some time in our mind, in greater circles and lines, much more than we can perceive by sense. But while we approach the matter itself to elicit a conclusion, all things flee, all go into smoke and light breezes.

[135] This same thing happens in other problems; in the Philosophical stone, never according to Lull or the transmutation of metals. For now rashly and by chance, now by the benefit of some certain rule, we so color baser metals, and reduce them to such a form and luster, that, not attending by sense to other things than those which we attain, we judge to be true gold and silver, what is spurious. This perhaps could be the foundation of the experiences, which the vulgar Chemists so greatly extol. These problems therefore seem almost to be able to be said both soluble and insoluble. about to lead to a conclusion, As to the first, Aristotle teaches, that the Squaring of the circle indeed exists, but its demonstration has not yet been found. Which being so, these two propositions will be true; The circle can be squared demonstratively, because the demonstration of that squaring is possible: and, The circle cannot be squared actually and demonstratively, because the demonstration of that squaring Geometry has not yet found. Not for this however do the Geometers cease to set the problem, and to urge what they think make for the demonstration.

[136] Thus in this way could be reconciled certain things contradictory in appearance. yet they would teach from a hypothesis in fact impossible. Namely while Raymond called into discussion, whether by the Chemical art gold can be made? He answers, That it cannot; because that Chemistry, or that application of the art, has not been discovered up to now. But while in other writings he treats of Chemistry, speaking not of the actual conversion and transmutation, but of the possible, and of the invention of the mastery; it can be that he said a rule could be assigned, in the manner in which the Geometers propose the Squaring of the circle, possible indeed, but not yet found by anyone. So I reduce to concord the rest, which the same Raymond also writes concerning many other problems of this kind, and individually concerning the Squaring of the circle; since he wishes that to the circle squaring is suited, but not within the limits of Archimedes, which is the best and most legitimate way of examining anything; but through impossible hypotheses, and through reasoning, laboring with the vice of manifest paralogism and absurd consequence. For if the circle exceed in magnitude all isoperimetric figures; either the square and the circle, although they be isoperimetric, cannot be equal; or if they be equal, they cannot be isoperimetric. I conclude therefore, that no single man, according to Raymond's opinion, could hitherto make true gold.

[137] But the adversaries go on to thrust forward those six millions, Meanwhile how could he have forged gold for Edward 6 King of England, which he made in England, and which to Edward VI he handed over on this condition, that he should recover the Holy Land. I appeal to your faith, Reader, whether the venerable Martyr could have conversed with Edward VI, or struck a treaty of this kind. The matter is in the open. For at the time at which Raymond was born, namely in the year 1235, the scepter of England Henry III held: his successor Edward IV, was over the kingdom until the year 1305. From him reigned Edward V; and Edward VI first took the helm in 1327, dying in 1377, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, having only begun to reign in the year 1327, and so about the year 1312 brought into the light: but Raymond Lull died in 1315. See therefore how he could give so many millions to Edward VI, who eleven whole years after the Blessed's death took up the helm of the kingdom, how with an infant not yet three years old he could make a pact concerning the recovery of the Holy Land?

[138] he himself begging for the recovery of the Holy Land, Let this other reason also prevail. Who, I beseech, would persuade himself, that he knew the secret of forging gold, who with so great an expenditure of labor, through so many journeys, for liberating Jerusalem begs for it? Again, if he could by himself strike money; why, I beseech, for so holy a work, did he, like a little beggar, collect it from door to door, with so great a loss of time; which in learning the sciences, in the studies of letters, in caring for the salvation of souls he would have spent more usefully, than in seeking so miserably, what so opulently in the space of a few days he would most easily have gathered? To this argument who has fully and completely answered, I have hitherto seen no one. I ask again, how Raymond would have given money, to be expended in the apparatus of the sacred war. Did he perhaps give gold, that gold might be returned to him? This, namely, today our vulgar Chemists do, as the rest who professed gold-making: or to say it better, those as falsely rich as truly poor, who sell the artifice of making gold for gold. And yet there are found men, so unfortunate and ridiculous, that they buy this artifice; not considering, that if by the aid of such artifice gold could be made, all the gold of the whole world would be a cheap price for the seller: inasmuch as he would have it multiplied in his very artifice, nor would he need other gold for payment.

[139] which certainly neither under Edward 6 could he have practiced in England, Those of the adversaries who object, that Raymond in other little works mentioned his experiments; they certainly beg the question, because, whether such books are his offspring, is at least uncertain. Indeed by their very own argument they are vanquished. For in those Chemical books express mention is made of experiments, made in England and at Milan: since already before we have proved, that those under Edward VI in England could not be made by Raymond. But how he made them at Milan, nor concerning that, after the year 1333 could he write: dead in 1315: in the year as is pretended 1333, who in the year 1315 was overwhelmed with stones; or by what sufficient reason will it be persuaded; that books written after those experiments ought to be attributed to him, or any others, whose author insinuates those secrets to be his own offspring, as the Chemists themselves confess?

[140] much less to have forged gold for an Englishman, Some think from these things, that the argument drawn from Raymond's poverty is solved, by answering; that he, not for himself, as having embraced poverty of spirit, but for Edward VI, to inflame him with the desire of the sacred war, made gold. But if he could do this, why did he not by a stronger right strive to conciliate to himself the minds of other Princes, so benevolent toward him? That the King of England wished to favor him, we do not know; which he did not do for his own Kings, his patrons. but we do know that the Kings of the French, of Aragon and of Majorca, not only applied goads to him, but also offered their forces and money, for reducing the Holy Land into the power of the Christians. Therefore if Raymond, for the Kings of Aragon and Majorca, his legitimate Princes and Lords, and the patrons of his pious purpose, did not make gold; with what face do they wish us persuaded, that he was so liberal and munificent toward a King foreign, with whom he had so little intercourse.]

[141] Thus far Vincent Mut, to whose arguments others without doubt of no less moment could be added, The arguments of Vincent Mut if there were at hand Lull's own works, and the necessary documents of that kind, for the lack of which, not on our own, but on others' reasons it was necessary to rely. Moreover what here the Majorcan historian disputes more fully, contracted into a compendium, and not a little confirmed, Luke Wadding exhibits, tom. 3 of the Annals, at the year 1315, num. 13, 14 and 15; which for the full evidence of the matter we have thought it worth the trouble to subjoin.

[142] [By manifest reasons, he says, I convince (those) that those which are entitled Of Alchemy, (the books,) and which in any way tend toward this fallacious art and deceptive labor, Wadding contracting and confirming, are by no means Lullian. No one inveighs more against Lull against rich men of this kind falsely rich, and truly poor; nor does anyone show more openly the fallacies of this Art. In the book On questions soluble through the inventive Art, cap. 40, he shows by many reasons that Alchemy is not real, but chimerical. In the book On the marvels, cap. 39, he proves, that it is impossible by Alchemy for one metal to be transmuted into another. In the book Of the Tree of science, the chapter On the example of the fruit of the celestial tree; from Lull's true books he proves him opposed to Chemistry; he jokingly derides the Alchemists, trying to transform quicksilver into true and solid (metal). In the book On the principles of Medicine, the chapter On Cancer; that by their prince and predominant planet Mercury are deceived, he says, the Alchemists, whose purses for the most part are empty, and torn (he says) their garments.

[143] But even the very codices of Alchemy abundantly prove, that they are to be attributed to other men, but those which treat of it, are falsely ascribed to him not to Lull. In the book On experiments, which among others they ascribe to Lull, the author cites the rest, whom he recalls to have written on this Art, in which all of this subject, ascribed to Lull, are contained; so that the same is the patcher-together of this book and of the rest. But at the end of this codex, he says, that he closed the present little work at the desired end in the year 1330. But Lull, as the authors of his life, and the monuments of the Balearic Archive constantly conspire, died in the year 1315. Likewise in the book which is called The newest Testament, and is falsely ascribed to Lull, in various places he repeats the same volumes composed by himself, at whose end these words are had: We have made our testament, by the virtue of God, as having been written either after the year 1330. in the island of the land of England, in the Church of S. Catherine among the Londoners, toward the part of the Castle before the Chamber, Edward reigning by the grace of God, into whose hands we place in custody, by the will of God, the present testament, in the year after the incarnation 1332, with all things, which are named in the present testament. In the book On the Mercuries, of the same flour and author, wrongly ascribed to Lull, cap. 4 at the end, the work is said to be completed in the year 1333. How then can works written in the years 1330, 1332 and 1333, be of a man dead in the year 1315?

[144] Further in the book On 24 experiments, the author, who indicates that he too is called Raymond, His intercourse with Edward is fictitious in the Prologue narrates, that for Edward King of the English, then a youth, he found a great treasure, that he might declare war on the Saracens: who however distracted it into conquering the King of the Gauls: but, led by repentance, he says, that the same Edward, now old, sought pardon for the unjustly distracted money. But this Edward, to whom he said above that he had handed over his testament in the year 1332, is the third [VI] of this name, who began to reign in the year 1227 (read 1327) at the 14th year of his age; and died in the year 1377, in the fifty-first year of his reign, in the 65th year of his age. Since therefore he knew and addressed Edward in old age, it is necessary that he reached the year of Christ 1370 or thereabouts. And certainly under this Edward Thomas Walsingham mentions a certain Saracen physician, in the parts of Wales digging up a treasure. And hence came forth the error of those, who prolong the life of Raymond Lull to a hundred and more years.

[145] But greater still was the blunder of Nicholas Jansenius, defender of Bzovius, and the Letter to King Robert attributing to him nearly two hundred years. For he says, from Prateolus, Bzovius, Jodocus Coccius and Peña, that the gross errors of Raymond Lull were condemned by Alexander IV, in the year 1260; and afterward, from Theodore Zwinger, he reports, that the same Raymond, a most noble Alchemist, in the year 1333 wrote several little works; and eighty years after, gave an accurate letter, to Robert King of the English. I do not wish to delay concerning the name of the King, because no Robert was then reigning in England, but Richard; and others say the Letter was written to Robert King of Sicily. Raymond Lull, as is established by the assent of all, wrote nothing, unless you prolong his age in the earlier years of his age, which he spent as a layman in vanity, entirely devoid of doctrine and of the Latin tongue. But if in the year 1260 he already wrote, he had passed his fortieth year: if in the year 1333 he composed other little works, he was already completing one hundred and thirteen years: if finally after another 80 years he gave a letter to the aforesaid King, you will reckon the years of Raymond's life as two hundred, less five. Moreover Raymond Lull, born in the year 1236, converted in 1275, in the fortieth year of his age (understand this of the beginning of his peregrinations) could write nothing in the year 1260, which of his age was the 24th year.

[146] Add that in the book On the inventive Art, which he narrates he wrote under Boniface VIII, to nearly 200 years, he complains, that neither time, nor strength remained to him in his attenuated and broken body in his last old age, that the Art of memory, which he desired, he could compile. In the book also On the Council of the divine dignities, which last of all he wrote in Sicily, he reports his purpose of crossing over to the Saracens, and for Christ to undergo death, which he closes with these words: To the praise and honor of God Raymond finished this book, in the month of May, and yet only an octogenarian he died. in the city of Messina in the year 1314, in which he crossed into Africa under the month of August, and died in the following year, in nearly the eightieth or seventy-ninth year of his age, as we said in tom. 2 of our Annals, although by the Typographer's error, for the word nono (ninth), crept in anno (in the year).

[147] [Falsely also the Prologue of a true book is shown to be transferred to a Chemical one,] These computed reckonings of times being made clear, it is left manifest, that Raymond Lull has nothing in common with the books of Alchemy. But that book On the secrets of nature and the quintessence of things, which pertains here too, and is falsely attributed to Lull, has in some copies a supposititious Prologue, prefixed by some smatterer, very similar to that which the book has, whose title is The Tree of sciences, truly composed by Raymond: but as even Bzovius himself confesses, in three copies of the aforesaid book, On the secrets of nature (which he saw in the Vatican Library, and I too have consulted) all are so diverse among themselves; that even this Prologue or Preface is found in other codices, besides one Venetian one, printed in the year 1514. Let the reader therefore see, how weak an argument can hence be drawn, for proving that Lull was the compiler of that same book.]

[148] To these judgments of Wadding and Mut, what I should add, I have not: they will suffice, I think, if not to destroy, at least to weaken that inveterate opinion concerning B. Raymond's chemical experiment. To which if there be added the argument drawn from our chronology, by which it may openly appear that Raymond never even at a distance saw England, there will fall, I think, the old-womanish and putrid little fable concerning the six millions of gold forged there. Now let us exhibit the Acts themselves.

LIFE

written by an Anonymous contemporary, while the Blessed himself was still surviving, from an old Majorcan Ms.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BHL Number: 7067

A. BY A CONTEMPORARY ANONYMOUS AUTHOR.

LITTLE PREFACE.

Jesus. To the honor, praise and love of our Lord God Jesus Christ alone, Raymond, overcome by the prayers b of certain of his friends a, religious men, in France narrated and permitted to be written c these things which here follow, concerning his conversion to penance, and concerning some of his deeds.

NOTES OF J. B. S.

From this little preface it is clear, that, as I said above §. 4, this Life of Raymond seems, if not written by several, at least compiled from the relation of several by some one person.

ADMONITION I. B. S.

This now I especially wished you to be warned of, reader, that in the rest of the Notes to this Life, this one thing is done, that what things are more obscure, may be explained, the slips of copyists may be restored, the gaps filled, finally that what things in the disputations with the Saracens are rather harsh, may be smoothed. The rest, if there be any worthy of note, either I have already in §. 6, 9 and 10 set forth, or I will throw into the Annotations on the second Life, where the few things which perhaps still occur, the doubtful, can more conveniently be illustrated.

CHAPTER I.

Raymond's conversion from the wantonness of the world by the apparition of Christ: the desire of martyrdom: ardent zeal for converting the Saracens: his first peregrination. He learns Grammar and the Arabic language from a slave, by whom he is nearly killed.

Raymond, Seneschal of the table of the King of Majorca, while still a youth given too much to composing vain songs or verses, and other wantonness of the world; was sitting one night beside his bed, Entangled in his obscene loves, prepared to dictate and write, in his vernacular, a certain song concerning a certain lady, whom he then loved with foolish love. While therefore he began to write the aforesaid song; looking to the right, he saw the Lord Jesus Christ, as it were hanging on the cross: at which sight, he feared; and leaving, what he had in his hands, his bed, that he might sleep, he entered. But on the morrow rising, and to his accustomed vanities returning, he cared not for that vision; indeed, as quickly as eight days afterward a, in the place where before, and at the same hour, by the appearance of the Crucified, again he prepared himself to write and complete his aforesaid song. To whom the Lord again on the cross appeared as before: but he, then terrified more than at first, his bed again entering, as before fell asleep. But still on the morrow, neglecting the apparition made to him, he did not dismiss his wantonness; indeed after a little while, his begun song he strove to complete; until to him a third and fourth time successively, some days being interposed, the Savior, in the form always as at first, appears. At the fourth or fifth time, as is rather believed, the same apparition being made to him, appearing at repeated times, terrified exceedingly, his bed he entered; with himself all that night treating by thinking, what those visions so often repeated ought to signify. Hence his conscience also dictated to him, that those apparitions intended nothing else, than that he soon, the world being left, to the Lord Jesus Christ from then should entirely serve.

[2] he understands himself warned, But thither his conscience, often guilty and unworthy of Christ's service, cried out b; and so upon these things, now with himself disputing, now more attentively praying to God, he passed that most laborious night sleepless. At length, the Father of lights granting it, he considered Christ's meekness, that he may entirely serve Jesus Christ. patience and mercy, which Jesus had toward any sinners; and so he understood at last most certainly, that God willed, that Raymond should leave the world, and to Christ, with his heart from then entirely should serve.

[3] Wherefore finding nothing more pleasing to the Savior, He began therefore within himself by thinking to treat, what would be the service most pleasing to God. And to him it seemed, that better or greater service to Christ no one could do, than for his love and honor to give his life and soul; and this, in converting to his worship and service the Saracens, who by their multitude on every side c surround the Christians. But amid these things, returning to himself, he understood that for so great a business he had no knowledge; inasmuch as he had not even learned anything, perhaps not the least, of Grammar. Whence dismayed in mind, he began much to grieve. But while he with a mournful mind was turning these things over, than the conversion of the Saracens, behold, he himself did not know what indeed God knows, there set up his heart a vehement, and filling, certain dictate d of mind, that he himself was going to make afterward one book e, better at last against the errors of the infidels.

[4] three things he firmly resolved with himself: But nevertheless since he, concerning making such a book, saw as yet no form, nor manner, he grieved exceedingly. Yet the more he upon this was more and more often grieved, the more strongly that instinct, or dictate of making the aforesaid book, within him grew. But again considering, if God, in the process of time, the grace of making the aforesaid book should bestow, yet little or nothing he alone could do; thence especially, since he the Arabic language, which is proper to the Saracens, was wholly ignorant of. But for this it came into his mind, that he should go to the Pope, to Kings also and Christian Princes, to die for Christ, to excite them, and to obtain from them, that they should establish in various kingdoms or provinces apt for this, monasteries, in which chosen religious persons, and others suitable for this, might be placed to learn the languages of the aforesaid Saracens and other infidels; that from the same, afterward there suitably instructed, there might often readily be assumed and sent suitable persons, to compose a book, for the conversion of the Saracens to preach and manifest to the aforesaid Saracens and other infidels, the pious truth, which is in Christ, of the catholic faith.

[5] These three aforesaid articles therefore in his mind now firmly conceived; namely concerning death to be endured for Christ, and to procure monasteries where the Arabic language might be learned. converting to his service the infidels, concerning the aforesaid book, if God should grant it, even making it, as well as concerning monasteries to be obtained for various languages to be learned, as above was touched upon; on the morrow he soon ascended to the church, which was not far distant from there; and the Lord Jesus Christ devoutly, weeping abundantly, he besought, that these aforesaid three things, which he himself had mercifully inspired into his heart, to the effect pleasing to himself he would deign to bring.

[6] After these things, returning to his own, since he was still too much imbued with worldly life and wantonness; become more remiss, but by the example of S. Francis, in the aforesaid three businesses to be pursued, through three subsequent months, namely until the following feast of S. Francis, he was quite tepid and remiss. But on that same feast, a certain Bishop preaching among the Friars Minor of the city of Majorca, Raymond himself being present, that namely the aforesaid S. Francis, all things being left and rejected, that to Christ alone more firmly he might deserve to be joined; [kindled anew,] Raymond too then, provoked by the example of S. Francis, his possessions being soon sold, a few thereof being nevertheless reserved for the sustenance of his wife and of his children, committing himself wholly to Christ, departed, with the intention of never returning to his own; to S. Mary of the Rock f of the lover, he sets out to S. M. of the Rock of the lover and to Compostela. to S. James of Compostela, and to various other holy places, for the cause of beseeching the Lord and his Saints, for his direction, in those three things which God, as above is said, had sent into his heart.

[7] His aforesaid peregrination therefore being completed, he thought to seize upon a journey to Paris, S. Raymond of Peñafort advising for the cause of learning there Grammar, and some other science suited to his purpose: but from this journey, his parents and friends, especially g Brother Raymond of the Order of Preachers, who once for Lord Gregory IX had compiled the Decretals, by their persuasions and counsels turned him aside, and made him return to his city, namely Majorca. And when he had come thither, the more solemn garments being left, returned to his own, which until then he had used; he assumed for himself a cheap habit of cloth, the coarsest he himself could find; and so in the same city he learned part of Grammar; he learns Grammar, and having bought for himself there a certain Saracen, the Arabic language he learned from the same.

[8] Then after nine years it happened, that that Saracen, and the Arabic language from his slave: Raymond being on a certain day absent, blasphemed the name of Christ: which when, on returning, Raymond learned from those who had heard the blasphemy; moved by excessive zeal for the faith, he struck that Saracen on the mouth, forehead and face; the Saracen indeed, conceiving thence excessive rancor, from then began in mind to treat, how his master he could kill. And when, a sword being prepared for himself, whom, when he had reproved him as he blasphemed, on a certain day he saw his master sitting alone; he rushed upon him suddenly, at the same time striking him with the aforesaid sword, and with a terrible roar cried out; You are dead.

[9] But Raymond, although then the arm of the striker, with which then the sword was held, as it pleased God, he had somewhat repelled; yet a grave wound, though not lethal, upon his stomach from the striker's blow he received: yet prevailing himself in strength, that Saracen he put under himself h: and the sword violently took away from the same. by him he was all but killed. Then, the household running up, Raymond forbade that they should kill the Saracen: he permitted however that they should put him bound in prison, until he himself had deliberated with himself, what concerning him would chiefly have to be done. For severe it seemed to him to slay him, by whose teaching him the much-desired language, namely Arabic, Perplexed, he consults God, he now knew; but to dismiss him or hold him longer he feared, knowing that he himself would not cease from then to machinate his death. Perplexed therefore concerning this, he ascended to an abbey, which was near, praying there to the Lord upon this matter most instantly for three days: which being completed, wondering that, with the aforesaid perplexity still remaining in his heart, the Lord, as it seemed to him, had by no means heard his prayer; sad to his house he returned. And when, coming thither, he had turned aside to the prison, and finds a little after that the slave had broken his throat with a noose. to visit his captive; he found that he, by the rope with which he had been bound, had strangled himself. Raymond therefore rendered thanks to God, glad that even from the killing of the aforesaid Saracen, he had kept his hands innocent; and from that grave perplexity, for which a little before he had anxiously besought him, had freed him.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER II.

On Mount Randa illustrated divinely, he writes the General Art. His setting out for Montpellier, Rome, Paris, Genoa. His vain trepidation, which being overcome, he hastens to Tunis.

[10] After these things Raymond ascended into a certain mountain of Randa, On Mount Randa which was not far distant from his house, for the cause of more tranquilly contemplating God there: on which when he had now stayed not fully eight days, it happened on a certain day, while he stayed there, attentively gazing at the heavens, how suddenly the Lord illustrated his mind, giving to him the form and manner of making the book, divinely illustrated, of which above is said, against the errors of the infidels; for which Raymond rendered immense thanks to the Most High; he descended from that mountain, and returning soon to the Abbey de la Real aforesaid, began to arrange and make that book, calling it first the Greater Art, but afterward, the General Art: under which art several, as follows below, he made books, in the same explaining the much more general principles and the more specific ones, he writes the General Art according to the capacity of the simple, as experience had taught him. After therefore Raymond, standing in the aforesaid Abbey, had composed his book; he ascended again into the aforesaid mountain: and in the same place, in which his feet had stood, while in that mountain the Lord had shown him the manner of the Art; he made for himself a hermitage, and he builds a hermitage: dwelling in the same continually for four months and more; by day and night beseeching God, that him and the art which he had given him, to his honor and to the advancement of his Church, by his mercy he would direct prosperously a.

[11] While therefore he stood thus in the hermitage praying in it; there came to him a certain shepherd of sheep, by an unknown shepherd of sheep a youth of cheerful and comely face, telling him in a single hour so many and so great good things of God and of heavenly things, namely of the Angels and of others; namely as many and as great, as it seemed to him, as anyone whatever other man, hardly through two whole days would have spoken; and that shepherd seeing Raymond's books, kissed them on bended knees, watering them: and said to Raymond, that through those books many good things would come to the Church of Christ. That shepherd also blessed Raymond with many blessings, he is heaped with many blessings. as it were prophetic, signing his head and his whole body with the seal of the holy Cross, and withdrew. But Raymond considering all these things, wondered; for that shepherd he himself had never seen elsewhere, nor of him had heard anyone speak.

[12] After these things the King of Majorca, having heard that Raymond had now made many good books, Hence summoned by the King to Montpellier, sent for him that he should come to Montpellier, where the King himself then was. And when Raymond had come, the King had him examined by a certain Brother of the Order of Minorites, [and] his books, but especially certain meditations, which he had made in devotion upon all the days of the year, he subjects his books to examination; assigning 30 special paragraphs to each day; which meditations, full of philosophy and catholic devotion, not without admiration that Brother found. Raymond therefore made upon the aforesaid Art, given to him on the mountain, in that city, one book, calling it the Demonstrative Art, which also he lectured on there publicly: he made upon the same his lecture, in which he declares, how the first form and first matter constitute the elemental chaos b; and that those five universals, and he writes the Demonstrative Art. and the ten predicaments, descend from that chaos, and are contained in the same according to catholic and theological truth.

[13] The monastery being obtained from the king, for learning languages, Under the same time Raymond also obtained from the aforesaid King of Majorca, that one monastery be constructed in his kingdom, and endowed with sufficient possessions, and in the same thirteen Friars Minor be instituted, who the language there should learn, the Arabic, for converting the infidels, as above is expressed: to whom, as well as to others, succeeding others in the same monastery, perpetually from the aforesaid possessions, for their necessities, there should be supplied each year five hundred florins. After these things Raymond went to the Roman Curia, for the cause of obtaining, if he could, To Rome for the same cause he proceeds. from the Lord Pope and the Cardinals, that monasteries of this kind, for learning languages, be instituted throughout the world. But when he had arrived at the Curia, he found the Pope then recently dead, namely Pope Honorius IV: on account of which, the Curia being abandoned, At Paris he lectures on the Art, he directed toward Paris his steps, to communicate there to the world the Art which God had given him.

[14] he reduces it at Montpellier to four figures, Coming therefore Raymond to Paris, in the time of Chancellor Berthold, he lectured in his hall on the Commentary of the General Art, by the special precept of the aforesaid Chancellor: and that Commentary having been lectured through at Paris, and the manner of the Scholars having been seen there, to Montpellier he returned: where anew he lectured, and made also a book, calling it the Art inventive of truth; placing in that book, as also in all other books, which from then he made, only four figures; the twelve figures out of sixteen, which he had placed in his Art, being cut away, or rather dissimulated, on account of the frailty of the human intellect, which he had experienced at Paris. All which at Montpellier being duly completed; and at Genoa he turns it into Arabic. seizing upon a journey he came to Genoa; where, making no long stay, the aforesaid book of the Inventive Art he translated into Arabic.

[15] He returns to Rome to obtain monasteries: Which done, he directed to the Roman Curia his steps, desiring there, as before, to obtain that monasteries be made throughout the world, for various languages, as above is said, to be learned. But there then, on account of the impediments of the Curia, profiting little concerning his purpose, with deliberate counsel having proceeded he came to Genoa, that thence he might cross over into the land of the Saracens, to try whether he at least alone could profit in something among them, by conferring with their wise men, thus manifesting to the same, according to the Art given to him by God, the Incarnation of the Son of God, the matter unaccomplished he returns to Genoa, as well as the most Blessed Trinity of the Divine Persons in the supreme unity of essence: which the Saracens themselves do not believe, indeed blind, they assert that we Christians worship three Gods. And when among the Genoese it was quickly divulged, that Raymond had now come to cross over into the land of the Saracens, for the cause of converting them to the faith of Christ, if he could; the people were much edified thereby; hoping that God through him willed to do some good thing among them c upon the Saracens: for the Genoese had heard, that Raymond himself, after his conversion to penance, had received on a certain mountain divinely a certain sacred science for the conversion of the infidels.

[16] But when the Lord had thus visited Raymond, with so great joy of the people, as it were at a certain dawn; the same by a most grave temptation suddenly began to prove. about to cross over into Africa, For when for crossing over, as is touched on above, the ship and other things had been prepared, and all the books brought into the ship with all the other things; there came, from certain occasions, to him as if something fixed in his mind, but by fear of death he draws back. namely, that if he crossed over to the Saracens, they would soon at his coming slay him, at least commit him to perpetual prison. Wherefore Raymond, fearing for his skin (as in the Lord's passion once, S. Peter the Apostle) and forgetful of his aforesaid purpose, by which namely he had resolved to die for Christ in converting to his worship the infidels, Hence afflicted with grief, at Genoa, detained by a certain inert fear, remained. And so perhaps, lest he should vainly presume of himself, the Lord permitting or dispensing it, he was for a time deserted d. But with the aforesaid ship now departing from Genoa, he falls grievously sick: Raymond soon, upon this that he, by thus enormously remaining, had given scandal to the people… on account of which he was touched with so great grief of his heart, that in body by fevering he most grievously fell sick… e

[17] While therefore Raymond was thus held by a grave languor of body and soul; there reached him a rumor, then impatient of delay, that a certain galley, standing in the port, had prepared itself to cross over to Tunis: which heard, he, as if waking from a heavy sleep, soon had himself carried into that ship with his books. But his friends, seeing him existing at the door of death, having compassion on him; even unwilling drew him from the ship, which much grieved him. But nevertheless Raymond, his friends dissuading in vain, long after, having learned, that a certain other ship, which the Genoese commonly call a Barque, to the aforesaid city or kingdom of the Saracens, namely Tunis, had prepared itself to go; had himself, with his books and his other necessaries, against the wishes and counsels of his friends, carried into that barque. And soon, when the sailors, he hastens to Tunis. going out of the port, began to sail; Raymond the soundness of conscience, which under the aforesaid clouding he had believed himself to have lost, suddenly glad in the Lord, by the merciful illumination of the holy Spirit recovered, together with the soundness of his languid body: so much that he within very few days, all wondering who with him had come, even he himself, felt himself in so good a state of mind and body, as before he had been in his whole past life.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER III.

Disputation with the Saracens. Peril of death. His arrival at Naples. Vain efforts with the Pontiff, the Genoese, and the King of France. He makes an excursion into Cyprus, whence again he seeks the Gauls.

[18] Having landed at Tunis, Due thanks therefore being thence rendered to God, quickly afterward they entered the port of Tunis; and ascending onto the land, they entered the city. Raymond therefore, the more skilled in the law of Mahomet being convoked gradually from day to day, among other things said to them; that he well knew the reasons of the law of the Christians in all its articles, and that to this he had come, that he, the reasons of their law, namely of Mahomet, being heard, if he found those, a conference being held among them upon these things, stronger than the reasons of the Christians, would be converted to their sect a. And when thus from day to day more and more skilled in the law of Mahomet flowed to him, showing to the same the reasons of their law, that thus him to their sect they might convert; he disputes with the Mohammedans; he, satisfying their reasons lightly easily, said: That faith it befits every wise man to hold, which to the eternal God, whom all the wise men of the world believe, attributes greater goodness, power, glory and perfection, and also assigns all things of this kind in greater equality and concordance.

[19] That faith also concerning God is more praiseworthy, which between God, who is the supreme and first cause, and his effect places greater concordance or agreement b; as I bring forward through what things have been proposed to me by you c: and now you all Saracens, who are under the law of Mahomet, and from the principles do not understand in the aforesaid and in other such divine dignities, that the proper acts d are intrinsic and eternal, without which he himself would have been idle even from eternity. e But the acts of Goodness I call, the Goodening, the to-be-goodened, the to-goodify; the acts also of Magnitude, of his general Art, are the Magnifying, the to-be-magnified, the to-magnify f, and so of all the other aforesaid divine dignities, and the like. But because you attribute those aforesaid acts, to only two divine dignities or reasons, as I now see, namely to wisdom and will; it is manifest from this, that you in all the other aforesaid divine reasons, namely Goodness, Magnitude &c., leave idleness, and consequently place also inequality and discord among the same, which is not allowed g. Through the stable intrinsic acts of the aforesaid dignities, reasons, he tries to demonstrate or attributes, and eternal, equally and concordantly taken, as is fitting, the Christians prove evidently morally h, that in one most simple essence and nature there is a Trinity of Persons, namely of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.

[20] The Mystery of the Most Holy Trinity. Which I too through a certain Art, to a certain Christian Hermit lately divinely (as is believed) revealed, will be able to demonstrate to you by clear reasons i, if you with me upon these things will be willing for a few days with a tranquil mind to confer k. For it will appear to you, if it please, most reasonably l through the same Art, that in the Incarnation of the Son of God, through the participation of the union of the Creator and the creature in the one person of Christ, the first and supreme cause with its effect most reasonably accords and agrees: and that also most greatly and most nobly this appears in the same Son of God Christ's passion, which he aptly of the assumed humanity sustained, by his voluntary and most merciful condescension, for us sinners to be redeemed from the sin and corruption of the first parent, and to be brought back to the state of glory and of divine fruition; for which, and to which state, finally us men blessed God made.

[21] Since therefore upon such things Raymond now seemed to illuminate the minds of the infidels; accused before the king it happened that a certain Saracen, not a little famous, who had perceived both the words and the intention of Raymond, with exhortation supplicated the King, that as quickly as possible this man, who strove to subvert the people of the Saracens, and also with rash daring, to destroy the law of Mahomet, he would order to be beheaded. Upon which matter while a council was held, that he was subverting the Saracens, the famous approved man and very many others instigating, now the King's will was inclining toward the death of Raymond. Which seeing one of them, prudent and learned, tried to oppose so great a crime, by persuading the King, that it would not be honorable to him, to kill such a man; who although his Christian law he strove to spread, with copious maturity of goodness and prudence seemed to abound; adding, that he too would be reputed a good Saracen, who to the Christians dared to go, for the cause of imprinting the law of the Saracens on the hearts of others. The King moreover, acquiescing in speeches of this kind and the like, hardly is he withdrawn from death; desisted from the death of Raymond; but nevertheless ordered immediately that he be expelled from the Kingdom of Tunis. When therefore he was being taken out of prison, he suffered from many many reproaches, blows and hardships.

[22] Then at length he was led to a certain ship of the Genoese, and grieving soon about to depart: and while he had proceeded, it was edicted by the King that he should be utterly stoned, if in any way he should be found again in the country. Wherefore Raymond grieved immensely; for he had disposed men of famous reputation and others very many to baptism, whom before his departure with all his soul he desired to lead to the perfect light of the orthodox faith. But when by the sting of perplexity of this kind the man of God was held afflicted, the well-begun mission it happened, that that ship upon which he had been led, set out for its own home. Which seeing Raymond, he felt tribulations threatening him on every side. For if he departed, he saw the souls, which he had now disposed to the Christian worship, he is compelled to desert: slipping back into the snare of eternal damnation; but if he should presume to remain, now the madness of the Saracens, prepared for his death, he recognized.

[23] For burning wholly with the love of God, he did not fear to enter the perils of death; and in vain he tries to return to it. if however from this he could obtain for souls some effect of salvation: and the departing ship being left, a certain other one in the same port he secretly entered; for he hoped, if in any way he could, to come to land, without the impediment of the bestial onset; in order that in the aforesaid things, the good work which he had begun, he might consummate. These things therefore so standing, it happened that a certain Christian, in gesture and habit similar to Raymond, passed through the city; whom, suspecting the Saracens to be Raymond, they seized; and while they wished to stone him, that man cried out; I am not Raymond. And investigating, they learned Raymond to be in the ship, and that man escaped from their hands: and Raymond remained there three weeks. Who seeing, that he could fulfill nothing there for Christ's service, he lands at Naples. came to Naples, and there lecturing on his Art, he stayed until the election of the Lord Pope Celestine the Fifth.

[24] After these things Raymond went to the Roman Curia, that he might obtain something long desired by him, Profiting nothing with the Pope; as above is expressed, for the faith of Christ from the Lord Pope; and there he composed books. But some time having passed, to the Lord Celestine Pope the Fifth succeeded the Lord Boniface Pope the Eighth; whom also with all his strength Raymond strove to supplicate, for some advantages of the Christian faith: and although he suffered many straits, by frequently following the supreme Pontiff, from his intention he by no means desisted; hoping that he would undoubtedly deign to hear him, because not for his own good or a prebend, but incessantly for the public good of the Catholic faith he supplicated. At length, however, Raymond seeing, nor at Genoa, that from the supreme Pontiff he could obtain nothing; set out for the city of Genoa, where he compiled some books. Then he came to the King of Majorca; and a colloquy being entered into together, nor with the King of France, he seized upon a journey to Paris; and there lecturing on his Art publicly, he compiled very many books. Afterward he addressed the King, supplicating him concerning certain things most useful to the holy Church of God; he composes books; but seeing that he obtained little or nothing concerning such things, having returned to Majorca, there making a stay, and at Majorca he strives to convert the Saracens. he tried both by disputations and also by preachings, to draw the innumerable Saracens dwelling there, into the way of salvation, and he made there also some books.

[25] It happened therefore, while Raymond was toiling at such labors, that news ran about: Allured by a new hope of bringing back the schismatics, namely, that the Emperor of the Tartars m, Cassanus, had attacked the kingdom of Syria, and the whole of it was encompassing under his dominion. Which when also Raymond had heard, a ship being found ready, he crossed over as far as Cyprus, and there found that news to be entirely false. Seeing therefore Raymond, that he was frustrated of the intention with which he had come; he heads into Cyprus: he began to search out another way, by which he could the time granted to him by God, not in idleness, but rather in a work acceptable to God, and profitable to his neighbor, consummate: for he had laid up in his heart, to himself watchful, that counsel of the Apostle saying: But doing good let us not fail, for in our time we shall reap, not failing; and of the Prophet saying: Going they went and wept, casting their seeds, but coming they shall come with exultation, carrying their sheaves. Gal. 6:9, Ps. 125:6

[26] whence he asks to be sent to the Soldan of Egypt, Raymond therefore approached the King of Cyprus, with much affection supplicating him, that certain infidels and schismatics, namely Jacobites, Nestorians, Maronites n, he would compel to come to his preaching and also disputation. With this also he supplicated, that, what there he could do being done, for the edification of the aforesaid; the King of Cyprus would wish to send him to the Soldan, who is a Saracen, and to the King of Egypt and Syria, that he might inform them of the holy Catholic faith. The King however cared not for all these things. Then Raymond, but despised by the King of Cyprus, trusting in him who evangelizes the word in much power, by preachings and disputations among them began, with the help of God alone, manfully to work. But at length insisting on preachings and doctrines, with no small bodily infirmity he was burdened. Now two served him, by his servants he is poisoned, namely a Clerk and a servant; who not placing God before their sight, forgetful of their own salvation, thought to extort the goods of the man of God o with criminal hands; and when he recognized himself poisoned by them, Raymond drove them from his service, with a meek heart.

[27] Coming to Famagusta, he was received cheerfully by the Master of the Temple, who was in the city of Limisso, and restored to himself returns to Genoa; staying in his house, until he had recovered his former health. After this moreover Raymond, crossing over to Genoa, published very many books there. Then having set out for Paris, also his Art efficaciously there he lectured, thence again to Paris he comes. and very many books he compiled. In the time therefore of the Lord Clement Pope V, departing from the city of Paris, he arrived at Lyons: and residing there, the supreme Pontiff he supplicated concerning a matter of most abundant goodness for the faith: At Lyons also he labors in vain. namely, that the Lord Pope himself would decree that monasteries be made, in which men should be constituted devout and apt; who learning the languages of various peoples, might be able to all the infidels to preach the Gospel, according to the Lord's mandate, saying: Go into the whole world, preach the Gospel to every creature. Mark 16:15 Which supplication indeed was of little concern both to the Lord Pope and also to the Cardinals.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER IV.

A new contest with the Saracens at Bugia, whence after a long imprisonment, by the royal order he is expelled. From shipwreck he lands at Pisa. At Genoa, Paris and Avignon, what he had long meditated, he proposes; but in vain.

[28] Carried to Bugia, Hence Raymond, having returned to Majorca, crossed over to a certain land of the Saracens, which is called Bugia; in whose city's solemn square standing, Raymond exclaimed with a loud voice, breaking forth into these words: The law of the Christians is true, holy, and acceptable to God: but the law of the Saracens is false and erroneous, and this I am prepared to prove. While indeed saying such things, [to] the faith of Christ, the now-assisting multitude of Pagans in the language of the Saracens he was exhorting; there rushed many with wicked hands upon him, wishing to stone him utterly. With these so raging against him, the Prelate or Bishop a of the city, sending messengers, intrepidly he reproves the Saracens: orders this man to be led to him: to whose sight Raymond being presented, says the Bishop; Why have you been deceived with such great folly, that [for] the Christian law, the law of Mahomet you have presumed to attack? Do you not know that any man so presuming is subject to capital sentence? Raymond answered: A true servant of Christ, having experienced the truth of the Catholic Faith, the perils of bodily death ought not to fear, where the grace of spiritual life he can for the souls of the faithful obtain.

[29] to whose Prelate To whom the Bishop said: If therefore you believe the law of Christ to be true, but the law of Mahomet false consider, adduce a necessary reason proving this. For that Bishop was famous [in] Philosophy. But Raymond answered: Let us both agree in some common thing; then a necessary reason b I will give you. Which when it had pleased the Bishop, Raymond interrogated him, saying: Is God perfectly good? The Bishop answered, that yes. Then Raymond, wishing to prove the Trinity, thus began to argue: Every being perfectly good, is in itself so perfect, that it does not need to do good outside itself, and to beg. c You say, that God is perfectly good from eternity and to eternity: therefore he does not need to beg, he tries to demonstrate and to do good outside himself. Because if so, then he would not be perfectly good simply: and because you deny the most Blessed Trinity, supposing that it is not, God was not perfectly good from eternity, the mystery of the Most Holy Trinity: until he produced the good world in time.

[30] But you believe the Creator of the world, and therefore God was more perfect in goodness, when he created the world in time, wherefore most badly received, than before; since goodness is more good by diffusing itself, than by existing idle: but this I have for you. But for myself I have, that goodness from eternity to eternity is diffusive; and this is of the nature of the good, that it is diffusive of its very self; since God the Father, good, of his goodness generates his Son, and from both the good Holy Spirit is inspired. Therefore the Bishop, stupefied by a reason of this kind, did not reply even one objection; but ordered him to be committed to prison. But the multitude of the Saracens stood outside, waiting to kill him. But nevertheless an edict went out from the Bishop, then into a foul prison he is cast: that against the death of this man they should by no means conspire: for he intended himself to expose the said man to a death worthy. Raymond therefore going out of the house of the Bishop, going to the prison, here indeed beaten with blows of staffs, here of hands; thence indeed by the beard, which had been long, sharply dragged; he was shut up near the latrine of the prison of thieves, where for some time a painful life he led.

[31] But afterward he was placed in a certain little house of the same prison. then demanded for death, But on the next day there gathered the Clerks of the law before the Bishop, seeking to kill him. A council being entered into how they should destroy him, it was determined by the greater part, that Raymond should be brought; and if they could perceive him to be a learned man, he should be utterly killed: but if he were a foolish and stupid man, they should dismiss him as a fool. Which hearing one of them, by the work of the Catalans and Genoese, who had crossed over from Genoa to Tunis with Raymond, and who had heard his discourses and reasons frequently, said to them: See that you do not present this man in the praetorium, for such men against our law will move reasons, which it will be difficult, or impossible for you to solve. Then indeed agreeing that he should not be brought, a little time having passed, they changed him into a more savage prison. Then the Genoese and Catalans there existing having gathered, more honorably he is detained; obtained, that he be put into a more fitting place, which was done.

[32] Raymond therefore stayed for half a year imprisoned there; and for half a year to whom coming the Clerks or messengers of the Bishop frequently, that him to the law of Mahomet they might convert; they promised him wives, honors, a house and copious money. But founded upon a firm rock the man of God Raymond, said: I, if you will be willing to believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and that erroneous law you will take care to put to flight, supreme riches to you and eternal life I promise. But while on such things he frequently insisted, he contends with the Mohammedans, it was agreed, that each one should make a book, and there each side its law, by what efficacious reasons it could, should confirm; besides, whoever used the firmer reasons, his law would be believed the truer. And when Raymond now to his book was giving efficacious work, it happened that from the part of the King of Bugia one was sent, who in the city of Constantine d at that time was residing, that Raymond from Bugia, the letters being seen, should be expelled. and at last he is expelled.

[33] Ascending therefore a certain ship in that port, Having suffered shipwreck, it was commanded to the master of the said ship, that in that land he should not allow this man any longer to remain. While therefore that ship was now crossing over, it happened that above the port of the Pisans, a strong tempest of the sea arose: for they were ten miles distant from the port of the Pisans; and when the ship on every side suffered most grievous impulses of the storms, at length suffering shipwreck, some died and were submerged; but others by the foregoing help of God escaped, among whom Raymond and his companion, all the books and baggage e being lost, who, naked f upon a boat to the shores of the Upper sea came. And coming into the city of Pisa, hardly does he escape to Pisa: certain of the citizens received him honorably: where the man of God, although he was now old and weak, yet always insisting on labor for Christ, his general Art ultimately perfected: of which Art indeed, as well as of his other books, the immense efficacy, where he perfects the general Art: by savory and perfect reconsideration, is worthy, that one should aim not at this world's glory, or vain Philosophy, but at the firm love and wisdom of God, as the ultimate end and supreme good.

[34] and he persuades that a military Order be instituted. The aforesaid Art therefore being completed, and many other books there consummated, wishing also to incite the Community of the city of Pisa to Christ's service, he proposed to their Council, that it would be good, that into the same Order should be constituted Christian Soldiers, ordained for this, namely, that for recovering the Holy Land, they should maintain continual battle against the perfidious Saracens; to whose pleasing eloquence, and pleasing admonition condescending, letters to the supreme Pontiff and Cardinals upon this kind of salutary business they wrote. The liberality of the Genoese Matrons. But those letters being obtained in the city of Pisa, to Genoa a journey he seized: similar letters he obtained. Where to him devout matrons and very many widows running together, and other nobles of the same city, promised him 30 g thousand florins in aid of the Holy Land. Having departed therefore from Genoa he came to the Pope, then at that time residing at Avignon: but seeing that of his purpose there he could obtain something not, to Paris he seized upon a journey; where both his Art he lectured publicly, and other very many books, which he had made in times past. But there was present at his lecture, a multitude of Masters and also of Scholars: At Paris again he lectures on the Art; to whom not only with physical reasons he exhibited his strengthened doctrine, but also by other principles of the Christian Faith, in a wonderful way confirmed wisdom he set forth.

[35] and there he shows against Averroes, But on account of the sayings of the Commentator of Aristotle, namely Averroes, he saw very many from the rectitude of truth, especially of the Catholic Faith, not a little deviate, saying; that the Christian faith, as to the manner of understanding, is impossible h; but they opine it to be true, as to the manner of believing, since they are to the College of Christians attached. Therefore Raymond, by the way demonstrative and scientific, striving to disprove this conception of theirs, that faith is not against natural reason. refuting them in manifold ways reduced them, because if the Catholic faith of understanding is impossible, it is impossible that it be true; i upon which indeed he made books. But after these things, knowing Raymond, that by the most holy Father the Lord Pope Clement V a general Council was to be celebrated at the city of Vienne, From Clement V he asks three things; in the year of the Lord 1311, on the Kalends of October; he proposed to go to the said Council, that three things there k he might obtain for the repair of the orthodox faith.

[36] First indeed, that a sufficient place should be constituted, A College for learning languages, in which men devout and vigorous in intellect, should be placed, studying in various kinds of languages; who with all charity might know the doctrine Evangelical to preach. The second indeed, that of all the Religious Christian Soldiers, the union of the military Orders, there should be made one Order, who beyond the sea against the Saracens, until the recovery of the Holy Land continual wars should maintain. But the third, that against the opinions of Averroes, who in many things was a perverter, the Lord Pope should quickly ordain a remedy, and that Averroes be eliminated from the schools. which through intelligent and Catholic men, not aiming at their own glory, but at Christ's honor, should resist the aforesaid opinions and those holding them, which seem to oppose the uncreated Truth and Wisdom, the Son of God the Father. And of this Raymond compiled a certain little book, which is entitled the Book Natalis; promising besides to have compelling reasons, both physical and theological against them: which indeed most clearly he treated, in some of his books. For this servant of God, a true expresser of the supreme Truth and most profound Trinity, among his daily labors made one hundred and twenty-three books and more.

[37] For now forty years l had elapsed, after his whole heart and his whole soul, How many books he composed, all and his whole strength, and his whole mind to God he had directed; in which interval of time books he made continually, when he could be at leisure and diligently: wherefore the word of the Prophet David he deservedly could pronounce, saying: My heart hath uttered a good word: I speak my works to the king: my tongue is the pen of a scribe, writing swiftly. Ps. 44:1 Truly his tongue was the pen of that uncreated scribe, namely of the Holy Spirit, who gives the word to those evangelizing in much power; concerning whom indeed speaking the Savior, says to the Apostles; For it is not you who speak, and where they are preserved. but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you. Matt. 10:19 But the usefulness of his books wishing to be common to all, many he published in the Arabic language, since that idiom he had known. His books indeed were divulged throughout the whole world, but in three places he caused them especially to be gathered; namely in the m monastery of the Carthusians at Paris, and with a certain noble of the city of Genoa, and also with a certain noble of the city of Majorca.

NOTES I. B. S.

LIFE II.

By the Author Charles Bovillus of Saint-Quentin, to Raymond Boucher the Jurist, From the edition of Benedict Gonon, book 6, p. 378.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

A. BY CHARLES BOVILLUS.

LITTLE PREFACE.

You asked at times of me, my Raymond, whether there was any of the Blessed, whose name was Raymond a, and who deservedly by you as a patron and partner of your name might be venerated. I answered that there was a certain Raymond Lull, by nation a Spaniard, by manner of life a Hermit b: whose life I had sometimes heard recounted by a certain Spanish c friend. That therefore both as a patron d you may receive him, and toward him a pious devotion may grow in you, what by word of mouth you heard from me, by the present letters I will recall to memory.

NOTES I. B. S.

Charles Bovillus was thoroughly instructed in Theological, Philosophical, Mathematical, and other sciences, as excellently teach the monuments left by him to posterity, and enumerated by Gesner in his Library. There are those who call him Canon of Noyon or Amiens, as the renowned Robert on the Bishops of Amiens, which to our matter makes nothing at all; this is enough; that he was a man, on whose authority the things narrated of Raymond can deservedly rest.

CHAPTER I.

Raymond's first youth and his coming to his senses from insane loves. Marvelously illustrated, he publishes very many little works.

[1] Raymond, by surname Lull, by nation a Majorcan (for Majorca is an island of Spain) held with the King of Majorca that magistracy, Educated in the court and entangled in loves, which commonly they call Seneschal. Secularly therefore in the palace of the King educated, according to the custom of courtiers and worldly men, wholly amid loves he lived; and in those very loves, not only his flagrant youth, but also the greater part of his life a he vainly consumed: intent especially on dictating Dionean b songs. Now he loved before others a certain Lady, of comely indeed and elegant face; yet two things there were, which by no means allowed her to come into his embraces. The first was, the lawful bed of her husband: abandonedly he pursues an honest matron, the second, the hidden disease of cancer, which although it lay hidden beneath her garment, had nevertheless already so far eaten away her breast, that her vitals were laid bare, and a dreadful stench thence exhaled. Incurable was this plague of cancer in the woman's breast, but far more incurable the cancer of lustful love was tearing the mind of Raymond. For so overwhelmed with insane and illicit love, who was blind chiefly in mind, even with bodily eyes almost blind he was believed by all.

[2] For, as he related to me, who narrated the very history; and indeed on horseback into the temple; when on a certain day Raymond, having mounted his horse, was walking in the marketplace, and saw her whom with foolish love he loved, set out into a neighboring temple for the cause of divine prayer; soon (although on horseback) he followed her into the temple, from which immediately (as if mad and out of his senses) with the great laughter of all he deserved to be hooted out. But the woman, grieving, where, held in mockery, that so great a man, and one who in an honorable magistracy with the King functioned, on account of his illicit love for her, both became insane, and was turned into the talk of the common people; thought by what means him, both from love of her she might turn away, and to soundness of mind might recall. and convinced by womanly wisdom, Raymond therefore being called once (as she had obtained from her husband) into colloquy, and being introduced into the chamber; to him forthwith her breast (as it was eaten away by the cancerous disease, and as it was foul with most loathsome odor) to lay bare she did not at all blush, and at the same time these words in his ears she impressed: See, O Raymond, what you love. Recognize how stinking a corpse you yourself so greatly love. The zeal which hitherto toward me with so foolish love you spent, to Christ more cautiously was to be dedicated by you. You could indeed already from him have merited the kingdoms of heaven.

[3] he comes to his senses. By these words while the foolish man by a wise woman is rebuked; the sick is healed by the sick, cancer by cancer is driven out. For the cancer of love, which the mind of Raymond was tearing, by the sight of the other cancer, which the woman's breast had now nearly consumed, in a moment disappeared. For with so great grief of mind suffused Raymond, seeing himself wisely rebuked by a woman: and moreover that for so long a time deceived by the luster of the face alone, he had by no means known those things which lay hidden beneath the garments; at once home he sought, and submitting himself to prayer, all his effort with highest vows to Christ for the future he dedicated. There appeared therefore to him soon a certain sacred and propitious vision; the image, I say, of the Crucified, Warned by Christ in these words addressing him; Raymond, follow me. And when this heavenly vision more frequently to the same out of divine goodness was repeated; Raymond resolved with himself, the pride of riches being cast off, and his household dismissed, to leave the world. All c therefore he sold which he possessed, and the prices to the poor he gave out. He began then to pray with all his strength to the Lord, his household dismissed he gives himself to prayers; that to him light and grace he would deign to bestow, by which a book might be published by him, by which the Mohammedan law he might thoroughly teach to be reprobate, and the Saracen people to the faith of Christ, by what reasons he could, he might allure.

[4] and kindled with zeal for the sciences, Persevering therefore very many days in prayer, not only for the publication of one book light he obtained; but suddenly with his whole mind illustrated by the Lord (for the Lord gives to whom he wills abundantly, and upbraids not) he wondered that he (formerly indeed an unlearned man) in a moment, with the principles of all the sciences, both human and divine, from above had been imbued; and (according to the sacred words) all truth at once had learned from the Holy Spirit. Giving thanks therefore to God, from prayer he rose; and feeling that the lamp, which God in his mind had kindled, was not to be placed under a bushel, but upon a candlestick, that it might shine to all who in the world are; he resolved to set out for Paris d: and there, although forty years old, Grammar he heard, and began, nearly forty years old he learns Grammar. thenceforth in the Latin tongue the light (which by divine inspiration had been communicated to him) not only to his other contemporaries to impart; but also by the composition of various books, to reserve for posterity. John 16:13 For innumerable little works he published, of which these are, which to my knowledge have come.

The Book Gentilis (The Gentile) e. Another book Gentilis. The Book of contemplation. Another book of contemplation. The Compendious art. Another compendious art. The Great art. The Inventive art. The Demonstrative art. The Art of ten propositions. The General table. The Brief art. The Book of childish doctrine. The Book of Blaquerna. On marvels. The Book of blessed Mary. The Book of Angels. The Book of Antichrist. The Book of the lover and the beloved. The Amatory art. The Philosophy of love. The Book of the third figure. The Book of principles. On the first and second intention. Brief logic. New logic. The Book of man. On the medicine of sin. The Book of tartar. The Disputation of faith and intellect. The Book of the intellect. On free will. The Book of memory. The Book of the soul. On the refreshment of the intellect. On the ascent and descent of the intellect. On the principles of Theology. On the principles of Philosophy. The Art of Philosophy. The Book on Philosophy. The Book of Proverbs. The Art of medicine. The Art of law. Another art of law. The Book of signification. The Book of light. The Art of counsel. The Art of navigating. The Art of astronomy. On the errors of Boëthius and Fulgerius. The Art of preaching. On warfare. Questions of the sentences. On predestination. The Disputation of Raymond and a Saracen man. On those things which are to be believed concerning God. On the Trinity and Incarnation. On the properties of God. The Book of Clerks. Preaching against the Jews. The Divine art. On power, object, and act. On duration. On beatitude. The Book of Chaos. The Book of questions. On the sixth sense. The Book of nature. On substance and accident. The Excuse of Raymond. On the end. On the Holy Land. On the articles of faith. On the seven sacraments. New rhetoric. The Book of the Articles. On the understanding of God. On the five wise men. On God. The Art to be noted. The Art of election. On the divine and undivided majesty. On the experience of reality. The Book of the phantastic. On the concord of faith and intellect. On the equality of the acts of the soul in beatitude. On the proper and common acts. On per-se-ity. On the divine Persons. On the power of the divine reasons. On the names of the differences of the Persons. On the sufficiency of the three Persons. The Mystical art. On the perversion of being to be taken away. New metaphysics. The Book of the Physicists. On unknown Corollaries. On the natural mode of understanding. The Supplication of Raymond. On the conversion of subject, predicate and middle. On infinite being. On the possible and impossible. Against Averroes. On fallacies. On a hundred syllogisms. On contradictory syllogisms. On the nativity. On lamentation. On divine unity. Sermons against Averroes. On the efficient and the effect. On easy science. On the questions of wisdom. On God and the universe. On the form of God. On the substance and action of God. On the high and profound question. The Books of Alchemy. f

NOTES I. B. S.

b Venereal or amatory.

CHAPTER II.

Learning Arabic he is nearly killed. After solitude, Rome, and other cities he seeks. At Tunis he is in peril. Various peregrinations even into the East.

[5] But besides these, he is said to have published also very many others, That he might labor for the conversion of the Saracens in Spanish, the vernacular, and Arabic. For greatly desiring to illustrate the Saracen people with the light of the Christian faith, from a bought Saracen slave the Arabic language, chiefly for the sake of that matter, he learned. And fearing therefore the bought Saracen, who had taught him, lest Raymond's doctrine should become pernicious to the Mohammedan law (especially since for the sake of preaching alone, the skill of the Arabic tongue, from him he had asked to be imbued) he striving to kill his master and lord Raymond, a grave wound (not lethal however) in his breast inflicted. But prevailing over the slave Raymond, from the slave he is taught Arabic, the sword from him violently wrested away: and as he was clement, him from his friends, who wished to kill him, freed, yet to be shut up by them in prison permitted. But the Saracen grieving that his master and lord he could not kill, and by him is nearly killed. with a noose in the prison ended his life.

[6] A few days after, he went for the sake of prayer into a certain a mountain, not far from his house distant, in which when for the space of nearly seven days, By a new light through frequent meditations illustrated from heaven, incumbent on prayer and meditation, he had stayed, a new light from heaven he received of those things, which he so greatly desired to know. In that place also, in which he stood on the mountain, while the heavenly light to him from the Father of lights was granted, an eremitical little cell for himself he commanded to be built; in which for several months remaining, by night and day to prayers and meditations devoting himself, by some heavenly visions at length to be visited by God he merited. Then the little cell being left, to Rome b he proceeded, about to ask from the supreme Pontiff and the assembly of Cardinals, thinking of Rome, that diverse throughout the world there be made monasteries; in which prudent and most devout men (who any tortures of tyrants for Christ to undergo would by no means be afraid) in various languages, for the sake of public preaching, might be instituted.

[7] about to ask for Monasteries, in which all languages might be taught: But when he had come to Rome, the supreme Pontiff Honorius the Fourth recently dead finding, from his purpose to desist he was compelled. From the Roman Curia then to Paris he sought under Chancellor Berthold; in whose hall, and by the precept of him, his general Art publicly he interpreted. From Paris to Montpellier he went: in which place very many things he both published, not heard, he proceeds to Paris, where he lectures on the Art. and publicly lectured on little works. Hence to Genoa having set out, his Art inventive there into Arabic he translated. Again from Genoa to Rome, for the cause of his former supplication having returned, on account of the impediments of the Ecclesiastical Curia, nothing of his purpose he obtained. Returning therefore to Genoa, that thence into Africa to the Saracens, He sets out to the Saracens, Christ to them to announce, he might migrate; a ship being found, and his books being placed in it, into the kingdom of Tunis he crossed. Having entered therefore Tunis, for several days with the elders and the more skilled of the Mohammedan law concerning the Christian truth he discoursed. Brought at length before the King, from whom suffering many things and brought to Naples, because the minds of the Saracens from Mahomet he was turning away, into prison he was cast, and ordered a little after by the King to be beheaded. Yet there was present to Raymond some one of the most skilled of the Arab priests, who both Raymond loved, and him willingly heard; and having besought the King, that so great a man he would not order to be killed; he obtained, that Raymond only from the bounds of the kingdom be driven, with the denunciation, that if ever into the kingdom he should return, soon to capital punishment he would be condemned.

[8] [in vain Celestine V and Boniface VIII concerning Monasteries &c. he interpellates;] Therefore through ignominies, reproaches, blows, and hardships driven from Tunis, to Naples he came; where both his Art he lectured, and until the election of the Pontiff Celestine the Fifth he remained. To this Celestine the Fifth when Boniface the Eighth had succeeded; to Rome again Raymond went, the same things which before from him to ask. But when the Pontiff following for many days he profited nothing, to Genoa again to set out he resolved; where both other several books he struck. Hence to the King of Majorca he proceeded, with whom a colloquy being held, to Paris he returned; and there both his Art again he lectured, and very many books he composed.

[9] as also the King of France. The King of France also Philip he addressed, asking from him, what before from the supreme Pontiff he had asked. From whom when he had obtained nothing, having returned to Majorca, with the Saracens and Jews, who in that place dwelt, daily he disputed. Thence having set out for Cyprus, he prayed of the King of Cyprus, that all the schismatics in the law of Christ, such as Jacobites, Nestorians, From Cyprus returning Georgians and other such men, to be present at his preaching he would order, that by this means them to the unity of the Christian faith he might bring back: and there insisting on preachings and doctrines, poison being received from his enemies, scarcely the perils of death he escaped. Thence to Genoa returning, several books he published there. Afterward to Paris having set out, he composes many books his Art again he interpreted, and very many books he completed. Then Paris being left, to Lyons to Clement the Fifth he came: from whom when likewise, what from the previous Pontiffs he had asked, he had asked; nothing from him, as neither from the previous ones, he obtained.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER III.

At Bugia in Africa he hardly escapes death. Shipwrecked he swims to Pisa. At Genoa he collects money. He meets Clement V, and pursues Averroes.

[10] At length to Majorca returning, again to the Saracens into Africa he crossed over, With intrepid zeal and came into the kingdom of Bugia; whose royal city having entered, he began (after the manner of Jonah the Prophet) through its squares walking, to cry out with a loud voice, The law of the Christians is true and holy, and alone pleasing and acceptable to God; but the law of the Saracens is false and erroneous: and behold I will what I say, by invincible reasons demonstrate. These his words being heard, Christ again in Africa he preaches, when to stone him the whole throng of the people wished; he was ordered by the Prelate of the city to be presented to him; whom thus the supreme Priest addressed: Since you know that capital punishment is to be inflicted on one who against Mahomet a blasphemer has been; why against his law nefarious words publicly to cast you have dared? To whom Raymond; A true (he says) servant of Christ, and he disputes with the Mohammedans. having experienced the undoubted truth of the Catholic faith, all fear of death being set aside; it everywhere to bear, and to all to announce ought. The Prelate answered: If the Christian faith to be true you believe, a reason before me adduce, by which its truth you may confirm. But immediately Raymond began the mystery of the most holy Trinity a most learnedly to explain. When Raymond skillfully before the Prelate of the Saracens Alsakinus b had discoursed; nothing of answer from him he heard. And although the same Alsakinus in every part of Philosophy was not mediocrely instructed; but thrust into a foul prison, at the words however of Raymond stupefied, not words to words, not reasons to reasons did he object; but to the accustomed forces of tyrants fleeing, by the hands of attendants him to prison he committed. But when from the pontifical house to the prison he was led, some indeed plucking his beard, him to the ground prostrated, others with clubs, others with hands and fists harshly struck:

[11] At length not so much led, as violently and with all ignominy dragged, grievously by the Saracens he is tortured, not so much into prison, as into the latrine of the prison of thieves; there in most loathsome squalor for some time to be tormented he was permitted: yet by the prayer of the Genoese Merchants, who that city for the sake of business inhabited, by the work of the Genoese hardly snatched from death. both from death he was freed, and to a more decent and more honorable prison assigned, in which half a year he passed. But coming frequently to him in prison the more skilled of the Saracens, sent by their Prelate, in turn him to the Mohammedan law to allure they strove, the Saracens meanwhile great things to him promising, a most noble wife, slaves, and a large household, a house, riches, fields, honor and royal favor: all which counting as nothing Raymond, on the contrary kindly them to the Christian faith exhorted; not treasures to them, or the goods of fortune, but eternal life promising: not the favor of Kings, but the divine love, and adoption into the sons of God. When indeed they profited nothing mutually; it was agreed at length among them, laboring to pervert him, that on both sides books should be struck, by which which law was better, holier, and truer, by open and patent reasons should be shown.

[12] Now Raymond on his part very much in striking the book had advanced, and almost the work itself to its end had brought; by order of the King of Bugia from the kingdom he is driven. when on account of the coming of the King of Bugia into the city, his hands from the work to recall he is compelled. For when to the royal ears became known, what Raymond in the city was contriving; soon both from the city and from the whole kingdom to be driven Raymond by the King was ordered. But driven he a certain Genoese ship boarded, in which also his books he placed, to Genoa about to cross: yet by the importunity of the winds, elsewhere the ship was carried, and at the tenth mile from the port of the Pisans suffering shipwreck, many in the waves submerged it abandoned. Among the few who escaped, Raymond and the companion of his journey, Having suffered shipwreck, all the books being lost in the sea, upon a beam nearly naked into the port (the divine help protecting them) they were carried. Having entered the city of Pisa Raymond, books, He exhorts the Pisans to aid the Holy Land according to his custom, very many in it he completed; and persuaded the Community (for then flourished the wealth of the Pisans, which today is the slave of the Florentines) concerning instituting of certain sacred Soldiers an Order, who by assiduous battles against the Saracens should rage, until Jerusalem and all Judea (which the Holy Land they call) taken from the hands of the infidels, to Christian scepters might be subjected.

[13] Moved by the discourse and sweet eloquence of Raymond, the Pisans, letters, in their name to the supreme Pontiff, as also the Genoese, and the whole College of Cardinals, written, to Raymond offered: who, the letters being received, at once from the city having set out, to Genoa went: and equal letters from the Genoese, to the Roman Pontiff and Cardinals, he obtained. Besides also very many Genoese matrons and devout women, twenty-five c thousand pieces of money to him in aid of recovering the Holy Land of their own accord promised. the matrons offering 25,000 pieces of money: Having gone out therefore from Genoa Raymond, full of hope, into the Gauls to the Roman Pontiff, who then Avignon inhabited, the Alps being overcome he penetrated: the letters both of the Pisans and of the Genoese without delay to the Pontiff and Cardinals he offered; adding (as before he had done) a supplication written in his own name, but by the Pontiff and Cardinals that their minds toward the immense advantage of the Christian Commonwealth he might incline. But they the man of God Raymond, on account of his eremitical humility holding in mockery, empty and without fruit dismissed d. Bidding them farewell therefore Raymond, to Paris again to go he resolved; where both his Art anew he lectured, held in mockery, and very many books he completed, especially against Averroes; by which he taught, that it was unworthy, for Christians to use that man's Commentaries on Aristotle. Namely that they were opposed to the Catholic faith, At Paris he inveighs against Averroes. and were filled with most impious errors, which the minds of the young easily perverted; and by his judgment they were worthy of the avenging flames.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER IV.

He promotes his cause in the Council of Vienne. He seeks Africa again. He dies a Martyr. His body is carried to Majorca. Concerning his doctrine the Author's judgment.

[14] The fame thereafter being spread of the general Council, which under Clement V at Avignon, Having set out for the Council of Vienne in the year of the Lord one thousand three hundred and eleven on the Kalends of October to be celebrated became widely known; Raymond resolved thither to set out, three things (as before he had done) from the supreme Pontiff and the session of the Cardinals to ask. The first, that throughout the world various monasteries should be ordered to be built, for building schools of languages, in which holy and devout men, to die for Christ nothing fearing, various languages should be taught, that into all the earth their sound might go out, and into the ends of the world their words; and that by their preaching, there might be made of all peoples one fold, as also one is now the shepherd. The second, that of all the religious Soldiers, who are of diverse Orders, there should be made one Order: the Military Orders to be forged into one, who beyond the sea by assiduous wars the Saracens might harass, until the Holy Land to Christian empire should obey. The third, that by the authority of the most holy Father the Roman Pontiff, and of all the Cardinals, the writings of Averroes should be forbidden to be read in the Schools of Christians, Averroes to be eliminated from the schools, because in many they compel the minds of the faithful from the sincerity and truth of faith to waver, and to impiety lead. But of these three supplications for the sake a little book he published, he obtains nothing, On the Nativity of the child: which to the magnificent King of France Philip he dedicated; at whose end the same supplications he inserted, and to that King with the book itself he presented. This is that book, which our Stapulensis (a man, as you know, of all good letters an illustrator) with the book On the praises of B. Mary, to be brought into the light from the office of the engravers he caused to be sent out. For in this manifestly Raymond against Averroes and his errors rises up. Nothing however he himself, with so many and so great labors undertaken, neither from the supreme Pontiffs, nor from Kings, of those things which he desired, could obtain.

[15] He persisted nevertheless in hardships and vigils assiduous, from the time of the undertaken purpose; more than forty years: forty years being now spent toward that end, in which for the sake of divine service, by continual peregrinations, and the compositions of books he was incumbent, his whole heart having toward the Lord. But he composed books (as we said) nearly innumerable, and many books being written. and especially in three languages, Latin, Spanish, and Arabic, on account of the Saracens. For (as above is shown) the Arabic language from a bought Saracen slave he had learned. His books are said also to be had in three especially places; at Paris among the Carthusians: who him with liberal hospitality were wont to receive. At Genoa, with a certain noble, whose also lodging he used. And with a certain Lord of the city of Majorca, into whose likewise house for the sake of hospitality he withdrew.

[16] At last Raymond, in body now old, but in mind always flourishing, and daily more robust, again from Majorca to Tunis a crossed over for the sake of preaching. Africa he seeks again, Whither when he had come, recognized immediately by the inhabitants, soon by the concourse of the people he was from the city ejected, and with stones in the port overwhelmed. But on the following night, when by chance (as it pleased God) certain Majorcan merchants the port of the Tunisians were sailing past; overwhelmed with stones he is crowned with martyrdom, they saw from afar an immense pyramid of light b, from the heap of stones (by which the body of Raymond was overwhelmed) proceeding. And admiring the novelty of the matter, thither without delay turning aside, and the body recognized, by heavenly light into his homeland is carried back. the pile of stones being dug away, the dead c body they found. Which when immediately to be Raymond's (inasmuch as he was a Majorcan citizen) they had recognized; placed on the ships to Majorca d with them they carried back; and it is said even today, in that place to be preserved his body, and to have been illustrious with very many miracles.

[17] But in what times he flourished, is sufficiently established from these things which we have narrated. When Raymond flourished. For he was in the times of Honorius the Fourth, Nicholas the Fourth, Celestine the Fifth, Boniface the Eighth, Benedict the Eleventh, and Clement the Fifth, Roman Pontiffs; and of Philip King of France, to whom the book On the Nativity of the child he dedicated, and offered. This Philip I suppose was he, whom the Fair e the Histories of the French call: for he it was who about the year one thousand three hundred the scepters of the kingdom guarded. But the books of Raymond more the loftiness of the thought, A notable praise than the clarity of the style commends. For as much as the rest in doctrine they surpass, so much by the same in speech are they surpassed, and humbler are recognized to be; as one who not from men, but from God the light of science chiefly had received, and afterward from men, now nearly forty years old, the norm of dictating and writing had learned: for his mind God illustrated, but his mouth or tongue man instructed. For he had in the Parisian school a certain teacher, of Raymond's doctrine; Thomas by name, to whom several books he dedicated, and whom (the disciple instructing the Master) his whole Art he taught, rendering in place of payment for the voice spirit, for the dead letter a vivifying doctrine.

[18] which very many always esteemed For truly a vivifying doctrine his dogmas they judged, of which I myself make others judges, lest alone on my own sense I seem to rely; because easily by all readers they are perceived, not to be of men, but rather from heaven (as the present history has set forth) granted. For the excellent science of the Holy Spirit (which we the gift of grace, or infused science call) those things in a moment in men supplies, perfects, works, which by the doctrine of men, with no labor or time are completed. This Raymond our Faber (easily the glory of present philosophers) greatly venerates and loves, the celebrated Doctor Faber. wonderfully his doctrine extols, his books embraces, and for the public utility from the office into the light to be sent out he causes: with which the book of divine contemplations, above the rest to be admired, into the hands of all he published; the man himself finally, as a Saint he venerates, whom truly as a saint, as blessed, as a partner of the heavenly ones, those things which of him we have adduced testimonies, suffice to approve.

LITTLE CONCLUSION.

[19] These are, my Raymond, the things which I of your Raymond (for yours I call him, of whose name you yourself are a partaker) partly heard, partly through writings perceived, believe to be true. And to you them I have narrated, that they be to you, both the man, and the books full of erudition, no less in esteem, than to Faber and to me hitherto they have been. These things I persuade you, these I exhort you, and beg, that the man you venerate, his books studiously run through, and in them profit. Farewell. From Amiens the 27th of June 1511.

NOTES I. B. S.

ENCOMIUM

Of the Divine Raymond Lull, the Illuminated Doctor and Martyr. By the Author Nicholas de Pax. From the Alcalá edition of the year 1519.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

A. BY NICHOLAS DE PAX.

PREMONITION I. B. S.

This is that third Life, which §. 4 I said was adorned by Nicholas de Pax, and which more rightly a Panegyric, an Apology, or an Encomium you would call; thus, namely, the deeds cursorily it pursues, that into the praise of the Lullistic doctrine and its vindications it runs out. But of these enough at the indicated place. This now I wished the reader warned, that that Elogium, in Teutonic characters (Gothic the Spaniards, Italians and French name them, although from the ancient ones they are most diverse, and in the 15th century first in Germany or Belgium formed) in the year 1519 at Alcalá given to the press, made part of a tome a little larger, comprising together the blessed Martyr's little work On the rational Soul, of which also makes mention in the inscription of the work the aforesaid Author, as will soon appear. That Life from Majorca to us sent, nearly eaten away by age, and in some places corrected with a pen, the often-praised P. James Custurer, testifying in his letters of 19 June 1700, that he, what was broken, supplied from another, which in our Library there is preserved, and in the last folio transcribed the end of the same book, in which is read the place and year of the edition. Moreover, as the types were in many places, by the custom of that age, with abbreviations corrupted and rather obscure, that correction had to be applied, by which to the present-day standard they might be reduced. Of the style there is no reason that I should treat at length: it will please, I think, an elegance not common, and for that age not altogether ungraceful. The sections, marginal little notes, and other things have been added by us, which to clarity seemed to conduce. Have now of each little work the dedication, such as the editor had prefixed to them.

LETTER.

Nicholas de Pax, Patrician of Majorca, to the Illustrious and most Reverend Lord D. John Ruffo Theodolus, of Forlì, by divine mercy Archbishop of Cosenza, and in the kingdoms of the Spains Nuncio and Collector general Apostolic, humble reverence.

I who know that I can serve your Lordship little and owe much, most Reverend Archbishop, am now long drawn apart by two contraries. The gratitude of my mind urges me, that to your benefits toward me according to my little measure I may respond: but to perform the small things which I can, shame has hitherto prohibited. Therefore while a scanty means made me useless, and the memory of benefits made me solicitous; longer would that interior contention have vexed me, had not at length come into my mind your generous modesty, which from a poor servant does not expect great services. And in my opinion it does not pertain more to greatness of mind to bestow great things, than to receive coming from the affection of the poor little gifts with a cheerful countenance. For these causes, that rather rustic modesty being overcome, which me before a slothful servant had held, now a slight gift dedicated to your most renowned name I offer, Raymond Lull's work On the rational Soul composed. To which therefore the same Illuminated Doctor's Life, woven by my labor I have premised, that the manifest excellence of the Author may warn, that the smallness of this volume by the price of its matter is compensated. The most subtle Lullist Cabasper, by whose wisdom I was taught, I recall was wont to say; that whatever he knew, from the Tree of science, and from this, On the rational Soul, codex he had received. Now Raymond prays you, most Ample Lord, that with the majesty of brow with which you were born, our small things you would receive, which by your illustrious titles honored, with happy auspice we believe to be published. For if the Illuminated Doctor had lived in our times, no other surely than you the most humane patron would he have sought; who by your heroic nobility, not only to all Spain, but also to our most Christian King and the supreme Pontiff most dear, to his former desires and intentions most holy in a great way could you aspire. From the University of Alcalá, on the feast day of the most blessed Praxedes, whose holy body among our Baleares with notable reverence preserved, with new miracles daily shines, 1519.

NOTE I. B. S.

PART I.

Raymond's birth, offices, loves, conversion, illumination, labors, writings, the exceptional praises of his whole doctrine, and its notable defense.

[1] Raymond Lull of Majorca, of the ancient and noble family of the Lulls of Barcelona born, Distinguished by nobility and offices when in the palace of the King of Majorca he had grown up, by his splendor of family and morals, to Seneschal of the royal table he is raised. His age, slippery, impelled by riches and friends, vain loves of women easily conceived. It delighted the lover's mind, elegance of dress and of speech; among musical concerts to pass his age; to be loved everywhere; to surpass his contemporaries in virtue. To his flourishing years joined nobility, made him avid of praise, liberal of money. And since he was of a most ready wit, and in composing in his native tongue verses facile, he ceased not the inventions of vain thought in songs to express: whose long habit his youthful breast so far had possessed, that, notwithstanding afterward his children and a most chaste wife, still with another woman, whom long since he had served, inflamed, more than could be said, by loves he was held. Meanwhile the matter commonly manifest, he indulges in obscene loves, exposed to the judgment of many, furnished matter for speaking. The ignoble crowd is wont about others' affairs easily to contend, more easily to judge. Therefore the unlearned crowd wondered, and Raymond now not a lover, but a madman to call: but the considerate, partly to pity rather than condemn, partly to fortune to ascribe and to plead the wondrous beauty of the woman, that her the unhappy youth with unbridled love cherished.

[2] Afterward, when by divine providence it happened that she beneath her breast with a deadly ulcer labored; but by the beloved's misfortune Raymond, made more certain of the misfortune, was overcome with sadness: and when he could not stand on his limbs, prostrate on his bed, nothing but darkness and solitude he desired. With tears therefore and sighs, the sorrow of his mind for a little exhausted, as he meditated his calamity and his long departure from salvation in common rhythms to bewail, Jesus crucified appeared on the right. The worldly man, terrified by the divine vision, dismisses the begun mournful song: which, days being interposed afterward, having tried four times to complete, four times as at first, and about the same hour, the Crucified he saw. At last, the causes of so frequent a vision with himself the whole night searching out, that he was being argued of vanity by Christ and called he recognized. But the past losses of his life considering, and by the apparitions of Christ he sighs, laments, weeps, prays pardon, supplicates to be amended. To serve the Creator the creature desires; but the sinner blushes, and by what services at last to the new Lord he may serve, he knows not. By what impulse, what frenzy seized, both long and vehemently loved things, suddenly to have deserted shall we think? By that spirit indeed as author, who by mere touch made of a harper a prophet, of a fisherman a preacher, a doctor of a persecutor and of a publican an evangelist: he is brought back to fruit; whose most present fire awaits no delays for changing human hearts. A subtle physician truly of the human will, who the greatest fires of worldly love of Raymond, not so much extinguished as directed; that all that most flagrant love, which to itself the creature had undeservedly claimed, to the most worthy Creator might be rendered.

[3] As soon therefore as Raymond with the flames of divine zeal grew warm, and all things being left, his mind is occupied with various thought, investigating what labors, what works most pleasing to Christ he should undertake. After many things indeed, the destruction of so many infidels being thought of, he began at once to pity; and by what things they could be converted, the gift of tongues and of wisdom, and the grace of martyrdom, for himself and others to wish. Then that he might be in spirit more free, all his opulence, except a few things to his wife and children necessary, to the poor of Christ he gave out. In the second Book of Contemplation, Raymond himself testifies, that he now thirty years old had begun to be converted. Although therefore advanced in years, the rudiments of Grammar, to speak Arabic also and to write he wished to be taught: for those whom once the divine fire has touched, in those things which to the Lord acceptable they think, are wont to be made agile, confident and magnanimous.

[4] After nine years from those visions, which above I mentioned, following the Lord who called, Raymond, by various peregrination and much austerity of life worn down, by the desire of solitary contemplation, to a certain mountain most celebrated among the Baleares, whose name is Randa, led himself. There staying some days, with his mouth always full of blessings, and with bent as it were continually knees, through caves and groves, of all things which in his mind he turned, which offered themselves to his sight, the eternal Deity's empire he magnified. And when once, with his vitals burning with charity, he is marvelously illustrated. the stars he was gazing at; illustrated suddenly, he saw all the principles of things of this mundane machine, both the business, and the author; by what supports moreover the universality of the created world endures, looking within, himself as if a man not before seen he wondered at. Then he felt opened within him a fountain of infused wisdom, from whose fullness the invention of all sciences could be drawn.

[5] He writes the General Art, The admiration of so great a novelty compels me a little to detain the history, because the miracles of the divine working bid the narration to be turned into stupor. Who could tell Raymond's joys, seeing so prosperously the gods above had favored his wishes, and all good things to him equally had come with Wisdom? It is believed, that in those days Raymond to eat, to drink, to sleep could not, with thanksgiving only and gladness satiated. But lest the received gift of Wisdom he should permit to be empty, after a few days that work, whose title is the Greater Art or General, to mortal eyes admirable he composed. Of which General Art how great is the profundity and excellence, as I understand, I would say, most Reverend Lord, were not it to be a matter of speaking, which, that it might be moderately explained, the broadest fields of discourse demands. This one thing I would say, that I indeed humbly think, of the many modes which in knowing things have the blessed spirits, one to be handed down by Raymond's Art. From whose abundance, by the author's testimony, the other books, which he wrote almost innumerable, to have emanated, is an argument, that that Art is not of human invention, but a divine inspiration's oracle.

[6] And that this indeed was so as fame sounded, I would never have believed, for illustrating all the sciences, had not experience taught me. For I saw with these eyes, and with these hands held of Raymond's treatises more than two hundred, of every kind of Sciences well deserving. Of Theology, of Metaphysics, of natural Philosophy and moral, of Law, Astronomy, Geometry, Logic, Rhetoric, Grammar, finally of the nautical and military Art composed. He wrote besides various most pleasing codices historical, questionary, contemplative, and these indeed partly in Latin, partly in Spanish, some in Arabic language, which he had exactly learned, elaborated: so that of the whole breadth of useful doctrines, nothing untouched he left. And, what I myself am wont to wonder at, His wondrous praises, he exhibits the individual Sciences regulated by subtle artifice, which others handed down vague and loose. Nor is that worthy of silence, that of such kind are Raymond's works, that under the bare and apostolic simplicity of scripture, secret and most elegant senses they contain. Wherefore it has come about quite often, that Raymond's doctrine, neither to dull intellects acceptable is, nor to proud ones: for arduous matters plebeian minds do not sustain; but proud ones, the humble kind of speaking spurning, think nothing magnificent remains, where the eloquence of inflated speech does not resound.

[7] But Raymond may have written as much as he pleased, laid open the vitals of nature, the involved unveiled; simplicity and profundity, vain without doubt would be the man's investigation, unless salutary things too to his writings, and to Christ provoking he had committed. Whence let us scrutinize, I beseech, this Doctor's volumes; nothing surely else in them at last shall we see concluded, than that God we may recollect, understand, love. And since the fruit of speculation is studious operation; nowhere is Raymond read to instruct the intellect, without immediately exhorting the affection; lest ever the mind he should feed, with the will fasting, of an unfruitful tree the leafy luxuriance might seem. the highest usefulness: In words to attain I could not, with what sweetness, or with what fire of love Raymond concerning our Redeemer, concerning his most pure Mother, and the happy victory of the Martyrs spoke. It seems indeed, while these things in writings he pursues, from a breast inebriated with devotion, certain flames of most fervent love to belch forth.

[8] To his devotion there is added an admirable zeal for the Christian name, the author's submission, by which no heresy and no error he passed over, which he did not in his treatises, with divine fury and most keen arguments enervate. That finally was this Illuminated Doctor's humility, that on the fronts of his books, not of his own, but of the divine name the titles he premised. For those books which by God's inspiration, not by human contrivance he composed, it befitted from the confession of divine favor to be begun. But at the exit of his works, the religious man is wont to the Holy mother Church's judgment his sayings to submit; then with many prayers the work itself, either to Christ, or to our Lady, or to the blessed Angels and Saints to commend; lastly to say, in what year and where he completed the volume.

[9] I am admonished, at this place to make mention of the enemies of this Lullistic doctrine, the commendation of the doctrine and of its approbation. In the first place that most frequent petition of correction from the Church, renders Raymond from all heresy safe and immune: for he who is prepared to be corrected, not having the obstinacy of a hard will, although he may err, cannot be a heretic. It remains concerning his doctrine to inquire, whether perhaps any heresies or errors it has been found to contain. To this I, if anyone should ask me my opinion, confess that I, in reading Raymond Lull's treatises very long versed, have found nothing at all, which either to virtue, or to the Catholic faith, or to other truths is opposed. Not however does the confidence of my judgment alone strengthen me: for very many both of the past and of our age men, in wisdom and probity most renowned, of my opinion I have as leaders; of whom the chief were Lupetus, Catanius, Clapesius, Tornerius the Physician, Berpus the notable both Jurisconsult and Astrologer, by most learned men: Nicholas of Cusa, Gaguin, Caldentius; and to refer the living, James Stapulensis, Charles Bovillus, Fontanus the Physician, and my most erudite teachers Cabasper and Benovardus.

[10] All these and very many others, whom to name would be long, the elogia of the whole world, since they were in doctrine and cleanness of life most approved, Raymond followed, interpreted, and with excellent praises always venerated, nothing in his books worthy of reprehension did they recognize. From this fountain very many to have drunk are found to be Arnold of Villanova, an exceptional Philosopher, and that Star of Italy, John Pico, prince of Mirandola and count of Concordia. With what besides avidity of intellect, the most Illustrious D. F. Ximenez, Cardinal of Spain, my Lord and most loving benefactor, and the approbation, the works of the Divine Raymond scrutinized and heard, both all who in his living palace dwelt knew, and especially can I testify. For through the times of light and darkness, and amid the great affairs of governing Spain, and while he made a journey; always he ordered me to be present to him, to say from the abundance of Lullistic Philosophy and Theology, what to me most chosen might seem.

[11] If the adversaries these testimonies, as new have despised, let us produce ancient ones. from the University of Paris: Raymond, now old, having set out for Paris, an examination of his doctrine (which he asserted was infused into him) to be made required. Which when it had pleased the whole Academy, forty Masters and Bachelors in Theology and Arts were chosen, who at Raymond's Lectures might be present. Interrogated at last, what to them concerning the heard Art of Raymond seemed? All forty sworn answered, that that Art was good and useful and necessary. For the rest nothing in the same contrary to the Orthodox faith, indeed very many things useful for its defense to be contained. the document of that matter. Then to memory was handed down, of this approbation the authentic document, with the seal of the Curia of Paris hanging guarded, given in the year of the Lord 1309, on the Tuesday after the Octaves of the feast of the Purification of the blessed Mary Virgin.

[12] The favor of King Philip toward it, Besides, the envy of certain men suggesting it, the most serene King of France Philip, ordered Raymond's books by many Theologians to be examined; who, after a mature inspection of the books, reported, that they nothing in those books impious had found, but many things rather for the exaltation of the Catholic faith most fit. Wherefore the most Christian king rejoicing, ordered royal charters to be handed to the illuminated man; by which not only of his doctrine the authentic approbation might be established, but through all France also the greatest favor to him be ordered to be bestowed. The document was given at Verona on the second of August, in the year of the Lord 1310.

[13] and of the Kings of Aragon What shall I say what favors, how ample privileges the most unconquered Kings of Aragon to this doctrine and its followers granted? For, that I may summarily run through; King Peter favored, by his royal authority and letters, given at Valencia on the 10th of October in the year of the Lord 1369: King Martin favored, by his edict and letters, which he gave at Zaragoza, on the 25th of November in the year of the Lord 1399: favored King Alphonsus, notable privileges: with a generous mind and notable privileges, given at Castel Nuovo, which he himself with Balearic stone had constructed at Naples, on the 26th of January in the year of the Lord 1449: lastly favored King Ferdinand V, that one of all Princes, whom the histories celebrate, most Christian: favored, I say, with the most ample (in which learned Lérida glories) privileges and honors, given at Cordova on the 30th of August in the year of the Lord 1483: and the same afterward confirming he augmented, at Zaragoza on the 21st of February in the year 1503.

[14] An Elogium set up at Majorca by a decree of the Senate. How great a name Raymond once had, an old Epigram warns, which in the hall of the most prudent Senate of Majorca fixed is seen. Its words are these: [At Paris is held the title of the excellent Doctor Master Raymond Lull of Majorca; A new man, a new science, a bearded Doctor, in his sciences and arts approved. By the most just Kings of Aragon in their privileges he is called; That great one in Philosophy and Sacred Theology a Master, of wondrous arts and sciences an author. And by the most serene King of the French he was proclaimed in the superscription of letters in this manner; To the Organ of the Holy Spirit, and the Doctor divinely illustrated, Raymond Lull. And of him it is said in the parts of England; That great Catalan Philosopher. In the parts of Italy he is called, Author of the General Art, contractible to all knowable things. And by John de Rocascissa he is called, a Minerva. He could also be called Procurator of public utility in Christ Jesus; likewise Illustrator of the darkness of the world.] This says that Epigram.

[15] If anyone with great zeal the advantages of one either city or Province procures, with wondrous praises he is extolled; how much therefore Raymond worthier of glory, and incredible for the Catholic faith who with that immense desire of the salvation of souls, for the conversion of all infidelity (as Raymond himself narrates) five and forty years laboring, both offspring and wife he left needy; through the lands of the lawless and the faithful as a pilgrim he ran; eight times he prayed to the supreme Pontiffs whom he approached; three general Chapters of the Preachers and three of the Minorites he admonished; finally all the Princes of the Christian Commonwealth, Prelates, Magnates, Peoples, to useful concord devoutly and manfully he exhorted.

[16] But, O times hostile to virtue! I dare not blame all the men, in whose time the procurator of the most holy business could not be heard: for there were those who by Raymond's supplications inclined, were prepared to furnish aids. In the treatise On the disputation of Raymond and Homer the Saracen Philosopher, says Raymond: [At Montpellier to the King of Aragon I presented a book composed by me, the holy man's labors. On the End, that is on the Conquest of the Holy Land; which the king himself at once, in my presence, to the Roman Pontiff sending, his kingdoms and himself to him for vanquishing the Saracens offered.] For the rest among many things, which Raymond in certain ancient papers recalls of his life and the beginning of his conversion, he writes, that noble matrons of the renowned city of Genoa, for recovering by war the sepulcher of the Lord, thirty thousand florins promised. Nor is it fitting to doubt that the King of France Philip, with whom the greatest always was Raymond's authority, his undertakings and long labors for the faith of Christ favored.

THE OTHER PART.

The remaining labors of Raymond for the utility of the Catholic Church, his African missions, martyrdom; his other praises and proclamations; finally for his doctrine, sharp vindications against Eymeric.

[17] In the Council of Vienne His last old age now pressing, Raymond to the General Council, under Clement V at Vienne celebrated in the year 1311, proceeded; and there ten things to be ordained he supplicated, which afterward the holy man for the perpetual memory of the matter placed in the book, On being simply through itself and for itself existing and acting. These ten, because they would be lengthy to tell, I pass over. Three I will subjoin only, of which in the book also On the Nativity of the child Jesus Raymond makes mention. The first, that at Rome, at Paris and at Toledo monasteries be made, he urges his purpose, in which men, both learned, and in zeal for martyrdom most brave, the languages of the infidels should be taught, and to them then by holiness and preaching to be converted be sent. The second, that of all the religious Soldiers one only order be made, who against the pagan peoples assiduously, until the recovery of the Holy Land, should make war. The third, that the pestiferous writings of Averroes in Christian gymnasia be forbidden to be taught: by whose infinite errors, because the weak hearts are moved, the Sacred Theologians ought, not only with the arms of faith, but also of science to resist.

[18] Raymond could not tolerate that error, by which the Averroists say, that many things are true according to faith, especially against the Averroists which yet are false according to Philosophy: and therefore on this matter little treatises he published On a question very high and profound; On the errors of the Philosophers, On the efficient and the effect, On the lamentation of Philosophy. Which last, whom he had harassed, and another, On the Nativity of the child Jesus Christ, to the most Serene King of the French Philip, to whom he was dear, he inscribed. Pleasant is in a wondrous way the invention of the aforesaid treatise On Philosophy. For there a certain Lady, by name Philosophy, is introduced lamenting, that the Averroists had imposed on her, because she says that some things are false in the light natural, although according to the light of the Catholic faith they are true.

[19] in the book On the lamentation of Philosophy, Wherefore in that book the Lady Philosophy, before her 12 Principles confesses, that not even at any time the dementia of so great an error did she think of. For the rest that those ought not to be esteemed Philosophers, who between Philosophy and Theology dream of dissensions. For never was I, says Philosophy, except of sacred Theology a handmaid most devoted. Am I to be thought contrary to the most holy faith? Alas for me most sad! Where are the religious men well lettered and devout, who may help me? These laments of Raymond's Philosophy, which that age had not wished to hearken to, in our days at last our most Blessed Lord the Roman Pontiff Leo X, the sacred and general Council approving, heard. And since those salutary decrees of the sacred Council in all Academies of letters yearly to be publicly divulged were ordered, and Leo X condemned it. as being those which the pestilence of various error restrain, by the most faithful Balearic people humbly received, each year, the most ample Senate and the Magistrates being convoked, in the general University, no less festively than deservedly are read.

[20] As soon as the fame of these to our ears became known, these verses, witnesses of our gladness, I composed.

To our most Holy Lord, the Lord Pope Leo X.

O Leo, holy Father, by your deeds most worthy Ferdinand the King favoring. so to sit upon so exalted a throne. You are believed to have been brought down from on high, supreme Priest; you are believed to be ever driven by a hidden divine power. Leo is a lover of peace, King Ferdinand also its author; you, peace-bringing Leo, subdue the bloody wars. He keeps off the guilty of the faith with avenging flames, and you press down the wandering and roving dogma. You two suffice, Leos, by deeds and by voice, to send all kingdoms under the yoke of Christ.

[21] Lull having set out into Africa, These things have been said without order, as they offered themselves to me writing promiscuously. But now to its end our discourse is about to come, if first concerning this Illuminated man's martyrdom a few things I subjoin. Raymond therefore, with that zeal with which he had always burned, to the cities of Africa Bugia and Tunis, for the sake of preaching the Gospel he sailed. Where when the skilled of the Mohammedan sect, by friendly disputation he laid low, and very many drew by his sweet speech, others rendered doubtful; the devil instigating, the barbarous King indignant, with dire prisons and hardships, with nakedness also vexed and with blows, into a ship to be cast and perpetually to be exiled commanded. It is believed that the holy man, not by fear of death, but by God's counsel, twice wished to yield to the fury, that with the Christ-worshipping Princes, that holy business of conquering all infidelity, which for many years he had striven, he might dispatch. But afterward, seeing that it did not progress, on account of the carelessness of those who held the Christian helm; fearing lest of the most desired martyrdom he should lose the glory, to Bugia again he was carried over; and there among the Christian merchants at first lying hidden, he began gradually certain Saracens clandestinely to address, whom to himself before both well-disposed and disciples he had left.

[22] Those being confirmed in the orthodox faith, no longer the silence of the faith able to bear, with the Mohammedans, into the square of the city having proceeded, boldly the proclamations of the Christian law he declaimed; adding that he wondered at their dementia, who in such obscene traditions of Mahomet placed their trust. And I, he said, am prepared, either by reasons, or by the loss of my life to protest, that in the faith of my Lord Jesus Christ alone, grace and salvation of the human race is found. Remember that I am he, whom before now from these bounds and from Tunis your Princes expelled, who by my disputations overcome, feared lest you prepared to hear, with Christ's truths I should illustrate. But now to you again, the expectation of your salvation alone and of my martyrdom has led me. intrepidly he disputes: Let no one persuade you, most dear men, that the artificer of the heavens, earth and sea, the Spirit, in whom is the highest fullness of virtue and cleanness, by bestial services is appeased; or that he commanded a law which to pleasures, and not to virtue; not to reason, but to wantonness should favor. If a long habit of the Mohammedan sect holds you, so that you should not immediately follow Christ, at least obey, I pray, the judgment of reason. Harm no one: so mutually do good to one another, that of the same Creator by the benefit you may seem created.

[23] By these and many things the crowd of the people being moved, him seized with a furious onset, and by them is afflicted with martyrdom. with blows and reproaches afflicted, to the palace of the King they dragged. By whose mandate Raymond, herald of the Christian faith, ordered to be killed, outside the walls of the city, as blessedly, as cruelly was stoned, in about the eightieth year of his age, and of human salvation 1315, on the feast day (as is believed to have been received from the Elders) of the saints Peter and Paul. Then the Christ-worshipping merchants, the body of Raymond the Martyr obtained by supplication, into a ship, on the following night about to depart, honorably carried. But the Ligurian masters of the ship wishing, The body, God willing, the blessed body to Genoa to carry off, the winds resisting, and God so disposing, to Majorca to glide were compelled. And when the ship with so precious merchandise glad had come, the whole Majorcan people, both to its fellow-countryman and Martyr coming forth to meet, the body most devoutly received in an eminent place of the sacred building of B. Francis (of whose third Order he had been a partner) placed: carried to Majorca it is buried and venerated. where the illustrious Relics with frequent miracles, with pious devotion all of us we follow. If any adversity the Balearic kingdom fears, immediately to the glorious Praxedes, or to Raymond, the Doctor Illuminated and Martyr, prayers being poured out, we are freed. Nor ought it to seem strange, if the Baleares in so great a fellow-citizen glory; since he of the whole Spanish nation most acute is the glory and ornament.

[24] The judgment concerning his books His exceptional praises by no means diminishes, that to inflated Doctors he does not please: for if anyone cautiously surveys, he will see their concerning this disciple of Christ slander, from the infected root of envy or unskillfulness, pride, sloth or other putridity to proceed. As many lettered men as I have hitherto found, lovers of virtue and truth, when I asked what they felt concerning Raymond's doctrine, I remember answered; some, that they indeed concerning Raymond's books, which they had seen, excellently felt; others, that they could not judge concerning a doctrine, which they did not understand. And yet most of them quibblers, smatterers, and men of most wretched lot, who among true and humble doctors were not suitable disciples, impudently bite, whom Jesus crucified drew, whom the Holy Spirit taught, the Queen of heaven visited, the Angel consoled, deeds prove, books exalt, martyrdom crowns.

[25] and the vain Let those very babblers unroll the ancient histories, and let them say, whether perhaps another they have read to have been, who now thirtieth year passing, so worldly, so unlettered, that he did not even know the principles of the art of Grammar, suddenly by the miracle of infused science shone; and who so many arts, so many sciences, and the Art General to all knowable things wrote. But if these things by us concerning Raymond narrated, which through two hundred years back by fame are reported, either deny or cavil the adversaries; deny they cannot the experience of his books. Let them inspect them with a mind empty of passion; and if anything in them damnable they should find, we beseech by the most clement vitals of Christ, that they impugn, accuse, machinations of the detractors. to the sacred Inquisitors and supreme Pontiff refer: nor let them suffer us Lullists to be led away by those errors, who Raymond's doctrine with faithful intention, as sound and Catholic profess. Which if it shall be judged heretical, we first will give his volumes to the fire: but if Catholic, the Lord shall be praised in his Saint, and shall cease then at last to bark the deceitful lips, which to bite they shall not be able.

[26] Of Nicholas Eymeric, Someone objects, that the R. P. Nicholas Eymeric, a Friar of the Order of Preachers, in the kingdoms of Aragon Inquisitor, by the title of a certain Bull of the H. L. Pope Gregory XI, once condemned two hundred articles, excerpted from Raymond's treatises. We answer, that all those things, which the said Inquisitor, for his intention of whatever kind, had attempted, afterward by the R. P. Bernard Ermengaud, of the Order of Preachers, a sharper confutation, in the kingdoms of Aragon Provincial and Inquisitor, with the consent and subscription of many Masters in Theology of the aforesaid Order of Minorites, the books of Raymond with the highest diligence first examined, were revoked and annulled, at Barcelona on the 19th of May in the year 1386. Secondly, were revoked at Avignon, on the 10th of July in the year 1395, by the most Reverend D. Leonard, of the title of S. Sixtus Presbyter Cardinal, Judge and Commissary by the Apostolic See specially deputed; with the revocation of the alleged Bull. when first before the same Judge, the kinsmen and devoted of that Raymond Lull had proved, of the said Bull the nefarious falsity; and had proved, that the said Inquisitor Nicholas Eymeric, had changed and corrupted the places of Raymond's books, from which those two hundred articles he had said he had taken. Thirdly, were revoked at Barcelona, on the 24th of March in the year 1419, by the Reverend in Christ Father D. Bernard, Bishop of Città di Castello, Commissary. That these things are so as we say, prove the very long and authentic documents, which at Valencia and at Majorca are accurately preserved.

[27] When therefore there shall come to light, what by us has been most faithfully recited concerning Raymond Lull; Against Raymond's enemies men of good will shall recognize, that not the detractors are to be believed, but experience; not the crowd, but truth. But we hope in the Lord, that hereafter there shall not be those who detract: for it can have happened, that the sayings of many, from precipitate judgment or ignorance of the fact proceeded. But to the hardened enemies, if any shall have persisted, most certain we testify, that to this Doctor and Martyr the contrary, are wont the bitter rewards of an iniquitous will to feel. I would name the persecutors of this doctrine snatched by sudden destruction, compelled to beg; others afflicted with calamities, did not the prolixity to come restrain me.

[28] These are, most worthy Prelate, the things which concerning Raymond's life, the heavenly vengeance. martyrdom and doctrine, to your Lordship long since and to others known I desire. A notable history indeed, and which on account of the novelty of the deeds done, would not have wished me as writer, but another most eloquent deserved. I however, that once for all to memory I might hand down, what concerning our Raymond's affairs, collected from various places I had noted, I cared not, whether praise or disgrace, this rude composition for me was going to produce. Of my reputation the detriment, The Writer's epilogue. if any there shall have been, by that convenience I will weigh; that all shall see, that I indeed, that to your most ample Lordship I might serve, feared no perils. But in writing these things, so far from fiction and lies I withdrew, as much as neither am I wont to use them, nor did Raymond need them. Nay rather so many things most worthy to be known I deliberately passed over, that in weaving Raymond's history, those who will accuse me of modesty, very many I shall find; but of falsity, no one.

THE END.

At the end of the edition of each little work these things are had: This work On the rational Soul has been corrected, with two most ancient copies, and printed in the celebrated University of Alcalá; by the industry of Arnold Guillermus Brocartius, a most skilful Engraver, in the year of our salvation 1519, on the vigil of the Assumption of our Lady B. M. Virgin and mother of God.

MIRACLES

Selected from the Processes for Canonization, in the Majorcan language described, and carried to Rome, rendered into Spanish by Custurer, Dissert. 1 cap. 5, and here translated into the Latin language.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

FROM THE MS. PROCESSES.

CHAPTER I.

Candles, burning thirteen hours on the feast, without diminution of themselves.

Besides the Processes, for proving Raymond's cult, from time immemorial perennial, formed by the authority of the Ordinary, These avail for proving the continuation of the cult, there are had three others, by similar authority, by virtue of Compulsory letters issued in the year 1595, drawn up in the years 1605, 1607, and 1617: which, although on account of the decrees of Urban VIII their effect they did not then obtain, since nevertheless before those were published, to Rome they were carried and offered, it can still have this, whenever it shall please the Most Holy one, them there to be recognized to hand over to those Judges, to whom he will commit the final acts for the so desired Canonization. Meanwhile the miracles reported in them avail, to evidently show of the old cult the never interrupted continuation; and how acceptable this was to God, although the Canonization has not followed. according to all those kinds of public veneration, which to Saints or Blesseds, commonly and generally so held, can and is wont by the faithful to be displayed.

[2] And first for the proof of the feasts, instituted for B. Lull, makes that which in the Process of the year 1617, before all others the heard Witness, in this manner reported. When I was chosen by the Magnificent Jurats of this city of Majorca, as Warden of the Chapel of B. Raymond Lull; and saw among the Wardens or Prefects, The candles procured for the feast, yearly wont to be chosen for adorning our Blessed's feast, a decree to be held, that it on the 16th of the current July be celebrated; a few days before, them I approached, namely D. Jerome Sala, James Togores, the Magnificent D. Natalis Vidal of this year a Jurat; Bernard Amet and Mag. Michael Simonet; and to them or rather to the aforesaid Simonet I said, that to his colleagues he should suggest, that there be given to me the alms accustomed on that day, when to public veneration were to be exposed the Jawbones of that B. Martyr; but I from it would take care to have made ten wax torches, about to add of my own if anything were lacking. It pleased what I offered; and immediately I commanded James Masroig to make them for me; ten namely on my account, and one for Mag. John Segui, a preparer of silk thread, who in his name one to me to be made had commended, to the same end. On the Saturday therefore preceding the feast, and carefully weighed, an hour and a half before sunset, I went to the workshop, and found those torches made, and still from the recent work warm and flexible. Those therefore immediately we weighed on a balance, first five, then the six remaining: and we found first pounds 18, and ounces six; then pounds 22, ounces 3; together pounds 40, ounces 9; and all to be received on this condition, that what after their use should weigh less, I the Witness would pay: and therefore soon to memory I recorded the note of the whole weight, which also in his Diary the candle-maker inscribed. But immediately lest with others they could be exchanged, and marked, as some out of devotion were wont to do; I ordered the candle-maker to each to apply his seal or mark; and that more easily they might be distinguished, to each I tied a little band of colored floss silk; and I carried at the same time all to the church of S. Francis. There them soon at the hour of Compline we lit, about one before sunset hour; and they burned until the end of Compline, that is until the heard second hour of the night a, when already the people, who in throng had run up, thence had withdrawn.

[3] after they had burned 13 hours, Then they were all extinguished, and again lit the following day, July 16 in the morning, about the eighth hour b, that is two and a half hours after the rising of the sun; and they burned until after midday and all the offices completed: and a third time again lit at the second hour in the afternoon, they shone almost until sunset; so that they burned altogether thirteen hours more or less: and the feast being finished I received the torches, and home with me carried back. Hither me accompanied Mag. Onufrius Mesquida, before whom I, they are found to weigh the same as before; that I might know how much I owed to pay the candle-maker, doubtful whether sufficient would be the money prepared for that end; those torches, together with the remains of the wax, which in the adoration of the Jawbones had flowed down, I weighed on the Roman balance, which in my house I had; and I found the same exactly weight, which I in my note had marked, without any diminution at all c. I said therefore to the aforesaid Mesquida; It can be that some error here is, for I find the torches in no way diminished. This, and that by repeated weighing more often: replied he, can have done God in honor of his Saint. The weighing therefore three or four times we repeated, and always the same weight we found, which I had noted on paper.

[4] Then those being left at my house, I went to the house of Peter Ribot, Notary at the same time and Syndic of the University, deputed to the businesses and causes of the blessed Martyr. To him when we had narrated what had happened a miracle; said Peter; Let us send these things; who knows whether it was not erred in something: tomorrow morning we will deal with the candle-maker, when he himself to his own balance the torches given to you shall weigh: now to bed let us go: for it is now late. The next day together both, I the witness and the aforesaid Mesquida, we betook ourselves to the house of the candle-maker; which when also the candle-maker tried, and as before, the torches first five, then six, twice he weighed; and according to his diary, with my note agreeing, in each place the noted weight to be found he testified, before many present: he recognized also his mark, on the torches singly impressed; and I the little band of floss silk, which to them I had tied around; and we recognized all that a manifest work of God it was, the whole weight also he found. that amid so great heats, both of the summer season, and of the frequent in the chapel people and of about eighty candles on the same altar burning, from which were consumed fourteen or fifteen pounds; not even one ounce from our torches, which we had carried back, had departed. Nothing therefore was to be paid to the candle-maker, who nothing also exacted. Thence we withdrew, and went to the Magnificent Jurats, and reported the case; who ordered those torches to be carried to the hall of the University; where set apart they remain (as I understand) until today, for the perpetual memory of the fact d.

NOTES OF JAMES CUSTURER.

You will note here in passing, that Custurer in reporting miracles, does not keep the order or series of the Processes; since this first he took from the Process of the year 1617, and in the next following chapter some he plucks from the Processes of the year 1607 and 1612 and elsewhere others.

CHAPTER II.

Deadly diseases, the Saint's Jawbones being applied, cured.

[5] Among those, who from the aforesaid sacred Jawbones health from their infirmities received, many are in the Process of the year 1607; A little boy, blind, with his eyes covered with flesh, of whom the first, a married woman, in this manner gave testimony. I have a son, who today is a Religious Franciscan, and is called Ignatius. He when he was a year and a half old; in the month of July lost his sight, and remained with his eyes closed for some days; when Doctor Terrades, having seen him, said to me; that altogether he would close his eyes, by means of a certain water, which he would give. Then the same violently opening, we did not find the pupil nor the white, but only certain little pieces of flesh. Therefore my husband, John Antony Garcia and I, decided to carry him to S. Francis, where to his eyes so constituted should be applied the Jawbones of Doctor Master Raymond Lull: and the following night the little boy slept, contrary to what he was wont. And when him in the morning I carried to the window, to give him milk; and carried to the Saint, he is enlightened. I saw both his eyes as clear, as if then for the first time he had been born: which, wondering, firmly I believed, that God through the intercession of Doctor Mag. Raymond Lull, this had done a miracle: but my husband its memory consigned in a certain note-book; which when dormice had gnawed, only that part of the paper, on which inscribed that memory was, safe and whole they left. To this moreover miracle testified another, who the boy's father, going to S. Francis, had accompanied.

[6] Folio 311 of that Process, which began to be formed in the year 1612, Lucas Marça a silversmith, Having promised to wear for one year a grey garment, deposed on the 28th of the following January his testimony, saying: It is about a year, that in the month of April a pestilent and dangerous fever seized me, so that inwardly wholly by heat I was consumed, while outwardly like ice cold I was, so that thence soon to die I believed; and the physician Esteban and the Surgeon John Estrader held me for given up; as both they themselves, and my domestics all, after I recovered, affirmed. The human means therefore failing, of divine means it was thought: and now the oil of extreme Unction into my house had been brought, he recovers from a pestilent fever, and it was deliberated for half an hour concerning administering it to me. Meanwhile alone in my chamber with my soul I invoked the glorious Martyr Raymond Lull, promising, that if to me salvation from God he obtained, all the rest of my life I would wear garments of a reddish color, such as he while he lived used, and his Jawbones in gilded silver I would enclose, the Saint's Jawbones being brought; more sumptuously and elegantly than hitherto they were. But at the very instant in which the vow I had made, I seemed to myself to be lifted from the bed, and above it raised, with so great inward alacrity and restoration of strength, that scarcely I recognized myself to be sick: and at once I asked that to me be brought the Jawbones of that Saint: which soon brought with the greatest devotion embracing, I adored; wholly confident, that through them I would recover health. From that moment ceased the fever: and, unless the weakness, which to me remained great, had hindered, I would have risen from the bed; because, as I already said, nothing of evil I felt, from which were brought to me those sacred Jawbones. For truly at that very moment, in which they had been brought, as I said, dismissed me the fever: but three days after, so confirmed I felt myself, that to the stupor of all I rose from the bed; and therefore certain I hold, that God, through the intercession of that his Saint, to me restored health.

[7] likewise his wife, Folio 312 and 313 of the same Process, said Frances Marça, wife of the aforesaid Lucas Marça; Months about ten it is, that in April, about the holy Week, my husband and I the witness, with so grave a fever were seized, that Doctor Esteban, whom as physician we used, that of our life it was done opined; as to us, after recovered health, said all who were present; but brought to each of us the jawbones of B. Lull, at that very instant in which we adored them, we began to be better, so that within three or four days we rose from the bed, all so sudden a convalescence wondering at; and therefore I believe for certain, that our Lord this to us grace did, through the merits of his glorious Martyr B. Raymond Lull: who in that infirmity to me appeared, going around the bed, in that form in which he is wont to be painted. This I soon narrated to a certain Franciscan Brother, and that she saw him himself appear at her bed. who said to me, that a dream it was; from which hour I doubted, whether it was not a dream: but whether it was, or not, certainly I remember, that while he himself within the curtain of my bed went around, gladdened wholly was I: and from that time I am affected with great devotion toward him, and esteem him a great Saint, both on account of those things which of his life and martyrdom I heard, and on account of the health to me and my husband so suddenly restored; and thenceforth in all my labors him I invoke. To the truth of each of these successes, others also Witnesses in the Process attest.

[8] Folio 198 of the same Process, there is had a copy of a certain writing, by P. Fr. Ignatius Garcia drawn up, The same boy who was cured above, he who was Provincial of this province of Majorca, and as an infant miraculously recovered his sight, as above is reported. Then folio 655 under oath he affirmed the truth of the aforesaid writing of the following tenor. On the 10th of July in the year 1600 I attest, I, Fr. Ignatius Garcia, of the Order of S. Francis, that before me, and with me lending a hand, happened the following miracle, by the Relics of Mag. Raymond Lull, namely by each lower Jawbone, which with great reverence is kept in the sacristy of the Convent of S. Francis of this city. When on the aforesaid day, I and P. Fr. Matthew Comellas after dinner were carrying the Relics of S. Didacus to the house of a certain sick woman, now Provincial of Majorca of the Order of Minorites,

I said to that Father, that rightly we would do, if to the same we carried the Relics of holy Master Raymond Lull. This when he approved, I placed them in my sleeve. So we went to the house of a woman, whose name was Angustina: with whom while the aforesaid Father for some time stayed within her chamber with the Relics of S. Didacus; I remained in the courtyard meanwhile with the Relics of the Illuminated Doctor. There to me came a certain younger woman, of about thirty years, in the company of a certain little old woman. And when I saw that she did not speak, I asked of the other what was lacking to her; and she answered, that she was mute and paralytic in her left arm and side; and that this to her had happened by this chance. Married she had been to a certain sailor, she testifies that mute and hemiplegic, who when into the captivity of the Moors he had fallen, and was believed to be dead, another she as husband with her Parish-priest's consent took: but that falsely had been announced his death (as in such a case not rarely happens, however great diligence be applied) it appeared, when he on a certain day was carried into the port of Majorca; which understanding the young woman, so dismayed she was, that the aforesaid evil thence she contracted. her speech and motion she recovered, Then I persuaded that she should take great faith in the glorious Raymond; and his Relics, which with me I had, devoutly venerate, and so quickly to be healed. Obeyed she, and them to her mouth being applied, was loosed that into words: and I, the miracle seen, ordered that also her arm and hand, of whose use now for months eight she had been deprived, to the same she should apply: which done, when from the whole herself healed she said, wishing it more certainly to test, I ordered that her hand she should open, and that doing they saw all who stood by, and that I affirm and will affirm etc. But in the Processes of the year 1617, there was one who said, that present he had been at this miracle, and the woman knew.

[9] Anointed for death, In the aforesaid Process of the year 1612, fol. 241, said the Witness: To me in particular it happened, before these about two years, that, laboring with a most vehement fever, to the extremity I was brought; and when had been brought the sacred Oil, now to me as to a dead man they had covered the face; when, coming upon, my kinsman R. P. Fr. Peter Esteban, in this city Commander of the Order of Mercy, me uncovering, and his hand to my breast applying, a little still to palpitate he felt, and ordered to be deferred the Unction. This when to me had been administered, at the presence of the relics he is restored to himself. and he the following day returned, in the same state me found; he suggested that from the Convent of S. Francis be sought the Jawbones of the glorious Martyr Raymond Lull, wholly confident, that by them mediating I would recover health. Said, done. Brought them two Franciscans: and I them devoutly adored. First I kissed them; applied then to my head for about half an hour I held. But before they were taken away, I felt a huge heat about my breast, thence through my whole body to be diffused; and myself as strong as today I am; and at once from the bed I would have gone, if it to me they had permitted. Therefore from then and now for certain I hold, this grace to unworthy me divinely bestowed, by the intercession of the glorious Martyr Lull, and on that account a great toward him devotion I conceived and keep. But folio 243 appears another Witness, of the already said miracle.

[10] Before the same vowing 500 pounds for the Canonization, At the same place fol. 279 testifying Lady Isabella Cotoner, wife of Lord John Forteza; Four years it almost is, she says, that a certain little daughter of mine, now about eleven years of age about to be if she lived, by a vehement fever made sick, and now by three Physicians Esteban, Santandreu and Kiebres given up, was believed for certain to be about to die, because her tongue wholly black was; when I, mindful of the miracles, which at Majorca were done at the contact of the Jawbones of B. Raymond Lull, asked them to my house to be brought. Brought them two Brothers, together with the Relics of S. Didacus: and these indeed they placed on the head of the sick girl, those they applied to her neck: but immediately to sleep she began, and after a little awakened, cried out; What is that which there they placed? for a dying little daughter, a sudden one; (and with her hand her neck she showed,) give me at once what I may eat: for well I am, nor anything of evil I feel. Give me quickly something: and with a great voice calling me, and wholly cheered, she said: Come, Lady mother, well I am: I wish to rise, because well to me it is; let there be given to me at once what I may eat. Therefore days many unharmed she remained, with blackish however longer tongue. But because, at the very moment of the cure, the girl showed her neck, we did not doubt, nor now do we doubt, but that a miracle is to be ascribed to B. Raymond. At the same time my husband with a similar fever labored, for her husband, a slower healing she obtains. with prickings of the side, by which disease then many died. Therefore also to him to apply I made the aforesaid Jawbones. Not however so quickly health he received, but more slowly and gradually; nevertheless this also grace to the Saint we attribute, for I had vowed, while the Relics were applied to the sick, five hundred pounds to his canonization to be conferred, if they should recover.

[11] Another person fol. 300. To me also, she says, in the year past 1612 it happened to labor with a most grievous pain of the teeth of the right part, in whose jaw, the greatest I felt torment, so that my mouth I could not open, At the contact of the same, nor by day or by night rest. This when to me now several days had lasted, and to the highest degree of torment had ascended, Bartholomew Reus, my husband, said, that I should go to the Surgeon Antony Roig, who that pain-causing tooth would extract: but I, mindful of the benefits, which many at S. Francis obtained, thither betook myself, and asked to be shown to me the Jawbones of the holy Martyr Raymond Lull: suddenly the toothache is taken away, which when I had obtained, immediately ceased all pain, and glad and cheerful home I returned; and thereafter to him devoted, nothing I doubt but that through him that grace was done to me, which naturally so quickly and completely could not be hoped: which also judged the Witnesses, folio 291 and 325 produced.

[12] Another, fol. 319 says: I suffered the greatest of head and jaws pain, and a long-lasting headache, for which no I found remedy or solace: and it for four or five days continuous increase taking, now not even my mouth to open to take food I could; wherefore I thought thence I would die. But I remembered the marvels, which of the Lullian Jawbones I had heard; and that my kinsman Fr. Ferregut, of the Order of S. Francis, to me had said, that whenever such an evil to me should come (for it came often,) to him I should have recourse, who to me those Jawbones, would make to be adored and kissed to be shown, which done I would be probably to be freed. On such an occasion therefore, when in bed I lay, nor had strength to the building of S. Francis to go, I asked, that some of the Fathers of the said Order, by Brother Ferregut accompanied, that Relic to me would bring. by a similar means, Nor in vain: for when it I with a pious kiss having venerated, on my head placed, the torment began to be soothed, and with great solace of heart, a firm hope I conceived of full convalescence. And truly it attained me I felt within half an hour, in which that sacred pledge upon me I had. For, before it was taken away, my mouth I opened, and to eat I began without any impediment. But the next day, I went to the chapel, in which the holy body of Raymond and the Relics are kept, and took care there to be said a Mass in thanksgiving. Thence returning, through the way met me a certain young Lady, wife of Andrew Palon, dwelling in a house next to mine, who for the sake of visiting had come the night before, with great wonder of the neighborhood. and present had been, when the said Jawbones to me were applied. Therefore me coming seeing; Jesus! she exclaims wondering, are you the same who the night past? and this way you go? is it possible? It is possible, I say, because the Lord healed me through his holy Raymond. Which said from her I departed on my way, most certainly persuaded, that grace to have been miraculous, on account of the sudden force of the remedy so accelerated, that to the powers of nature it could not be ascribed; of which matter a co-witness, fol. 326 added, that she knew not, whether lying in bed she, some other evil suffered; but well, that a pitiable spectacle it was, her cheek to see, so enormously inflated.

[13] Folio 256 of the often-said Process, a witness heard; Next spring, he says, it will be about two years, By a continuous fever sick to death, that about the feast of Pentecost, a certain tumor I felt in my body, with a most vehement fever, and that continuous, so that the physicians despaired of my life, as to me my wife narrated. In that crisis placed, when often I had heard narrated the stupendous miracles, which at Majorca were done, at the invocation of the blessed Martyr Raymond Lull, I prayed, that his Jawbones to me be brought, as to the sick in the city, they are wont to be brought: which while I await, and with a Crucifix in hand from God I implore mercy, there was present with them, P. Fr. Pisa, by another Religious accompanied. Indeed scarcely of myself then I was master; the Relics being brought, yet as much as I remember, those Relics, devoutly received, for about half an hour, by me I had; and with great inward solace suffused, a firm hope of health to return I conceived. But after the aforesaid Religious them took away (for they did not wish to leave them to me) falling into sleep, and the appearance of the Saint praying for him being seen, he recovers, I seemed to myself to see the figure of S. Raymond Lull, with bent knees and joined hands; at which sight I veiled my eyes, and soon again unveiled; but seeing no one, I remained with so great confidence of keeping my life, that I said to the bystanders, that they should go to bed, the care of me being dismissed, which any longer I did not need. And truly from that moment, so to be better I began, that I can in no way doubt, but that by the special help of God, by the prayers of B. Raymond obtained, and not by any human remedies, my life was preserved: as also another Witness, folio 258 affirmed.

[14] A little boy all but dead, Folio 287, another Witness; Three years it is, he says, that a certain little son of mine, a year old, lay brought to the extreme by a spasmodic fever: whom his mother, my wife, dead believing, that as a dead one I should sign with the Cross and bless advised: and I, his face inspecting, and his eyes closed and covered with discharge, to him gave blessing, as to the dead is wont. But when a little after, somewhat still to breathe he seemed, having conceived in the Doctor Lull confidence, I went to his tomb, and with bent knees there I prayed for the infant. Thence to the P. Guardian of that Convent I proceeded, asking that some Religious he would designate, to my house with me to go, with the holy Jawbones. There was present soon, by the Guardian's command, one; by the touch of the same he revives: and he asked whether also he would take the Relic of S. Didacus. I answered, that those alone of S. Raymond I required, and went with him to my house, where the infant we found such as I had left. But soon, as to him was placed the Relic, as if his last to be moved and to struggle he began, so that to the side he fell out, the Relic to his body being placed. Then the Religious himself, the accustomed prayer being said, it took up, and to be kissed to the infant offered, and departed. Scarcely he had departed, when the little one opened his eyes, all wiped away the discharge, most clear; to the great of his mother and of all the bystanders solace, who without delay believed, the effect miraculous to have been, which to the merits of B. Raymond ought to be ascribed.

[15] Folio 118 deposes the R. P. Presented, Fr. Bartholomew Bramona, likewise a Religious of Mercy, of the Order of B. Mary of Mercy, as follows: When P. Fr. Peter Esteban, grievously was sick from a continuous fever, as judged Doctors Ferregut and Esteban, who him visited; they advised me that I should dispose all things which are wont for dying Religious to be cared for, with this added, that for the sick man no hope of life longer was. I betook myself therefore to the chamber of the sick man, whom I found as if lethargic; and while there I was, there came upon a Religious Franciscan, one of those who are wont to the sick through the city the Relics of the Doctor and Martyr Lull to carry around: when now he was at his last gasp. which when to the sick man he had applied, and with a great shout exhorted that the Saint he should invoke, confident that through him health he would receive; I saw him, and saw all who were present, to give signs, of doing that with his heart, which with his voice he could not; and at once we recognized to him to be better; and for certain we hold a miracle to have been, because within two days we beheld him walking through the streets of the city.

[16] Fol. 220 a Witness heard by profession a physician, said: A physician Doctor testifies that to several it happened. A certain matron, with a burning continuous and pestilent fever laboring, to such extremity had come, that I and another who her with me cured physician, her for desperate held; and therefore, now dead deeming her, I ceased her by custom to visit. Afterward however to the same returned, I met her, wholly better having; but the cause of so swift a change asking, she answered; The Relics of the holy Martyr being brought to her, suddenly better I felt myself, within a few days wholly healed I was. And cases of this kind, says the Witness, I experience daily about the sick, whom I am wont to exhort, both in the city and through the kingdom, that a remedy of this kind they may try. Another fol. 239 said: Years twelve it is, The pain of the head with fever is healed. that to me suffering a fever with pain of the head, the Fathers of S. Francis brought the Jawbones of the blessed and glorious Martyr Raymond Lull; which adored when to my head I had placed, immediately ceased the pain; and the fever, which vehement was and to last longer was feared, greatly alleviated, within a few days wholly vanished.

CHAPTER III.

Other benefits, by the mediation of the same Jawbones, obtained.

[17] Three years it is, says a Witness, folio 150 reported, After a miscarriage sick to death, that my wife, a few before the Sunday of the Ascension days, suffered a miscarriage with a copious flux of blood. Applied to her in vain remedies various: wherefore both I and the midwife her life held in the desperate. Now the seventh day was passing, when my wife, mindful of the marvels of S. Raymond, his relics sought, obtained, and them having kissed, invoked the help of the Saint, and immediately to be better began, and within a few days the whole recovered her health; which we all, equally as our neighbors, of that case conscious, imputed to a miracle; as also did the Witness reported fol. 251: and thenceforth frequently we go to the chapel of the Saint, thanks for so present a help giving, and in other necessities him invoking.

[18] Folio 253, another Witness: It pleased, he says, our Lord in me a very notable miracle to work, and a man seized with deadly pleurisy, to his honor and his glorious Martyr's Raymond Lull, five years ago; when reclining at the table invaded me a furious pleurisy, so that unfed I had to to the bed be carried. Soon called the physicians and surgeons applied those remedies, which to profit they believed, with fruit none; the evil growing by the hour, and by day and by night to cry compelling. Therefore mindful of the miracles of S. Raymond, I commanded with a strong shout, that his Jawbones to me they should carry, confident by them mediating to be healed. When now for five days thus I was afflicted, brought them P. Fr. John de Mesquida of the Franciscan Order, and to my mouth to be kissed applied first, then upon me placed left them; and suddenly to be relieved feeling, to sleep I began. the Relics being applied they are cured: A little after awakened, I convoked my domestics, who me asleep having beheld, from the chamber had gone out: I asked where was P. Fr. Mesquida; they answered, that he had departed, and with him the Relics had taken away. To whom I, nothing more of evil feeling except a little fatigue from so many days' torment; Father, I said, Mesquida, together with the sacred Jawbones, my evil has taken away: therefore, both I and the present all, so sudden and perfect a cure to the intercession of B. Raymond ascribed, and myself on that account bound I acknowledge.

[19] likewise another from a burning fever, Another fol. 255 said: It is two years in the month of December, that seized by a burning fever, with a most vehement pain of the head, after many in vain applied medicines, to hope I began that I could by means of S. Raymond be healed: and with great confidence I asked, that his Jawbones be brought to me. Brought them a certain Franciscan, Fr. Costa called, if I am not mistaken; and devoutly adored by me, he applied them to my forehead. Hence at once to be better beginning, in a short time I recovered wholly, nor without hesitation a miraculous that effect I esteemed, which by no medicines could have been obtained.

[20] Folio 169 deposing another Witness: Years five it is, he says, and a year-old boy from a deadly spasm; that my brother Peter George, then a year old, fell into a grave and vehement fever, with a convulsion and spasm such, that his arms with his hands were twisted backward, and continually trembled, nor them could he use, until to him were brought the often- said Jawbones; which by two Brothers received, and applied to the sick one, the boy his arms and hands extended to them to kiss, from the convulsion already said and the trembling cured; and within a few days wholly healthy as long as he lived, all the bystanders he moved to give thanks to God for so notable a miracle. And folio 22 in the Process of the year 1605, said a certain Religious woman of the Hieronymite monastery; and an apoplectic Nun that now there a Nun she was, when Sister Honofria Bonapart apoplectic became (another Sister added, that the physician visiting her judged an incurable disease to be) whence her speech she lost, nor before recovered, than upon her were placed the Jawbones of holy Raymond. The matter moreover happened before nine years, the day before S. Anne's, on which the aforesaid Sister apoplexy seized. But I was in the chamber of the sick woman, until the third hour after sunset, when she said; A little I slept, and behold better to be I feel, from which upon me they placed the Jawbones of Mag. Raymond. That voice all us present with admiration filled; and out of her mind. for Sister Honofria of her mind was not master, when to her were applied the Relics aforesaid. Therefore immediately rising, I roused and convoked all the Religious women, to give thanks to God for so miraculous a cure; and at the same time all the cell having entered, we found her healthy and healthy thereafter she lived some years: of which none of us doubted but that of God alone the work it was, by S. Raymond's merits obtained. There are also other Witnesses of the same miracle in that Process: in whose folio 19, another woman affirms, that the aforesaid Jawbones being applied to her and one Mass cured, she was freed from an intolerable pain of the teeth, which she suffered; And by a similar of the same Jawbones application, we find, several others from various infirmities cured.

[21] Certain little pieces plucked from that Cross, on which fixed Christ to S. Raymond appeared, Splinters of the Lullian cross, cure with various miracles also became famous, of which one is reported in the Process of the year 1612, folio 168, in this manner: A certain little sister of mine three years old suffered an infirmity, which a disease to be the French one, contracted from the nurses, who had nursed the little infant, said Doctor Raphael Amer and John Strader the Surgeon. This understanding my father Peter Ribot the Notary, when now one year the little infant that evil suffered, the French disease, communicated by a nurse to the little infant and it greater daily took increases, home came about the hour of dinner, bringing with him a splinter of that cross, on which to the glorious Martyr Raymond Christ is said to have appeared; and it brought out he applied to her ulcerated mouth. I said that similarly he should apply to the secret part, no less infected: but he answered; Nothing is that needed, enough her so will cure S. Raymond. That night no care, such as we were wont, we applied to the little one: in the morning however, when for the same cause, the girl we visited, we found her healthy, left only a slight about her mouth scar, and thenceforth until now healthy she remains, all who before her had seen esteeming manifest to be a miracle, since indeed human remedies nothing had profited. Co-witnesses moreover of the same were, first the physician aforesaid, whose deposition is reported fol. 107; and several others reported folio 202, 166 and 169.

[22] The same witness fol. 170 says. This very year in the month of January, and a man almost consumed by the same, my husband Bartholomew Capo, for four months laboring with the same French disease, and incurable judged by the physicians, after very many remedies in vain applied, the evil so growing worse, so that his whole body was now one single wound, especially his head and his neck. Then my father, the case understood, sent me a little piece of the aforesaid wood: which received I said to my husband, that he should take courage, and to B. Raymond commend himself, and I began it to apply to his head; at the wife's vow, and then to his neck hung I left it, with much devotion and confidence. But the following day my husband from the bed could rise, and within a short time wholly recovered, from day to day advancing in health: in memory of which benefit I vowed to have painted a tablet, which to the tomb should be hung, and today among the hands of the painter it is.

[23] Folio 244 another Witness thus swore: Last spring of the year 1612, another afflicted with intolerable gout of the knees, now it is months six, that in bed lying occupied me a pain in the knees so intense, that able to bear it in no way, continually I wept and lamented, nor pacify me could whoever assisted; when to my house came Peter Ribot the Notary, saying that he brought a Cross, in which enclosed was a particle of that wood, in which to B. Lull Christ had appeared; and this taking from his neck, he hung on mine: and at once that great torment ceased, nor afterward it any further I felt, all who were present, at so sudden a miracle astonished: especially since it was wont to me often during the year to return: and there is present a Witness of it another, folio 246.

[24] Folio 303 speaking another: A year, he says, almost one has gone, that tertian fevers I suffered with a grave pain of the head: and another laboring with tertians with headache. but having taken a little piece of the same wood, which someone to me had given; as soon as it I applied to my head, ceased the pain: but when it afterward fell, from the place where I had put it; continually returned that pain, until it I replaced: of which matter often experience I made for two months, in which the fever lasted. But this ceasing, that little piece of the sacred wood I lent to a certain neighbor of mine, who with a similar pain was tormented; and, as she to me related, the same thence benefit received. Nay also many other marvels, by particles of this kind mediating, worked God, as in this city is known.

[25] Nor fewer he did by the mediation of the oil of the lamp before the Saint burning, of which matter among others a Witness folio 182, A vehement, he says, suffering in one foot torment, They are healed by the oil of the lamp, so that hardly stand on the step I could, I visited as best I could the chapel of B. Raymond, and twice my foot from the lamp before him hung I anointed; and freed thereafter until now I was. Another folio 298; Last spring, he says, the pain of the head, now habitual, I suffered a most grievous pain of the head, I was wont ordinarily to be tormented, and it lasted from the hour second or third after sunrise, until the third or fourth of the night, growing worse the more the more the night approached. But when I was in the convent of S. Francis, and there prayed before the tomb of the holy Martyr Raymond, I anointed my forehead with the oil of the lamp there burning, and at that very moment I felt the torment alleviated; and that so quickly, that before my foot I could from the church carry, almost wholly removed it was; but when to my house I came, now nothing more I felt: and I hold for certain, that through that oil I was healed from that torment, which according to its ordinary course was wont to me until night to last; but then soon from the anointing to cease it had begun, and shortly wholly it ceased. It is true indeed, that some days after again the pain returned, not however so vehement nor so continuous, as it was wont, when on any week once and again the same I suffered. But from that time at which my forehead I anointed, now three months have gone, that any more it I have not felt.

[26] The same Witness p. 299 thus proceeds: In days past occupied me in the groin a carbuncle, a carbuncle in the groin, or a sanguineous tumor, which of very slow cure to be said some: but within seven days the suppuration matured it burst, and dried was the ulcer: and I hold for certain, this done by the virtue of the same, which I said, oil; because it I put on a plaster, to me for the cure being applied. Another then person fol. 329, paralysis of the right side, speaking of a certain nine-year-old daughter of his, in the whole right side paralytic, to whom continually the hand trembled, the physicians no hope of cure giving. When, he says, a certain neighbor to me had suggested, that the daughter I should commend to B. Raymond; we went to visit the chapel, in which his body and relics are kept; and we took of the oil of the lamp there lit, and with it the girl we anointed: which as soon as to do we began, began she to be better, and now healthy she is wholly, that very hand using and work doing, with which before nothing she could do.

[27] Folio 330 another Witness, when first she had said, that of her sons one, likewise the pain of the head as often as; wont a frequent pain of the head to suffer; at the very moment in which he anointed himself with the aforesaid oil, was wont also the evil as if to be wiped away, whence to the same Saint most devoutly he was affected. The Witness herself then of herself; Last, she says, of the year 1612 November, about the first hour of the night, came upon me an evil so grave, that thence wholly to die I believed myself. It was alleviated indeed twice or thrice that night; but soon it returned twice more vehement, and another great evil; so that my domestics and neighbors all of my life that it was done judged. In that state, when most keenly pressed the evil (sleeping, or for pain of sense deprived, I know not) I seemed to myself to speak with B. Raymond, and with my whole heart for gladness inflamed to say: My Saint, nothing I have which to you I may give; I will make however to be painted a votive tablet. And this saying I opened my eyes, and myself wholly healthy I found, nor ever that evil to me returned.

[28] Another fol. 331 said: Eight days after I had given birth, I know not by what rashness I placed myself at the window; and by the air which thence breathed the pores entering, as soon as thence I withdrew, and an acute after childbirth fever, I felt myself grievously tormented, and the same night came upon me a vehement and acute fever, which the bystanders made to despair of my life; nay also I thought myself soon to die, on account of the pain which I felt vehemence. But morning being come, mindful of the miracles, which through the city were narrated to be done, by the mediation of the Relics of S. Raymond and the oil of his lamp, I asked that a little something of it for me they should seek. They did, what I asked, and with it for me the pulse of the vein and the neck they anointed: and at that very instant better to be beginning, within two hours I rose from the bed, and healthy myself I found both from the pain of the head and from the fever, never thereafter returning: to which matter attests another folio 332. Another folio 378; the torment of an inflamed mouth, For six months, he says, I suffered a great evil in my mouth, to which when various remedies and caustic waters I had applied, nor anything profited, I went to the chapel of the blessed Martyr, and with the oil of the lamp anointed for myself all my jaws. But I began at the first anointing to feel relief some; and it then through about a whole month continuing, at last wholly healthy I was.

[29] Folio 381 is found another Witness to have said: A son of mine Nicholas Tries, being of age the eighteenth year about, a deadly fever at the last gasp, by an acute which he suffered fever to the extreme had come, given up by the physicians, and the fourth now day of speech, sight, hearing deprived, his eyes nearly broken, so that at moments singly the last breath was expected; nor other sign of life remained than a slight and most thin breathing. In such a crisis entered my house one of the neighbors, the first hour after sunset, and to me said: So many things you have done for recovering for your son health, nor anything you have profited; do now, what I suggest. I bring to you something of the oil of the lamp, before the tomb of B. Raymond hanging: take and anoint with it the sick one, because by such a means many have obtained lost health. I took therefore the flask, in which the said oil was contained, in the name of the most holy Trinity and the blessed Martyr; and with my finger dipped I formed for the sick one a Cross on his forehead, and another I impressed on his mouth, breast, hands and feet: and at once he began to move and turn himself, which to do through days four preceding he had not been able: his head also he raised above the pillow to a palm one. Then to his ears I shouted with a loud voice: and he answering, My mother, he said. But I offered him a plum one, which he took; and from that hour so quickly he recovered in the four days following, that hardly I could food, as much as he desired, supply: and so full health having attained, he is well until today, so that there is no one of those, who the sick one saw, nor of the physicians curing him, who does not feel, evident to be a miracle, by his intercession obtained, whom I invoked, when my son I anointed: which also affirmed the Witnesses, reported in folios, 378, 379, 384 and 387.

[30] Another Witness folio 388; I was sick, he says, last August so grievously, the impediment of the hands and feet, that to die I believed myself. Cut for me eleven times was the vein, and the fever departed; but me it left in hands and feet so impeded, that for nothing I could them use: and when I was about to rise from the bed, or somewhere to go I wished, of crutches placed under the arms I had need. In that state when the whole of October I persisted; said to me my wife, that she wished me to anoint with the Lullian oil: but I, who often had heard those speaking of the marvels of the Saint, no however toward him hitherto had I had devotion; Away, I said: a woman you are. These things so said, the following night waking, I noticed, that she for me was anointing the muscles of my hands and shins with the aforesaid oil: the same then she did three consecutive nights. After the last anointing, a vow being made about carrying the crutches to the tomb; with my crutches leaning, when I had come to the new courtyard of the church of S. Antony, where hangs the effigy of the holy Martyr Raymond; my head I raised, and it being seen, moved I was to some toward him devotion; and I asked, that he would deign to restore to me the former vigor of my shins; but home returning, I vowed to his chapel to carry my crutches, if I should recover. Meanwhile them on the return using (for not otherwise to steady my step could I) I came up to the door of my house; and there I felt a great heat through my whole body diffused, and I cried out. My domestics indeed running up, put me back in bed; and a small time after, as long as once would be recited the Creed, I tried whether I could from the bed rise; and I felt myself free from that numbness, which of the hands and feet the muscles thus far impeded had held. Placed therefore my feet on the ground, from the house I went out, and walked through the square without crutches; which to fulfill deferring, by the returning evil he is chastised, and wholly healthy, I blessed God, and to him and to the holy Martyr thanks, not however as much as I owe, I gave; nor did I doubt, but that through the aforesaid anointing, and not by another means, I had been healed. But nevertheless seven or eight days after, when, my vow forgotten, until he satisfies it. I deferred my crutches to carry to the chapel, as I had promised; there returned to me in those same limbs the former pain and numbness: and the vow made recollecting, those limbs I anointed with the aforesaid oil, and at once ceased all the evil, and the vow fulfilling, the crutches to the chapel I carried and hung, where they hang even now: and I am healthy, thanks to God. The same testify the persons reported folio 391, 392, 393.

CHAPTER IV.

Various persons from various diseases, the Saint being invoked, in diverse ways freed.

[31] Suppression of urine for 7 days, Some also a similar effect experienced in themselves, from vows made and Masses cared for; and namely a Witness, folio 181 heard, said: On the first day of July, in the year 1610, I suffered, as at other times, a suppression of urine; which when the seventh day lasted, nor anything profited the applied remedies; no hope of life any more in those having, I had recourse to spiritual medicines, and asked for the Sacraments of Confession and Communion, which to me now lying in bed were brought; and these received I asked that to me be brought the Jawbones of B. Lull. Answered the R.P.Fr. Beltran, the Saint's jawbones being adored it is loosed. that them of his own accord he had brought. This I having heard greatly refreshed, seated me in the bed I composed; and them received, as I could, most devoutly I adored, and kissed, promising to that Saint a tablet, from a vow to be hung in his chapel. A little after it pleased the divine mercy, that the sought urinal I filled to the measure of half a hemina (Mig Quarter we call it,) then hours two I slept, which before I could not, hindering it the vehemence of my imagination, the present evil continually remembering. Then again I asked for the little vessel, and again without any difficulty I filled, as if nothing of evil I had suffered. The following therefore Sunday I betook myself to the church of S. Francis, where again confessing my sins, I took in that very chapel the sacred Communion, and hung that which I had promised tablet, a Mass also to be said I cared: and thenceforth daily to him I commend myself certain prayers reciting. To this deposition agrees another fol. 200.

[32] It is three years, says a Witness folio 285, under oath, that to my little daughter grew a tumor above the foot's instep of the same, A dangerous tumor above the foot, whose flesh was of a color, which was judged very dangerous. This wishing to be removed, after many other vain remedies, I had recourse to the intercession of the holy Martyr Raymond; promising him a wax shin. But a vow of this kind being made, began to subside the evil, and within twenty-four hours the whole vanished. an abscess in the hand, One about year after, came to the same girl an abscess in her right hand, difficult to cure: which when again, after medicines several in vain applied, to the Saint I had vowed, to be healed soon it began, and quickly recovered: which, though unworthy, wholly I ascribe to the Saint. Finally, recently spring being past, to the same little girl came erysipelas, and erysipelas, her whole head deformingly inflaming: to whom when neither phlebotomy nor other remedies profited; we carried the little one to the convent of S. Francis, to ask the Jawbones of B. Raymond to be applied to the sick one; and I promised, that the girl a whole year would wear a garment of the color usual to the Saint, and for her I would offer a tablet witness of the miracle. And when the said Relics had been into the house brought, and placed upon the little one; within two hours seemed that sanguineous tumor gradually to settle, and wholly the following day to have disappeared; and from the bed rising the daughter from her chamber descended, and began to run about through the squares.

[33] Folio 262 a named Witness; I had gone, he says, to a certain sick friend of mine to visit, and a deadly fever, a Mass being cared for, are healed. and found with a burning fever and danger of death in bed lying: wherefore I betook myself to the convent of S. Francis, and of my own money I offered for a Mass to be cared for, and so the sick one I commended to S. Raymond. The next day to him I returned, and found far better having: and asked how he fared, he answered, above all hope, lighter: but I, what I had done in silence keeping, recognized silently the grace, by the Saint mediating obtained.

[34] Folio 307 said another: When to my wife, after grave fevers, The danger of consumption is driven away, a cold humor into her breast had descended, whence those who her visited physicians, an incurable consumption augured; to the intercession of S. Raymond I fled, and asked that to me be brought his Jawbones, and a particle of that wood, upon which on Mount Randa to him appeared Christ, and at the same time by a servant I sent money for a Mass at the altar of S. Francis to be cared for. And it pleased this and B. Raymond, that at the very instant in which I counted out the money, and to my wife were applied the Relics aforesaid, should begin she more lightly to suffer, and the evil diminished gradually was, so that the returned physicians were stupefied, to the stupor of the physicians. and so great a change denied, to any their remedy could be ascribed; and to me narrating what I had done, they answered; Nothing is impossible to God; and after a few days plainly recovered the woman. But when the same physicians her advised, that for the to-be-nursed, whom she had borne, little infant a nurse she should seek; she herself robust enough felt, that the milk returning into her breasts she went on to nourish, and even now nourishes her offspring. Another also woman, of whom is read folio 292, said; After twenty-four hours of a most difficult childbirth, of strength all destitute, when a Mass to the holy Martyr to be cared for I had vowed, him I invoked; and at that very moment, no one assisting, the offspring I brought forth, which so prompt and happy a success, not could I but impute to the merits of the Martyr by me invoked.

[35] The Lullian mastic's leaves being taken, Various also testified, that by the mediation of the leaves of the mastic, famous on account of the letters inscribed on them in favor of S. Raymond, they were cured of the infirmities by which they were held. So one folio 259 was heard to say: Last year about the Paschal feast, seized I was by an apoplectic spasm, by which, no part of the body excepted, from head to feet vehemently I was tormented. The Physicians applied whatever remedies they knew, in vain; she is cured of apoplexy, but when to the highest degree the evil seemed to have ascended, to visit me came (whether Antony Collo, or Servador Jorge, in my house frequent, I do not remember) and holding out a little branch from the trunk of that shrub, to which is believed that Mag. Raymond Lull certain letters inscribed; Take this, he said. But I, what frequently I had heard narrated, graces, by the mediation of such little branches' leaves obtained, from the seven or eight, which there were counted, three or four I plucked, and to my mouth placed I ate, with much confidence, that through the intercession of the Saint, salvation I would recover. Nor my hope deceived me: for at that very moment, after taking a hot, I know not what little broth, or wine with water mixed, draught, I felt myself from all pain free, so that I seemed to myself able from the house to go out, and immediately to all coming to me I narrated the case: and with me they too judged it miraculous; since it can happen naturally not, that a disease so grave, and by so many medicines in vain cured, in a moment be healed; and of the same matter Witnesses also heard are reported, folio 261, and 264.

[36] and arthritis with pain of the head. At the same folio 264 the aforesaid woman's husband; I had suffered, he says, a whole year, a troublesome convulsion almost arthritic, with great weakness of the head, often within that year's course recurring, and to keep to the bed compelling. But recollecting my wife, that she had remaining three or four little leaves of that miraculous mastic, by whose use she (as above said) had been healed; ordered me them to eat with as much as I could devotion, and to care for one Mass to be said. Therefore in a cup of water immersed I took them, and at the same time health whole I drank, without any trace of the former evil; and the following day with all my family I proceeded to the church of S. Francis (it was moreover the month of April not long after the feasts Paschal) and the vow I fulfilled, many thanks giving to the Saint, to whose favor so notable a benefit I attributed: as also a Witness another folio 260 confirms.

[37] By the touch of a Rosary, applied to the Relics, Quite singular was the case, which happened by the mediation of a Rosary, to the sacred Relics of B. Raymond applied; and folio 199 thus is narrated by her to whom it happened: Last 1611, on the 5th day of December, came my husband home at the second hour of the night, otherwise not wont now late to return; and me found in bed lying, on account of the most grievous of the teeth and jaws pains, which now for years about eight such I suffered, that my mouth to eat to open I could not except most painfully: there were moved also to me all my teeth, as if about to fall out; wherefore repeatedly, she is healed of the eight-year toothache of a woman, when to me something hot in drink was given, I was wont to look into the cup, whether them I would find there fallen. But in the last three years, scarcely speak to confess I could, nor except twice or thrice with the sacred Eucharist be refreshed: and my husband and the same a Physician, wearied of medicines to give, which in vain many I had used, and believing that I had to die of hunger, because nothing except a little of decocted broth, and that most painfully, I could swallow, came, as I said; the hour now late; and narrated what that day he had done; namely, that he had been summoned by the Magnificent Jurats into the convent of S. Francis, together with other Doctors Physicians and Surgeons, to examine the Relics and the Head of the glorious Martyr Raymond Lull; and the things which were to be done being done, his Rosary he had drawn over them; he asked moreover whether it I would wish on my neck to be placed around. But I, who many things had heard of his miracles, otherwise about to die of hunger. assented; and it received having kissed, with it myself I signed, and it through each jaw I drew, and on my neck placed: then, before my husband returned, bringing the broth, my only and accustomed nourishment, healthy myself I felt, and well disposed to take something of more solid substance, now freely my mouth opening, and my jaws moving, and I began by the mediation of that Rosary's touch, whatever was brought, bread, meat and other things brought to eat, my teeth, which before seemed from my mouth about to fall, miraculously confirmed; when before my whole mouth as if burned I had, from the heat of so many medicines applied. I labored besides with another symptom, namely a spasm, during that year frequent, and then, before I was healed, much more frequent, from defect of suitable nutrition; but from that moment, in which the Rosary on my neck I placed around, nothing such have I suffered. The same all testified my husband, the Doctor Physician, fol. 166; more expressly specifying all the things, which to his wife he had applied remedies, and what he had seen, examining the aforesaid Relics.

[38] Very many also cured from their infirmities are, Those visiting the Saint's chapel are cured, by visiting the chapel or tomb of the Saint. Among these was a woman, folio 267 thus speaking: A half about year it is, that in the corner of one of my eyes I felt as it were a grain (the Physicians a fistula called it) so painful, that neither sleep nor rest could I: for curing which, the Physician applied certain plasters, by which profit was nothing, nay rather increased the evil. But when I was in the church of S. Francis, I noticed many there to receive for their diseases a remedy; one with a fistula in the eye, and therefore the chapel of S. Raymond I entered, and vowed a wax eye there to be offered, if mine were cured; and began the Rosary to recite, and soon improvement to feel, vowing a wax eye. so advancing, that before it whole I had completed, ceased all pain: home moreover returned, I noticed that very grain gradually to dry. The day then was inclining into evening, and the next morning cured myself and wholly healed I found. The same testified her husband, folio 267 under oath.

[39] Folio 361 a produced Witness; Four, he says, or five years I suffered in my jaw right a grave evil and to me unknown, A certain man in the cheek suffering gangrene, (Witnesses, folio 334 and 353 produced, that it was gangrene asserted) for curing which the Physicians nothing useful found: but the evil growing, and pus much and fetid ejecting through an abscess; it happened a year ago, that I was in the parish of this city church, to S. James dedicated, where D. Francis Montaner to me said; that I should go to S. Francis; the Lullian jawbones there being adored, for certain to be cured. I obeyed the counsel, anointed from the lamp, and thence (I know not who) me transferred into the chapel, where the Saint's body rests; and the lamp being lowered which before him burned, they took thence oil, and my eye anointed. Then prayer being made, I departed, and within four days, no other medicine applied, healthy I was, and healthy remained: and that it was done, as miraculous, confirmed Witnesses two, reported folio 334 and 352.

[40] likewise one afflicted with a grave pain of the jaws. Folio 295 is found the deposition of a certain person, in these words conceived: A half about year it is, that to me happened a most grievous pain of the jaws, so that four whole days nothing to chew or eat I could: but when I was in the church of S. Francis, B. Raymond invoking for a remedy, I saw that of the Fathers one, at the petition of a certain woman, from the sacristy brought that Saint's Jawbone; and among very many, to it from the occasion to kiss running up, ran up also I, and prayed the Father, that it for me through my cheeks drawing, for a little space he would hold above the one, in which especially I was tormented. Which done home I went, and began without any trouble to eat, chewing food, which before to do I could not; nay rather as often as I touched, I trembled wholly and patience I lost: but then ceased all pain, and thenceforth devoutly to that Saint I am affected.

[41] In the process of the year 1605, folio 17 appearing a Witness: For the third time, he says, asserted to me Praxedes Uguet, in these past years, Pained from an ulcerated shin for many years, and the last indeed in the year lately passed, that for many from then years, suffering a shin ulcerated (a fistula to be said the Surgeons) on account of which for whole three years she had not been able without crutches to walk; at length to a certain Surgeon herself to be treated she committed. Meanwhile on some day, a woman a certain by name Augustina, to her said, that if devotion she should conceive toward Mag. Raymond Lull, and his tomb should visit, from her infirmity without doubt she would be healed. This when she several times repeated; the Uguet woman of health desirous, at length brought her mind to do what she was advised, and him to beseech began, that he as her intercessor would deign to exist before him. On a certain therefore night waking, in the bed in which with her mother and a certain aunt she slept, from the Saint's apparition. she felt her shin and foot, in which the evil was, by someone to be touched; and looking up she saw a man, as she said, with a broad beard; she however, Do not, she said, Brother, my shin touch, because greatly to me it pains. He extended it nevertheless, he who appeared, and to the other side turning, disappeared. The following day they called the Surgeon, who the sick woman cured; and coming, and the shin unwinding from the linens, he said: Who here a hand applied? for this is not the manner in which I the bandages tie around. But asserting the aforesaid women, to the Surgeon's stupor, that no one had touched them, much repeated the Surgeon; and the bandages unwinding, he wondered more; nor did he wish further in his work to proceed, until there came, whom to be summoned he ordered, the Priest, who stayed in the house of the temple of S. John of Jerusalem, near his dwelling. He came, and the Surgeon, he and the rest looking on, unwound what remained of the bandage, and the shin bared: and saw all the wound-plugs three, placed on as many ulcers, with which the shin gaped, as if out by the new flesh grown beneath thrust out of their place. Then of those same plugs the heads cutting off, after three days wholly healed she found herself. he found marked with a Cross the wound, and similar Crosses upon the rest, which he cut, plugs. Again however he wrapped the shin, leaving in it of the plugs now shorter the remaining parts: But on the third day found was the sick woman wholly healthy, remaining however, which I, says the Witness, saw, of the wounds the scars: and there is present another of the same case a witness in the same Process folio 16.

[42] Many other graces are read in the Process of the year 1612, Many other things are passed over. as also in the earlier of the year 1605, nor are lacking more recent very many, of which the knowledge through juridical informations was not had; and only they serve for the confirmation of the continued cult, and proving acceptable to be to God the demonstrations of reverence, to B. Raymond Lull to be displayed wont, since indeed it with favors so wonderful he remunerates.

CHAPTER V.

Other prodigies regarding the blessed Martyr.

[43] Prodigies I call, certain selected wonders, or miracles, Of many a few and more certain, which not so much for the benefit of others, as for the honor of the Blessed himself and his exaltation by God were displayed, for his servant's glory. A few of many, and those only I have drawn forth, which to me more certain seemed and beyond doubt's hazard placed, as being either from authentic writings taken, or by so many testimonies confirmed, that even a Sceptic of the matter's truth they could convince. Among these the first document it pleased to report, which has Custurer, Diss. 1, cap. 3, p. 62 through various Notaries with the Original Catalan or Majorcan compared, and indeed anew from the archive extracted, and to examination called by the Notary Francis Palou, on the 23rd of July 1699. The tenor is as follows. This is a transcript faithfully taken from a certain book of Determinations and Memorials, stored in the chest of the sacristy of the church of the monastery of the Friars Minor of the Order of S. Francis, of the present city of Majorca, with the knowledge, will, and assistance of the reverend Brother Antony Cardils, Guardian of the said Monastery, to the Saint's glory they are described; by me George Sitges Notary and Scribe etc. on the 9th of December 1580. Thus in the vernacular it begins, Transumpt, lo qual es estat trobat (Transcript, which has been found), and ends with these words, tot ple de Sanch (all full of Blood).

[44] The beginning and end of the Catalan autograph I express, that to the reader it may be made clear, why from the three of this very document's Latin versions by P. Vernon reported p. 81, 253 and 340, that I especially preferred, which to the aforesaid autograph seemed more conformable. It is moreover of this kind: [Testimony which, although on account of the characters partly by moth deleted, partly by antiquity consumed, is deficient somewhat, nevertheless as follows from the original is translated. The admirable thing of the illuminated man Master Raymond Lull, of his Martyrdom, who when at the end of the year 1314 he had crossed over, at Bugia landed, where afterward in the year 1315 stoned, a most bitter martyrdom vigorously he suffered; whom half-alive certain Genoese into their ship received and sails to the winds gave: and to them now that which of Cabrera or Cableca they call, the sea surveying, the most blessed Martyr, to Christ, for whose honor he had suffered, his most pious soul rendered, on the twentieth namely ninth of June day, on which of the Apostles Peter and Paul, in whose footsteps strongly he had trodden, the feasts celebrates the Church.

[45] After to Majorca they landed, and the holy body of the Martyr to the place, and the translation to Majorca where he had been born, to restore they tried, its inhabitants on account of very many, and those so great most manifest miracles which everywhere it did, it at once among the Martyrs most renowned, canonically to be reckoned esteeming, in the tomb of his parents, which in the basilica of S. Mark, of the church of St. Eulalia was extinct, to bury did not dare: with solemn burial, therefore the Minorites of the observance Brothers, to whom the holy Body meanwhile was committed, it in a wooden sarcophagus, in the middle of the sacristy placed, whose side covered the body of a certain Infante of the King of Portugal, who from the holy sepulcher returning, at Majorca died, where when after much time, a fire was lit most flagrant, so that the walls of the sacristy's stones, and the rest of the building, into lime it reduced, the chalices, crosses, as well as the rest of iron, and the wonderful preservation from the flames. gold and silver metals it melted and dissipated, and nothing untouched it left, which by the most violent ardor of the flames it did not consume; the Martyr's most blessed tomb, on all sides surrounding, it did not touch; and as if by fear seized the fire, something divine feeling, of so great and so admirable and pious a man, which it contained relics, as it were holily it cherished and venerated.]

[46] What things in the autograph either eaten away or deleted were, with a longer paraphrase the interpreter explained, which from other more recent ones to change somewhat it pleased. So in the first version of Vernon p. 81 is read: Of so great and so admirable and pious a man, which certain ones despised relics, as if Holy they cherish and venerate, with a plainly imperfect sense, Thence in a magnificent place placed which now better has been rendered. And there indeed the first version ends, where the second ours, according to the autograph somewhat anew amplified, proceeds: [On the occasion of which miracle, the Majorcans a most magnificent of marble stone tomb to the most blessed Martyr dedicated; where his body, as found it was in the sarcophagus wrapped, with still fresh blood, after so many years reddening the linen, was buried; which the most frequent people of Majorca of their most noble as well as most holy fellow-citizen the life and death, as well as the most ardent of the Catholic faith to be propagated zeal and what to posterity he left, it shines with miracles. so many volumes, of wisdom received divinely most full, by which for himself and the city so much glory he produced, that the mortal having admired, with divine honors him celebrates.]

[47] These last things rhetorically adorned to the original text seem superadded, of which therefore the end above I noted, which namely there ends, where the body is said with fresh blood sprinkled, after so many years to have been found. Light to these will bring a third Latin transcript in Vernon, as I said, p. 340 reported, in which the year of translation is expressed through these words: Translated in the Sepulcher of the noble Antony Serra, It could not by the Genoese elsewhere be carried away. of the same Illuminated Doctor alumnus, at the expense of the Balearic Kingdom on the 28th of June in the year 1444, where with frequent miracles with pious devotion he is venerated. That moreover, in the already said Latin transcript inserted, is read, which by the Writers of Majorca so often is spread abroad; namely: When to the port of Palma (the very words I recite) the revealed treasure, on account of the secret of the ship to depart prepared detention, because of retaining it and to their own homes transferring thought the Ligurian sailors, in procession is carried etc. But if it is true, as I easily will grant, to the remaining prodigies this also is added, it is necessary.

[48] An authentic document, To these next I add a document, in due form drawn up on Monday, the 5th of December in the year from the Nativity of the Lord 1611, as from the Process for Canonization is reported by Custurer Diss. 1, cap. 3, from p. 78. In it moreover juridically is proved our Blessed's Martyrdom, from the open traces, even in that year by those skilled in the medical and surgical art, manifestly perceived. Thus sounds the aforesaid document. [In the name of God and his divine grace. Amen. To all be it evidently clear and be it known that on the said day and year, the illustrious and magnificent Lord Fathers conscript Jurats of the city and kingdom of Majorca; namely Leonard Zaforteza Esquire, John Augustine Garau, James Morell, citizens military; Michael John Cabrer, John Baptist Domenge, Merchants; and John Fiol, Smith, knowing and attending that the Reverend Lord P. F. Antony Busquets, proved by many witnesses: Lecturer of sacred Theology, Definitor of the Franciscan Province, of this our kingdom of Majorca Syndic, chosen and deputed by the great and general Council of the said kingdom, shortly about to set out to the holy Roman Curia, for the cause and occasion of telling and demonstrating to his Holiness the admirable life, sanctity, miracles, and most glorious death of the divinely illustrated blessed Raymond Lull, Martyr of this our kingdom, and in his place of beseeching and obtaining from his Holiness and the Cardinals the Canonization of the said Martyr Raymond Lull.

[49] Therefore and otherwise, that better it might be established concerning the said Raymond Lull's Martyrdom, according to our forefathers' most ancient tradition, by which is narrated, by writings ancient confirmed, which Martyrdom the said most renowned Martyr received in the city of Bugia by the hand of the infidel Turks, in the year of the Lord one thousand three hundred and fifteen. The said Lord Jurat Fathers, personally constituted in the Monastery of saint Francis, presiding and present the most Illustrious and noble Lord D. Charles Coloma, Lieutenant and Captain general for his royal Majesty in the same kingdom of Majorca; and D. Michael Martinez de Villar, the Chancellery ruling of the same kingdom, absent the most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord D. D. F. Simon Bauça of the said kingdom Bishop (his occupations preventing as he reported.) P. F. Andrew Ballaster of the said Order of Saint Francis, a solemn procession by the mandate of the very reverend Provincial F. Julian Oliver, all the Brothers of the said Monastery, in solemn procession, with the cross raised high, the lights lit, going out from the Sacristy, set out to the Chapel of the blessed Virgin Mary of purity, in which is found the tomb containing within the holy Body, and the illustrious Relics of the most glorious said Martyr Raymond Lull.

[50] And his marble tomb being opened, extracted was the Body and Relics of the said most glorious Martyr, and an inspection of the body, from a certain wooden chest, with a linen of flax adorned, and at once the said Brothers, with great joy singing the hymn, Deus tuorum militum (O God of thy soldiers), carried the said holy Body in their procession to the high altar of the aforesaid church of saint Francis: and falling down they adored all the said illustrious Relics. And wishing an inspection of the said Body to make, by those skilled in Medicine, Doctors and Masters in the art of Surgery to this called, first hindered, by no means was it possible, on account of the incredible concourse of people and frequency, so that necessary it seemed to the said most Illustrious President and Jurats, to the said sarcophagus the Body to be restored, a secret among them deliberation being made of returning to the aforesaid effect to make, at an unexpected hour.

[51] And so it was done; with difficulty however not small, on account of the multitude of people, present as witnesses specially taken, the said Sebastian Artigues Scribe, and Antony Steva Dresser. And on the said day after Vespers, the said Lord Jurats without any noise betook themselves, secretly and in the better manner they could, to the said Monastery: and there personally constituted, then made by physicians and surgeons, the doors closed and the lights lit, the aforesaid Brothers, now for this prepared, the said Body from the said its tomb brought down, and in their solemn procession it carried to the said Monastery's sacristy, and standing the said Lord Jurats and Doorkeepers in the said sacristy; entered within the Doctors of medicine and Surgeons and Priors of the Religious Orders of the present city, by the said illustrious Jurats to this convoked.]

[52] and the wounds examined, There follows a long series of names of all the Regular Superiors of the whole city with their companions, likewise of many Clerks and Seculars, which to describe is not necessary: then proceeds the document. [After a mature singly inspection of the body of the said Martyr Raymond Lull, and afterward a common among them inspection, having held mature counsel, a conversation being made, was among them made a conclusion no one dissenting, that the blessed Martyr Raymond Lull in his martyrdom, leaving the wounds of that body, received upon his head four wounds or ferides (strokes), namely of stones two, of the sword the other two; of which one he received in the upper part of the petrous bone, but indeed around the same part: inflicted on the Martyr. the blows of the stones are shown according to their entering, one on the left eyebrow, the other on the occiput of the head; all which to the greater glory of God, and to having of the same memory in the future, at the requisition of the said Father Jurats of the same kingdom, and by mandate, by word to me made through the said Lord Lieutenant General; I Peter Ribot public Notary etc.]

[53] A most sweet odor, To this document subjoins Custurer p. 80, from the often cited Process, many testimonies of those, who at the said translation or inspection of the body of B. Raymond had been present, and who at that time with the highest fragrance and odor most sweet wonderfully to have been suffused, under oath testify: and that more clearly their mind they may express, to that odor they have recourse, which yearly on the 25th of January is wont to be felt in the Chapel of B. Raymond, then by very many perceived; erected in that chamber, where the constant report is, that Christ the Lord to Raymond appeared, while him wavering and drawing back, by his powerful grace to himself he joined. Moreover since concerning that sweet scent, in years still individual wont to be perceived, so many things bring about B. Lull's praisers, similar to it, it will be helpful here also to subjoin what trust can make, two authentic documents, by which both the Chapel's solemn erection, and the admirable odor's perception may be proved. Has them Custurer p. 87, 88, 89, and 90, from which transcribed I exhibit.

[54] In the name of God and his divine grace. Amen. To all be it evidently clear and be it known, which is felt in the chamber, that in the year from the Nativity of the Lord one thousand six hundred and nine, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of October entitled, Peter Ribot Notary public and citizen of Majorca, Syndic and in that name of the University, city and kingdom of Majorca, for the affairs of the divinely illustrated B. Raymond Lull, Doctor and Martyr of Majorca, personally constituted in the house of dwelling of the honorable and discreet Andrew Caselles, Notary of the same city and kingdom, and lord of the house, which once was the aforesaid illustrated Doctor Raymond Lull's; from the most ancient and noble Lulls of Barcelona family sprung, Seneschal of the table royal of that most unconquered and most powerful King James the Conqueror, who with his royal hand powerful and strong in the year 1229, our Balearic kingdom from the hand and power of the infidel Turks, with most Christian zeal snatched, and afterward life with death exchanged on the 27th day of the month of July of the year 1276.

[55] Knowing and attending, as from the forefathers received it is, by most ancient tradition, both by word and by writings worthy of trust, in which B. Lull was converted, most repeatedly confirmed; that in a certain chamber of the house of that aforesaid Andrew Caselles, while in it lived and stayed the aforesaid most renowned Raymond Lull about the year 1265; on a certain night prostrate on his bed, with tears and sighs the sorrow of his mind for a little exhausted, as he meditated his calamity and his long departure from salvation, and considered the past life's losses, by sighing, lamenting and weeping, Jesus to the Cross affixed to him on the right appeared. Knowing besides and attending, by the same most ancient tradition, that the said supreme almighty God Crucified, to the said his servant a presentation made, on the day or feast of the conversion of that, never enough for his dignity praised holy Paul the Apostle, namely on the twenty-fifth day of the month of January.

[56] Knowing besides and attending, by the same tradition in these our times confirmed, by many worthy-of-trust witnesses' depositions, and on the 25th of January each year it is perceived. in individual years from the aforesaid God Crucified's presentation up to now in that same of the aforesaid house chamber, and on the said same day the 25th of the month of January, about the fifth hour of the night, by divine favor, through that whole chamber to breathe a most pre-excellent and most sweet mingled, not of civet, musk, amber, lascopitium, frankincense, opobalsam, of roses, of violets and of aromatics, nor of any other whatever odors odoriferous; nor handmade, but, as is thought, a divine and supernatural odor, which by all enclosed within for a moderate space most sweetly is perceived. Of which things the truth, both of most ancient writings by the testimony, and of the most recent ones at the same time the concordance, in any year (God so willing) to be proved can be, as in fact, by the testimony of many authentically is proved.

[57] Wherefore knowing and seeing the aforesaid D. Andrew Caselles, at present, as is aforesaid, of the said house lord, It is converted into an oratory, all the aforesaid in any year to be proved, and the devotion of so great a Doctor and Martyr daily more and more to grow and increase, with pious devotion moved, by his most Christian zeal, to the honor of almighty God and of so great a festivity's miracle, and to the exaltation of divine worship, and that might be manifested the works of God, in the same chamber a most beautiful chapel or oratory by his devotion erected, with a panel of the supreme almighty God crucified, as if giving up the spirit, at whose right hand of saint Paul, but at the left of blessed Raymond Lull Doctor and Martyr with images painted adorned; and that chapel, preceding the license of the most Illustrious and most Reverend D. D. Simon Bauça, Bishop of Majorca, of the following tenor. We Don Simon Bauça etc.]

[58] There is no need that faculty in the Majorcan language expressed, by the authority of the Bishop. here to set down, as neither the testimony of Master and Reverend D. Michael Ferrer Presbyter and Doctor, concerning made by him of the aforesaid Oratory the blessing by the Bishop's to it deputation, of which there is no reason that anyone should doubt. More it will concern the document itself to adduce, by which that prodigious of odor more than natural annual dispersion, of innumerable nearly witnesses by the trust is proved. The same sweet scent in the year 1609 [In the name of God and his divine grace. Amen. Let all know, that in the year from the nativity of the Lord one thousand six hundred and nine, in the seventh indiction, on the day twenty-fifth of the month of January, of the Pontificate of the most holy in Christ Father and our Lord, the Lord Paul by divine providence Pope the fifth, in the fourth year, in my Don Peter Nuñiz Berard's, by Apostolic authority Notary public, and of the Magnificent Bernard Louis Cotoner I.V.D., and of Bartholomew Rotger, Mace-bearer of the magnificent Lord Jurats, witnesses to this called, and specially taken, presence; juridically proved

[59] There came the discreet Peter Ribot, Notary Syndic of the Lord Jurats of the present city, University and kingdom of Majorca, for the affairs of the divinely illuminated Doctor Raymond Lull to be transacted, in the houses of Andrew Caselles Notary, personally existing, and me the said Don Peter Nuñiz Berard, there existing, required, that I should draw up an act for the eternal memory of the matter, concerning a certain wonderful thing or miracle, which in individual years on the 25th of January works our Lord Almighty in the said houses of the said Andrew Caselles Notary, which houses were once the said illuminated Doctor Master Raymond Lull's; on which day (as is believed) there appeared in the said houses our Lord Jesus crucified to the said illuminated Doctor, from which apparition until today, in any year on the said day, is felt at diverse hours and times, a certain sweet and divine odor in the said houses, signally in the chamber which still retains the name of the chamber of Master Raymond Lull. by 36 witnesses and several others;

[60] And because present me the said Don Peter Nuñiz Berard, and very many persons, namely the illustrious Lord John Puigdorfila Jurat military. (Other names I do not describe, let it suffice to indicate, that there are enumerated five and thirty, men nearly magnificent and honored, who themselves to have been present in that oratory profess, at the time when the odor's fragrance the whole house filled; besides whom that another promiscuous crowd was present is necessary; for after the series of names is added:) And by others very many was felt the aforesaid most sweet and divine odor, persevering each year which indeed felt and smelled all the aforesaid three, four times and beyond, the fourth hour of the night running, counting from sunset, according to the reckoning of Majorca.

[61] And all the aforesaid odor as divine reputed, generating in the hearts of each one a peculiar effect of gladness and devotion: as all the aforesaid and named to me trust concerning them made; which effect to me also it generated; as well as, among others the aforesaid, Raphael Busquerra a merchant, who to me the said Notary, in the presence of all the said witnesses, trust made, and asserted, that he the sense of smell lacked, and nevertheless the aforesaid most sweet odor had felt and smelled. Therefore concerning the aforesaid all, while they were done, at the instance and requisition of the said Peter Ribot, by the same prodigy. Notary Syndic aforesaid, the present document for the eternal memory of the matter I received, present all the aforesaid witnesses, on the day, place, hour and year as above.]

[62] Here of the miracles, prodigies and marvels, which either by Raymond wrought, These suffice for the life, or about him done, or by his patronage obtained were, let there be an end, although of that kind several are available, by Custurer from the Processes for Canonization instituted taken and by Vernon and others enumerated. It is enough for us those to have produced, which to the perennial and immemorial of the holy Martyr cult, to his genuine Acts, to those finally signs pertain, by which the Catholic Church their sanctity explores, whom into the sacred Calendars to be reckoned it permits. This one thing perhaps to desire someone could, that the virtues also of Raymond heroic sufficiently proved should be exhibited. But what scatteredly above narrated are, abundantly to be seem. If anyone meanwhile some peculiar of them specimens under one view to behold wishes, let him consult Custurer from p. 544 to 564, from which, if leisure remains, some into an epilogue we will throw. Now already beyond expectation our matter has grown, and remains besides a part not small, the following for the doctrine. which Raymond's doctrine concerns, in the following Dissertation from heresy to be vindicated.

HISTORICAL DISSERTATION I. B. S.

On the orthodoxy and Books of B. Raymond, genuine and supposititious.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BY THE AUTHOR I. B. S., FROM THE LIBRARY OF NIC. ANT. AND OTHERS.

ARTICLE THE FIRST.

Explaining the aim of the Dissertation.

The Acts of the blessed Martyr having been hitherto illustrated, it remains that concerning the inveterate controversy, we subjoin those things, which the holy man, of all suspicion of heresy lacking, may exhibit, and wholly immune. That controversy here I call, A most keen controversy between the Dominicans and Franciscans, which under the beginning of the preliminary Commentary above in a few words I touched on; that, I say, which between the most holy in the Church religious families two, with great contentions long since turns, the Dominican Fathers against Lull more bitterly for the most part rising up; but on the contrary the Franciscan Fathers him no less keenly defending. The things said I do not repeat; those only now to be handled remain, which not to life or morals, but to the writings and doctrine pertain, in nearly innumerable books contained. A torch to all these bore, who it first with the black theta marked, the mark from the censure of Eymeric the Inquisitor against Raymond's books, Nicholas Eymeric, from the sacred Order of Preachers through Aragon of the faith Inquisitor, in the famous Directory of Inquisitors; whom in troops followed, as many as with Bernard of Luxemburg, Gabriel Prateolus, Gilbert Genebrard, Abraham Bzovius and others very many, against the Blessed Martyr most injurious things set forth. And what, I beseech, stigma more atrocious to a man most excellently Catholic, indeed of the whole Church distinctly deserving, can be branded, than if among the sworn heretics enemies of the Church, he be reckoned, into their Register ignominiously reported? which to Raymond to have happened will deplore, I think, all, who his faith's integrity, from those things which in the course will be said, well shall perceive.

[2] Already above also at num. 4 the sincere I reported and plainly orthodox B. Raymond's of faith profession, although their author had subjected them to the Church's judgment, by which his writings all most sincerely he subjected to the correction and judgment of the Church, in very many places the same or things similar to them repeating and inculcating, which more accurately enumerates Wadding Tom. 3 of the Annals at the year 1315 throughout the whole n. 19, adding n. 20: Twenty and more there are of this kind of true faith professions and candid supplications of the man, that his errors be corrected, if any appear; which from ignorance, not from a depraved affection of mind to have proceeded, everywhere he proclaims. There is added, that in his little works nearly all in the beginning nothing but God's name, God's power, grace, wisdom, love he breathes, as he can most ardently: by which manifestly it is given to understand, that neither by a voluntary of intellect error, nor by any in fine heretical pertinacity, the man holy ever sinned, if anywhere perhaps from the common opinions of Theologians, by a manner of speaking not so usual or trite, he deviated.

[3] and this for excusing him ought to have been enough, By this reason certainly ought to have been restrained the aforesaid authors, from inflicting an infamous of heresy charge, especially since they could not be ignorant, that in a case almost similar, the Roman Pontiff himself Honorius III, B. Joachim's fame to vindicate undertook, against that man's calumniators; although his little works against Peter Lombard (as was reported) by the ecumenical Council's judgment had been transfixed; and that for this cause alone, that that Abbot his Writings ordered to the Roman Pontiff to be assigned, by the Apostolic See's judgment to be approved or also corrected. It is helpful here the Pontiff's words to set down, because in an almost equal case no less to Raymond's, than to Joachim's defense and protection dictated to have been they seem; except that of Joachim's condemnation certainly and undoubtedly it was established, or more truly of the books to him imputed; but of the works of Lull the prohibition, as false and fictitious, by his defenders is repudiated and overturned. Of the Brief Pontifical to the Bishops of Cosenza and Bisignano destined, the words are these.

[4] as it was for Joachim the Abbot, It was proposed before us, that he who envies the salvation of men and quiet, an occasion taken from this that the little book, which of good remembrance the Abbot Joachim against of good memory Master Peter Lombard published, in the general Council was condemned … some both clerks and laics prelates and subjects stirred up… reproaching that the same Abbot, a heretic by the Church of God is held… Although therefore that little book or treatise was condemned in the Council aforesaid: because however the said Abbot all his writings ordered to the Roman Pontiff to be assigned, by the Apostolic See's judgment to be approved or also corrected, dictating a letter to which by his own hand he subscribed, in which firmly he confessed himself that faith to hold, which the Roman holds Church, also more grievously censured, which the Lord disposing of all the faithful mother is and mistress; to your Fraternity through Apostolic writings we command, that through all Calabria you cause to be publicly announced, that him to have been a Catholic man we repute, of the holy faith orthodox a follower… Given at the Lateran, the 6th of the Kalends of January, of our Pontificate in the year fifth] namely 1220. Who does not see that by a far stronger right upon B. Lull's accusers falls the most just of the Pontiff animadversion, even then about to be guilty, when the alleged of Gregory XI Bull, of which more fully afterward to be treated it will be, as true and legitimate were admitted.

[5] Let these be enough generally to have premised, which the aim of this dissertation concern. Since indeed Raymond's doctrine, neither to examine do we undertake, nor of our undertaking is the plan: this to us is fixed, by historical disquisition to investigate, whether deservedly, to a man most zealous, of heresy a stain is painted on, whom we have already shown, his lucubrations to the Apostolic See's discretion submitted, with incredible labor and most persevering endurance… with blood poured out… through the confession of martyrdom to have come to the angelic light: so that if not before, there certainly revealed he might recognize, that since otherwise he thought, the opinion of a different view, to the bond he did not prefer of unity. As for Cyprian urged Augustine against the Donatists, book 2 On Baptism cap. 5. To this end those things to be produced we have thought, which to the truth to be cleared, not to anyone's odium make; arguments selecting, which by men, to neither of the contending parties nor to the Lullistic school attached, into the open are wont to be brought.

[6] In their number to be reckoned doubtless comes the most erudite Man Nicholas Antonio, even by the judgment of Cardinal de Aguirre. of the Spanish Library Author, and his editor the most Eminent Aguirre, in the posthumous tome at Rome published in 1696. The same I think of each one's judgment. For although that Cardinal, more unfair to Lull seemed, in the first of the Theology of S. Anselm edition; the former opinion he retracted in the other of 1689; and the Antonian, his to be said it can be to have made the opinion. This first: to which others I will add, for the purpose abundantly to suffice, with places besides indicated, whence the curious reader more things, to the matter plainly to settle pertaining, by himself may discern, with greater leisure, if so it shall seem, to be discussed.

ARTICLE THE SECOND

Of Nicholas Antonio's Ancient Spanish Library book 9 cap. 3, concerning B. Raymond Lull, and of his life and writings a judgment, with a Catalogue of all the works, both the true, and those, which under his name commonly are circulated; with the addition of Nicholas Eymeric's with the Lullists contention, from book 9 cap. 7 n. 383. To which are added our Annotations, here and there necessary.

SECTION I.

A synopsis of his life and death.

[7] Famous by fame, if any other, the previous ending, (13th) and beginning this (14th) centuries, This most erudite Man, Nicholas Antonio, among all the nations of Europe and to posterity's every memory, Raymond Lull was; of Majorca; for things for the conversion of the infidels laboriously done, and by writings and counsel promoted most renowned, and at length by the savage of the faith enemies the Mohammedans slain. In the greater of the Balearic islands and city Majorca, about to treat of B. Lull, he was born, Raymond the other Lull being his father, who with James of Aragon King I, of this island and kingdom the conqueror, as a soldier had come, and there a domicile had fixed. Raphael Volaterranus willingly is deceived, while against all alone, a French Man he calls him at the beginning of his book of Urban Commentaries.

[8] That we abstain however the pen from narrating his deeds in order done, his praises of life being set aside, the cause is the plan of the work, which the merits of letters especially pursues; and that to this matter already others have devoted themselves, of the life of Raymond authors: namely Charles Bovillus of Saint-Quentin, Bonaventure Armengol a Balearic, a Franciscan: who Nicholas de Molinas, and another Nicholas de Paz, on the same care before him to have labored reports, in Latin; John Segui, Penitentiary and Canon of Majorca, and Gaspar Escolano, and Vincent Mut, in Spanish; whom various men in various languages fully deduced, of whom the former says he saw a certain relation of his life, to Philip King of the French asking it from Raymond himself once given, which also with himself he had (and followed him Wadding presently to be praised) N. Colletet in French: as well as by parts, as in any year his deeds occurred, on the trust of a certain Anonymous coeval with Raymond whom in Ms. with himself to keep he advised, and whom into public to be published it should be of the same one's interest, by Luke Wadding in the Franciscan Annals. From whom certain things briefly to touch is the mind, if first made (that Paul the Apostle he might imitate) of his very self a modest by Raymond description, and of his life as it were a synopsis of a kind, we will have premised.

[9] its synopsis he premises, A man (he says) I was in matrimony joined: offspring I had; suitably rich, wanton, and worldly. All things, that God's honor and the public good I might procure, and the holy faith exalt, I willingly dismissed; Arabic I learned; several times to preach to the Saracens I went out; on account of the faith I was captured, imprisoned, beaten; forty five years, b that the Rectors of the Church to the public good, and Christian Princes I might move I labored. Now an old man already, now poor I am: in the same purpose I am, in the same even to death about to remain, if the Lord himself will grant.] Some now of his life points we will subjoin. The conversion namely, of the Art by him invented the account, of his pious expeditions the compendium; and at length the death, which from the infidels' fury he underwent, before to the doctrine and writings we come.

[10] As a youth, nothing less he cared than in the way of virtue c walking, to provide for his soul's salvation; but attached to the Curia of James of the Balearic islands King, then from Wadding certain chief things he gathers, of Peter d the Great of Aragon King son, vain whatever and ludicrous things to follow; to which to rise the crowd, and praise and proclamation to ascribe is wont; and of music and poetry, and of loves and delights all by an unbridled cupidity to be carried around. Until by the beautiful, whom he was dying for, equally however honest, which the fact betrays, woman, of his conversion, shown to him through a sought occasion, putrid in her breasts, which she covered, a wound; thus by weariness and penance of his retracted life into another man transformed he was, that thenceforth the world being left, a spiritual life, and from all, except from the of salvation of men and of the to-be-exalted faith cares, segregated for himself he prescribed. But an unlettered man, nothing less he could than the cause of Religion, by letters' protection and arms defend.

[11] Of which impotence to himself conscious, by prayers to God assiduous, by zeal for the propagating of religion, in a certain hermitage of the Majorcan island, that his mind's darkness by infusion divine's rays to perform duly the work to illuminate he would deign, to urge and beseech not ceasing; than of old even more ardently of subduing the Mohammedan sect, with which his whole life he flamed, the desire from his soul he conceived; and (as the report is) a singular certain instrument, that work and pious whatever other of the same kind to promote, from heaven he received; the art to him shown, briefly and without of disciplines a keen and obstinate contention, to learn all necessary things, and them on the spot to use; which each most learned man, after the exhausted of very many years labors, through the divinely granted Art of knowing; hardly scarcely attains; by which indeed the thing to perform, and his most pious vow to discharge could he himself, and that others should discharge procure. To have written this Art under the mastic's shade commonly is said, and wonderful, to have remained, of a greater thing, of which grace a monument are the lettered leaves of the mastic, than that human powers to it to attain could, in this place wrought a trace; the shrub's namely leaves all, with characters of the languages Greek, Latin, Chaldaic, and Arabic inscribed: which still to endure with those same signs, but unknown now figure, growing daily all on the leaves conspicuous, Writers of the best trust hand down. e But of this Art afterward, when of it we will treat.

[12] Lengthy indeed it would be, the peregrinations of Raymond all, and the frequency of journeys for that cause undertaken, through Europe nearly the whole, Asia, Africa; and the offices with all coeval to himself Pontiffs, Nicholas IV, Celestine V, Boniface VIII, Benedict XI, f and at length Clement V, in the Council of Vienne of the Church whole the assembly celebrating; as well as the Kings, Philip of France, James of the Baleares, Charles of Naples, assiduously and constantly done; that colleges of scholastics, of Philosophy and Theology, at the same time and of the languages, which the enemies of the Christian name use, that to be taught or convinced at close quarters they could, everywhere should be instituted: which in the Roman curia, at Paris, at Oxford, at Bologna, and at Salamanca to be done he ordered, Raymond (as they report) urging, Clement V, On Masters a published Constitution, which in book IV of the Clementines exists: as well as that the Jerusalem expedition, with great of all those of that time Princes' minds, and with equal forces, should be resumed. Which indeed lastly about to perform he could seem, which as to the Jerusalem expedition being frustrated of effect, unless that ancient of the Christian harvest enemy these so fecund forty and more, as from Raymond himself we have heard, years of wicked labor, cast and warmed, of most fruitful and best thoughts and works seeds, God permitting, had dispersed and corrupted.

[13] Nor was lacking to Raymond, that what by others to be done he busied himself, he himself to the Moors about to preach went, he himself should complete by work. Nay rather to the Moors at length, whence alive once hardly he had escaped, in the year of this century the fifteenth, with a constant and erect to lay down for the Gospel his life mind, he came; and at Bugia g on Africa's shore, while a preacher openly and a champion he professed himself Christian, and the Koran's enemy, cast first into a most sad prison, and a Martyr he died; with chains and hunger, and blows worn down; and at length thence brought out, on the feast day itself of the SS. Apostles Peter and Paul, by the raging people with stones overwhelmed, half-alive was by certain Genoese merchants into a ship placed, in which his unconquered spirit to God he rendered; as such buried and venerated at Majorca. and his body to Majorca, favoring his homeland to Raymond and his right to burial the winds, not willingly of those carrying, was borne; where in the convent of the Franciscans, as of a true Martyr, religiously he is venerated, religion persuading and confirming by very many signs, of which fully treat the life's authors.

NOTES I. B. S.

SECTION II.

The accusation and exculpation of the Lullian Art.

[14] Detracted indeed not the least, from this, that one in virtue and merits, and in the kind of death most renowned man's fame, Nicholas Eymeric the Dominican, Lull's fame greatly tore Eymeric the Inquisitor, Inquisitor of the province of Aragon of this same century, narrating in his Directory of the faith, that himself in Raymond's curiously read-through books, more than five hundred, which deviated from the right faith's way, and to heresies consented, sayings once to have noted, and concerning them Gregory XI, Pontiff Maximus, who in the year 1371 the helm of the Church's ship into his hands took up, to have informed. Who indeed by a diploma of his from Avignon, asserting that in his books were found by him and proved more than 500 errors, in the year of this century the thirtieth sixth, a to the Bishop of Tarragona and his Suffragans directed, the reading of Raymond's whatever books being interdicted, those enunciations to him brought of learned men, to whom an examination of them he had committed, by sentence he condemned. There exist in the praised Eymeric these Pontifical letters, never disapproved or hence to depart ordered. Wherefore not only he a lay man, fantastic and unskilled; wherefore Gregory XI condemned them, indeed even of a doctrine false, and by the devil dictated, the author to call Raymond; but also other of heresies and heretics narrators, Bernard of Luxemburg, and Gabriel Prateolus, among heretics him to reckon by no means doubted: with whom agree Genebrard and Gualterius the Chronologers; and Eymeric's part vigorously acting Abraham Bzovius, in the Continuation of the Ecclesiastical Annals, much the man and his fame tears.

[15] Which however disgrace, by atrocious injury inflicted on our Raymond to have been, but that Eymeric calumniated they prove the Majorcans, turning back upon Eymeric the crime of calumny, with many and most urgent arguments confirm the Balearic citizens his, and the Franciscan companions his (for he was of the third Order of laics one) defenders. Some indeed that convicted was Eymeric of false crime, in forging the diploma of Pope Gregory, and on that account condemned in the year 1386, b and from Aragon ejected affirm; and then in the year 1395, Avignon residing Benedict XIII, again accused by Antony Riera a Valencian presbyter, the same Eymeric also to appear ordered, through the sentences of the Pontiffs, approving Lull's doctrine, by solemn examination to have been proved, that nothing of those things which were imputed to Raymond's doctrine, in his books anywhere, or in that sense in which they were imputed, but upright indeed and Catholic, is found. c Thirdly at length in the year 1419, by the authority of the lord Alaman Ademar, of the Holy Roman Church Cardinal of Pisa, to the King of Aragon Alphonsus V, Legate of Martin the Pontiff, at Barcelona then acting, and before a Bishop a certain of Città di Castello Bernard, was conducted again the cause, concerning Raymond's doctrine and fame; and a sentence by the same judge, for the books from all censure immunity, and the good author's name, pronounced; and all things, otherwise to the contrary deduced and alleged, for null and void to be held ought to be declared. Of which acts authentic documents the Majorcans, in the archive of the royal University house, to be preserved say. Other also testimonies, especially the declaration of the Tridentine Fathers, brings Vincent Mut, a little after to be praised.

[16] Plainly published in the year 1604, in the same city Majorca in print exists a book, with books published in his defense; in Latin first, in vernacular then of Spain language written, and a Definitive Sentence in favor of the Lullian doctrine entitled; which Raymond's citizens, to the published and even now extant, Eymeric's Directory's accusation to be opposed ought; and great worth of labor themselves to do they thought, produced from their hiding-places and to the public communicated, things which to the greatest of the man most famous fame detriment, to that day had lain hidden. To have seen says Wadding tom. 3 at the year 1315, num. 2 of Antony Bellver, Professor primary and Canon of Majorca, an Apology, in a whole and great volume contained, to Sixtus V the Pontiff, and Philip II the King, for Raymond's doctrine to be asserted.

[17] To others however it pleased, that the more is pressed Eymeric's reputation, Eymeric however they excuse, not Raymond Lull's this, whom we praise, genuine writings him to have accused; but to Raymond falsely supposed, of a younger certain other Raymond, whom de Tarraga they call, or the Neophyte, as being from a Jew converted, and to the Dominicans' Order aggregated, as if of another Raymond truly heretical he treats, heretical books, by the order namely of Gregory XI condemned, and by fire to be burned ordered. Of which matter, made between the two of the same appellation an opportune distinction, Francis Peña, the most learned of the Roman Rota once Judge, in his Notes to Eymeric's Directory, and from him others, advised. Which without truth's prejudice apt more may seem, that unharmed in fame each may remain, both Lull and Eymeric; this man learned exceedingly, and on account of his lucubrations to posterity so profitable; that one indeed most constant toward piety and religion of nearly innumerable works the author. Read if you please of Francis, Marzal, d a Minorcan Franciscan, the Archielogium of the life and doctrine of Lull, together with the Art of the same published at Palma of the Baleares 1645 e in 4°, and fully and learnedly the good name of Lull making, Vincent Mut in the History of the Majorcan kingdom tom. 2 book 2 cap. 11 and several following and book 8 cap. 6.

[18] An Apology indeed of Lull in Spanish of John Arcaeus de Herrera to be kept Ms. we know in the Ambrosian library. Lull's other defenders and praisers: John likewise de Riera, a Franciscan, and himself of Majorca, published a Treatise, in which he answers all things, which hitherto objected are to Raymond, at Palma of the Baleares 1627, in folio. Vigorously here the cause he pleaded at Rome of the same Raymond, and died there in the college of S. Isidore of the Irish. Is praised somewhere of Lull a Life, in elegant and polished style by Nicholas Causinus f written, which we have not seen, some suspending their opinion. nor do praise it the Writers concerning the Writers of the Society, if it is not another than the supreme of this institute man. Hang however still others in opinion, and on both sides by reasons pressed, which to examine is not some worth of labor, to neither the cause they adjudge: among whom I praise the sincerity and rectitude of judgment, which Luke Wadding g in this business uses.

NOTES I. B. S.

SECTION III.

Of various men various opinions concerning the Art.

[19] Detracts from many's opinion, concerning the wonderful of his, The Art as useless and obscure some spurn, which formed Raymond, Art's invention, of very many others contrary thinking, and the most laborious of the same Art's uselessness, and no of so great promise worthy fruits, of the Lullists (as the followers of this doctrine they call) maintaining the esteem, and the said from the heart of them opinion. For however much the Lullian doctrine, and chiefly this Art, many times to have been approved, against so many Kings' decrees, and to be taught permitted, its followers report; by the Parisian namely University, in the year 1309; by Peter of Aragon King, in the year 1369; and his successors Martin, 1399; Alphonsus V the Great, 1449; Ferdinand V the Catholic, 1503; Philip II, 1597 (which all approbations, and Art to teach faculties, in the praised before little book of sentences passed for Raymond are contained:) wondrous also to have performed, and scarcely human, by this Art's benefit, several commonly say; Peter namely a Gaguin, and Angelus Politian b, who by its help himself of all things to dispute gloried; James Faber Stapulensis; the Canter three brothers c, Andrew, Peter, and James of Friesland; Ferdinand of Cordova a Spaniard, of whom in the other of this Library part it is treated, and again below we will treat; and for it of all nations the most learned men vigorously have contended: from every nation. Julius Pacius d, of Vicenza a jurisconsult, who its use as it were to have renewed seems; Jordan Bruno, of Nola, Valerius de Valeriis, a Venetian, Henry Cornelius Agrippa; and from Spain alone, Peter Cirvelus, Jaime Januarius, e Francis Marzal, Augustine Nunez Delgadillo, Peter Jerome Sancius de Lizarazu, and others by Vincent Mut in the History of the Baleares at the already praised place adduced, who learnedly and prudently of the force and faculty of the Art speaks.

[20] However much, I say, all these defend the invention's merit; The Parisian Theology however forbade it; the matter however is certain, by John Gerson's testimony, repudiated at Paris this doctrine and prohibited to have been. But why repudiated? Hear if you please Gerson's f words, which yet in part great its praise contain. [So lately was done at Paris by the sacred of Theology faculty against those, who a doctrine certain foreign of Raymond Lull tried to introduce (which although in many things most lofty and most true; because however in others it differs from the manner of speaking of the sacred Doctors, but on account of its mere novelty, and from the rules of the doctrinal its tradition and accustomed in the schools) itself by a public edict repudiated and prohibited. And elsewhere; Lofty, true, and copious many things to contain professing, it was statuted he says, lest abandoning (the scholastics) the doctrinal manner of the holy Doctors, by the Church approved, and which held it was hitherto in the sacred of Theology faculty, they should pass to this new of fantasizing curiosity] so Gerson speaks. By one therefore exception of novelty, at Paris it labored.

[21] The same Art no less praises, when to depress more he tries, Cardanus argues prolixity, Jerome Cardanus book 15 On subtlety. [The third kind (he says) of useless subtlety in Raymond Lull's books to behold it is permitted. A thing utterly worthy of laughter, all to wish to hand down doctrine, none to know; but yet, as more diligently we have considered, not utterly to be despised an invention it seemed, since indeed a whole single Art, as Medicine, in twelve at most sheets to hand down it is permitted] So Cardanus. Commonly also the Art they disapprove for difficulty, obscurity, and of no use under the name, some obscurity, John Mariana book 15 On the affairs of Spain cap. 4 deceptions of the eyes, and mockeries rather of arts, than true arts, by some reckoning calling them. That a Sphinx is needed for Raymond's Art, Raphael believed Volaterranus; who subjoins, that more obscure still others he left, which in the Sanctuaries of the Parisians to be kept they report. James likewise Gaddius, of our time a Critic, in erudition and judgment not common, On the Writers not Ecclesiastical treating, with many things urges this Art; Agrippa the barbarism of the Writer, and a longer still time to be needed he says, to comprehend Lull's Art, than for the whole of Thomas, or Bonaventure, or Alesius, or Durandus Theology. Cornelius and himself Agrippa, who commentaries on this Art gave, On the uncertainty and vanity of the sciences cap. 9: [The same, he says, for the pomp of wit, and of doctrine ostentation rather, than for acquiring erudition avails, and far more to have of audacity than of efficacy; and to be wholly unlearned and barbarous, unless by a more elegant some literature it be adorned] So Agrippa.

[22] Several the same with great elogia extol I praise always Wadding's judgment in sensibly judging concerning this Art. To others however the man this with a grand encomium adorning: the Illuminated indeed Doctor's appellation so common has become, that already it used Ferdinand V, of Aragon King; Divine also calling him, in the privilege of his doctrine granted. As well also Alphonsus the Great, the same Ferdinand's uncle, King most wise, a Doctor excellent, of wondrous arts and science the author calling him. both Spaniards and French; More recently Jerome Surita, the Great calls him inventor of teaching a new of Philosophy art, and of the disciplines liberal and divine letters through new revelations and mysteries, book 8 of the Annals of Aragon cap. 1. Of excellent wit a philosopher, Papirius Massonus, in the life of Boniface VIII the Pontiff, calls him. There last even now of this Art professors, by stipend public exhibited at Majorca, and perhaps at Barcelona; and to the French several dear it is said to be, and thence precious to draw treasures, as says Wadding; who adds, that Ivo of Paris a Capuchin, from Raymond's principles, two great volumes, which the Digest of wisdom he calls, not so long ago composed.

[23] In Germany also that there are many, of this doctrine admirers and followers, Hottinger confesses: and the Germans; of whom also a Key John Henry Alstedius at Strasbourg once had published, in the year 1633 in 8. And lately a man most erudite Athanasius Kircher, our at Rome friend, having examined more seriously than commonly is wont, the Lullian Art, among whom Athanasius Kircher S.J. that of Ferdinand Emperor III the request he might satisfy, approved it, indeed even commended it; with added for an easier and richer its use a Combinatory art, or Great Art of knowing, which he dedicated to the most August Leopold the Emperor, in print at Amsterdam of the year 1669, in folio published.

NOTES I. B. S.

SECTION IV.

A list of the works of B. Raymond Lull.

[24] But now it is time (these are again Nicholas Antonio's words) the doctrine's form somehow sketched, Is given here written by Alphonsus Proaza, into the works to descend, of which by Luke Wadding in the Writers of the Minorites, and earlier by Alphonsus Proaza arranged a Catalogue, however much lengthy, into classes however curiously distributed, here to represent better we have thought, than a new now to engrave, or a fuller one to seek, which to have himself from the Library Escorial royal testified once was Peter de Alva, in the Militia of the Conception. We annex to it however opportunely, whatever from elsewhere to knowledge to us comes.

REMARK I. B. S.

[25] swollen with an almost incredible abundance, However stupor they may inject, those things which of B. Lull related are hitherto; nothing perhaps will occur more incredible, than that which soon we will add, an immense nearly Bibliography, scarcely by a man to be compiled, who years fifty continuous, far from other cares removed, by indefatigable zeal had labored. As rightly Wadding at the cited place warned; [This is admirable, how in perpetual journeys, and toilsome wanderings, so many books he wrote, so various subjects he treated; so that incredible almost it seems, a man of uncertain seat, perpetually wandering, of no one's aid, of codices want suffering, so many of his wit monuments to posterity to have left; as many as in the subjoined Catalogue in a long and various series are recounted.] I myself this to attain by no reason able candidly confess, although the greater of those books part, which however some to the immense augment, little writings you would call or little books slight, of ten pages in a compendium circumscribed. For though we grant some such of that number to be comprehended, there are however which of just size volumes equal not a few, nor to be despised, if truly by Raymond composed they were; so that Vernon (I know not by what semblance of truth) did not doubt to assert, that the famous Pico of Mirandola, of them all a collection had meditated, which tomes altogether a hundred would have comprised, in folio, as say the typographers. Nor were lacking those who in various places and libraries, volumes Lullian to four thousand to be preserved roundly pronounced.

[26] But nothing me delay those or such-like inflated hyperboles; compared with Catalogues of others, the Reader will have what abundantly to wonder at in the Antonian Catalogue, to which nothing added I wished, nothing taken away. Lest however by one's authority should rest the prodigious of works multitude, it seemed good that list to compare with those, which in Wadding himself, Vernon, and Custurer I found; and after the classes singly by a word to indicate, what among them of discrepancy intervenes, what of addition. Nor those neglected which to be explained occurred, or by Notes to be illustrated, in those chiefly places, in which of books to the blessed Martyr supposed it is treated, the chemical art handling, by heretics especially by fair means and foul, indeed by horrendous sometimes blasphemies, his name to be circulated wont.

[27] and chiefly Wadding's, Now of that whole of Books farrago what I think, if anyone me should ask; I will say ingenuously, to seem most difficult, to oneself into the mind to bring, that by one Raymond, by so various occupations and peregrinations distracted, so great of books abundance I do not say to be composed more attentively, but even to be transcribed conveniently could. By others' trust therefore, not mine, confirmed I wished, whatever of those works in the whole following series is contained. One I premise, not of the Books number or series, but of their content the most sincere Wadding's judgment, from the Annals Tom. 3, in the year 1315 n. 16, who there by error is noted 17. Thus he has.

[28] praising the chief ones, What of the genuine Lull's works I think freely I will pronounce. The Theological work on the books of the Sentences, the greater injects admiration, the more copiously, with wondrous and unusual manners of speaking, all of faith it comprehends mysteries, and of each of Theology controversy several institutes questions. The books On contemplation, and pious whatever subjects which he treats, devotion breathe and of faith to be extended display the ardor. Besides these various are little treatises, with various end and time put together, which the roving and versatile, and to all things prepared man's indicate wit. The Arts Great and Small, and the Inventive of truth, admirable have windings and sinuous turns, through which neither to Daedalus is it permitted to walk, nor to most ingenious sometimes men even a thread suffices of Ariadne, but on the journey or in judgment often they fail. Few or none you would find, who this Art, or of arts all the most secret, and mysterious which they feign; seminary, or as others call it a mockery, perfectly attain. But if after immense labors and of a fatigued brain vigils, some themselves think to have attained; I would wish to know what of so great labor they draw or bring forth fruits; or what singular, before the common of men lot or trite of the gymnasia doctrine imbued men, they display excellence.

[29] and excusing the barbarism of the style, In all moreover the man's works the style inelegant, unequal, not only humble, but everywhere barbarous, with idioms of other tongues everywhere teeming: which very many things everywhere, without study or of books aid, in journeys' and peregrinations' perpetual motion, to him writing to be pardoned is. The method irregular, uncultivated and confused of things done, neither serious nor smooth, and a clearer method requiring. but light and harsh, and sometimes ridiculous, true however and sincere narration. The manners and terms of speaking from the common differ speech of Theologians, and most of his assertions, dissonant from the common of our age doctrine.] Thus far Wadding. Now the Catalogue itself to the eyes I subject, as it Nicholas Antonio exhibits.

CATALOGUE OF THE WORKS

written by B. Raymond Lull.

§. I. BOOKS OF THE GENERAL ARTS.

I General Art. Begins: Ars generalis. II Brief Art, which is the image of the Art, which is called the General, or Great, Art, written in the year 1307, printed in various places. Begins: Ratio quare facimus istam Artem. Thus Wadding. At Lyons this came out from the office of James Marechal with the General Art, and at Strasbourg with Raymond's works, which to the Art invented by himself universal &c. pertain, 1609 in 8, at the expense of Lazarus Zetzner. III General Art the last, begun at Lyons 1305, and finished at Pisa in the monastery of S. Dominic 1308; printed at Lyons at James Marechal's, 1518; and in various places, and lastly at Majorca, at the heirs of Gaspar Guasp, corrected and more strictly divided by Brother Francis Marzal, in the year 1645. Begins: Quoniam multas Artes fecimus &c. It exists also in the praised Strasbourg edition of Zetzner. The author warns at the end, that for this that more easily be learned this Great Art, must be learned the aforesaid Art brief, which is the image of this General Art, as he himself says. In Spanish it exists, Arte general de Raymundo Lullo para todas ciencias, at Madrid 1548, in 8. IV Demonstrative Art of truth, at Paris written in the year 1309. Begins: Quoniam hæc Ars demonstrativa. V Another Demonstrative Art of truth. Begins: Finalis quidam. VI Compendium of the Demonstrative Art. Begins: Quoniam omnis. VII Lecture on the Demonstrative Art, or the Book of Chaos. Begins: Quoniam Deus multum est accolibilis. Another there is a book to this similar, whose title is: Chaos magnum (The Great Chaos). Some Lullist wrote an Introduction to the Demonstrative Art, which begins: Introductoria Artis demonstrativæ &c., in which Lull is cited. VIII Book of the innate Correlatives, written at Paris 1309, and at Valencia published by the care of Alphonsus Proaza, at Gregory Costilla's, 1512. Begins: Quoniam ignoratis. IX Inventive Art of truth. Begins: Ars præsens ab Arte demonstrativa descendit. Dedicated this to that great man and Toledan Prelate, D. Francis Ximenez, came out at Valencia 1515, with privileges royal for the Lullian doctrine. X General table, to all sciences applicable, begun in the port of Tunis the 15th of September 1292; and finished in the city of Naples, 1293, in the octave of the Epiphany. Begins: Ratio quare ista tabula. XI Expository Art, or Lecture on the Inventive Art, and the general table. Begins: Ars ista modum sequitur & doctrinam Artis inventivæ. The aforesaid three last books at Valencia came out in the year 1515, corrected by Alphonsus Proaza, and to Francis Cardinal Ximenez dedicated, from the office of Didacus Gumiel, at Valencia. XII Compendious Art of finding the truth. Begins: A. Ponimus. XIII Another compendious Art. Begins: Hæc Ars compendiosa. XIV Art of inquiring particulars in universals. Begins: Cum apud nos. XV Book of Propositions, according to the Demonstrative Art compiled. Begins: Ab Arte demonstrativa. XVI Book on the Ascent and Descent of the intellect. Begins: Quoniam sunt aliqui homines. Written at Montpellier in the year 1304. At Valencia published by Alphonsus Proaza's care, by Gregory of Costilla, 1519. XVII Penultimate Art. Begins: Quoniam scimus istam. XVIII Art of general science. Begins: Ars sive scientia. XIX Another Lecture on the Inventive Art of truth. Begins: Circa quod. XX On the conditions of the Inventive Art. Begins: Quoniam Deus. XXI Book On the declaration of the inventive science. Begins: Primo ad inveniendum. XXII Brief practice on the Brief Art, or on the General Table. Begins: Est autem hæc. XXIII Book on the experience of the reality of the Art. Begins: Quoniam experimentum. XXIV Book on the mixture of principles. XXV Book on the formation of the Tables. XXVI Lecture on the general Table. Begins: Cum Theorica. XXVII Brief practice on the same. Begins: Alphabetum. XXVIII Lecture on the third figure of the Table general. Begins: Dividitur hæc Lectura. XXIX Book of easy science. Begins: Manifestum est. XXX On the questions raised about it. Begins: Quoniam liber facilis scientiæ. XXXI Book on signification. Begins: Significatio est ens. XXXII Great book of demonstration, or a branch of the Inventive Art of truth. Begins: Quoniam humanus intellectus. XXXIII Book on Light. Begins: Quoniam intellectus est valde. A Ms. exists in the Church of Seville in 4. XXXIV Book on the Inquiry of the true and good in every matter. Begins: Scientia veri & boni. XXXV Book on transcending Points. XXXVI Art of the intellect. Begins: Quidam homo. XXXVII On the natural mode of understanding in every science. XXXVIII On the invention of the intellect. XXXIX On the refuge of the intellect. XL Art of the will. Begins: Cum Deus. XLI Art of loving the good. Begins: Ad recognoscendum. XLII Another loving Art. Begins: Ad recognoscendum. XLIII Another loving Art. Begins: Deus benedictus. XLIV Memorative Art. Begins: Per quam syllabam. XLV On the questions raised about it. XLVI Another Memorative Art. Begins: Hic est necessarium. XLVII On beginning, middle, and end. XLVIII On difference, concordance, and contrariety. Begins: Sensuale est. XLIX On equality, majority, and minority. L On end and majority. Begins: Quoniam quidquid. LI Art of counsel. Begins: Cum sit hoc quod consilium. LII Another book on counsel. Begins: Quidam homo. LIII Book on the excuse of Raymond. Begins: Dominus Deus humilis. LIV Book for understanding the ancient Doctors. LV Infused Art. LVI Art de fer y soltar questions, in the vernacular tongue, which means: Art of making and solving questions. LVII Foundation of the General Art. LVIII Supplication of Raymond to the Parisians. LIX Book for confirming the memory, written at Pisa in the Convent of S. Dominic. Begins: Ratio quare. LX Book on Power, Object, and Act. Begins: Cum plures homines. LXI General rhythmic Art, written at Majorca in the month of March 1300, in the vernacular tongue. Begins: Deus glorios per &c.

Published together exist those works of Raymond Lull, which to the invented by himself Art universal of the sciences and arts all, in a brief compendium and by the highest memory to be apprehended, and in a most copious even by discourse on the spot to be handled pertain, as also on the same of certain interpreters written commentaries. At Strasbourg at the expense of Lazarus Quetzner Zetzner in the year 1617 in 8 they came out.

NOTE I. B. S.

This first of the Lullian books class word for word from Wadding copied Nic. Antonio and from both Custurer. Vernon, with no method kept (the same title though he prefixed) of various arts little works mixes; so that ninety in this article he enumerates, the other three only one and sixty reporting.

§. II. BOOKS OF GRAMMAR AND RHETORIC.

LXII Most complete Art of speculative Grammar. LXIII Brief Art of Grammar. LXIV Art of Rhetoric. Begins: Cum verbum. These knew Wadding. We to the truth add LXV The Rhetoric of Lull, which published Remigius Rufus Candidus, an Aquitanian, at the prayers of Bernard Lavinheta, most zealous of Raymond, as soon we will say; and wonderfully he commended in a premised letter. It exists in the edition Strasbourg, which we said, of Zetzner b. Begins: Ex tenebris lux ipsa emergit, and it is called in the title the book, Alchemy of words, by some perhaps smatterer. The Rhetoric of Lull, at Paris published in the year 1638 in 4; as also into the Rhetoric, an Introduction of the same, to have come out from the Ascensian of Paris, in the year 1515 in 4, somewhere we read c.

NOTES I. B. S.

§. III. LOGICAL BOOKS.

LXVI Book which is called Logic of Grozell in vernacular verse. Begins: Deus per fer a nos honrament. LXVII Small Logic. Begins: Logica est ars & scientia. Published first at Alcalá, by Arnold Guillermus Brocar 1518. Illustrated then with commentaries of Antony Belver, at Majorca by Gabriel Guasp, 1584. LXVIII New Logic, completed at Genoa a in the year 1303; and at Valencia published by Gregory Costilla, by the care of Alphonsus Proaza, 1519 b. Begins: Considerantes veterem & antiquam Logicam. Besides these we have seen. LXIX A Dialectic or New Logic c, which from the previous we distinguish, because this begins: Logica est ars qua verum &c., which in the Strasbourg edition so often praised existing, Bernard Lavinheta to have emended, those things restored which once had been removed, is said. LXX Book on a new mode of demonstrating. Begins: Quare dicitur. LXXI Book on Fallacies. Begins: Per istas fallacias possunt convenire Theologi. LXXII Another Logic, on five Trees. LXXIII Book on Subject and Predicate. LXXIV Book on the conversion of Subject and Predicate through the middle. Begins: Quoniam opiniones. So it is in the edition which we praised of Zetzner d; not, Quoniam opponentes, as in Wadding e. LXXV Book on Syllogisms. The same perhaps with that which follows LXXVI Book on the natural and syllogistic mode, by which is concluded necessarily and naturally the Predicate to be in the Subject. Begins: Quoniam omnes qua sumus. LXXVII Book on Affirmation and Negation and their causes. Begins: Quoniam omnia sunt. LXXVIII Book on the five Predicables and ten Predicaments. Begins: Quoniam quinque Prædicabilia. LXXIX Book on new Fallacies. Begins: Quoniam intellectus humanus. LXXX Book, which is called the Fallacy of Raymond. Begins: Quædam affirmatio.

NOTES I. B. S.

d He notes page 166.

§. IV. PHILOSOPHICAL BOOKS.

LXXXI Book of the lamentation of the twelve Principles of Philosophy, against the Averroists, written at Paris in the month of February in the year 1310, and dedicated to Philip King of the French. Begins: Principum Illustrissimo. In the Strasbourg edition of Zetzner thus it is entitled a: Twelve Principles of Philosophy, which both the lamentation or expostulation of Philosophy against the Averroists, and the Physics of the same Raymond, can be called. A Ms. it is in the Library of Padua, which was Nicholas Trevisani's, Thomasinus testifying b. LXXXII Book on the principles of Philosophy, written at Majorca 1300. Begins: Cum Philosophia sit effectus primæ causæ. LXXXIII Book on the heaviness and lightness of the Elements. Begins: Ad requisitionem Medicorum. LXXXIV Book on the rational Soul, completed at Rome 1294, and published at Alcalá by Guillermus Brocar, in the year 1519 c. Begins: Quoniam Anima rationalis. A Treatise of Raymond On the Soul is Ms. at Venice at the great house of the Minorites Conventual. Thomasinus Library of Venice p. 109. LXXXV Book on the refutation of the errors of Averroes. Begins: Cum Christianos fideles. LXXXVI Book against those positing the eternity of the world. LXXXVII Book on the questions, on the book On the rational Soul raised. Begins: Utrum Anima. LXXXVIII Book on the acts of the powers of the Soul equal. Begins: Utrum beatitudo. LXXXIX Book on the vegetative and sensitive Soul. XC New Physics d. Begins: Cum aggredi. XCI On Nature e. XCII Art of Philosophy. Begins: Cum natura sit. XCIII On the Consequences of Philosophy. Begins: Cum Philosophia. XCIV Book on generation and corruption. XCV Book on the Graduation of the Elements. XCVI Book on the Elementary figure. Begins: Elementa sunt quatuor. XCVII Book on the qualities, properties, and effects of the Elements. XCVIII Book on smell. Begins: Ad inquirendum sensum. XCIX Book on the possible and impossible. Begins: Quoniam philosophantes. C Compendious Art of the principles of Philosophy, according to the Demonstrative Art, into two parts divided. Begins: Cum intendamus Artem valde compendiose componere. CI Book on Intensity and Extensity.

NOTES I. B. S.

A Agree plainly in this class Antonio and Custurer with Wadding.

§. V. METAPHYSICAL BOOKS.

CII New Metaphysics a. Begins: Quoniam quidem intellectus. CIII Book on real Being and of reason. Begins: Quoniam intellectus. CIV On the Properties of things. CV Book On Man. Begins: Cum sit decens. A Ms. at Venice in the great house of the Conventuals, according to Thomasinus in the Library of Venice b. CVI On the magnitude and smallness of Man. Begins: O bone Deus.

NOTES I. B. S.

Here again most plainly agree the Writers three most recently cited.

§. VI. BOOKS OF VARIOUS ARTS.

CVII Political Art. CVIII Book of secular soldiery. Begins: Ad significandum septem. CIX Book on Clerical soldiery; otherwise On Clerks. Begins: Liber iste. CX Art of Chivalry; in the vernacular, as I believe. CXI Treatise on Astronomy, completed at Paris 1298. Begins: Cum plures sint homines. CXII Art of Astrology. Begins: Cum plures homines. CXIII Book on the Planets. CXIV New Geometry. Begins: Quoniam brevis intentio. CXV Great Geometry. Begins: Quoniam multum est. CXVI On the squaring and triangulating of the Circle; otherwise called, Book on Circles. Begins: Ad investigandum. CXVII Art of knowing God through grace, in the vernacular. Begins: Deus es aquell ens. CXVIII Arithmetical Art. CXIX Divine Art.

§. VII. BOOKS OF MEDICINE.

CXX Art on the principles and degrees of Medicine. Begins: Quoniam omnis ars habet sua principia. CXXI Book on the regions of sickness and health. Written at Montpellier, in the year 1303. Begins: Quoniam multum est difficilis scientia. CXXII Book on the compendious art of Medicine. Begins: Ars ista hac intentione compilata est. Contains this the Vatican Ms. 5902, and the Urbino 1083. CXXIII Book on pulses and urines. CXXIV Book on waters and oils. Begins: Ego Raymundus. CXXV Book on Medicine theoretical and practical. CXXVI Book on the instrument of the intellect in Medicine.

§. VIII. BOOKS OF LAW.

CXXVII Art of both Laws. Written at Montpellier in the month of January 1307, Clement V being Pontiff. Begins: Quoniam scientia est longa. CXXVIII Art of particular Law. Begins: Quoniam vita hominis. CXXIX Art of the principles of Law. Begins: Præsens ars. CXXX Art on Law. Begins: Quoniam scientia Juris.

NOTE I. B. S.

In these three Paragraphs nothing at all differ Wadding, Antonio and Custurer. Vernon I pass over, because he the books' classes neglects: it could at the end be noted whether at least in number he agrees. Although neither this worth of labor may seem to be, since in this matter far more diligently than Vernon have been versed, the cited three Writers.

§. IX. SPIRITUAL BOOKS AND OF CONTEMPLATION.

CXXXI Book of the Nativity of the child Jesus, written at Paris in the year 1310, and to Philip King of the French dedicated, begins: Da, Domine, in te credentibus. Published it was at Paris at Guido Mercator's, in the year 1499 b. CXXXII Book on ten modes of contemplating God. Begins: Ad honorem Dei contendere volumus. CXXXIII Book on Rapture. CXXXIV Book of Contemplation, which is in God. Begins: Summe Deus. CXXXV Book Blancherna, treating of the five states of persons, of the married, religious, Prelates, Cardinals, and Pontiffs. It was translated into the Valencian language, and finally printed at Valencia by Francis Jofred, in the year 1521. This of that book Wadding. There is premised to this edition, which we have seen, a letter of John Bonlabius the Catalan, from the town of Roca-fort, of Queralt, who perhaps interpreted the book himself from the Latin. The vernacular title is this: Blanquerna, que tracta de sinch estaments de persones, de matrimoni, de religio, de Prælatura, de Apostolical senyoria, la qual es en lo Pare Sant, y en los Cardenals, y del stat de vida hermitana contemplativa, debax los quals tot son contenguts: ordenat per lo illuminat Dotor y Martyr Maestre Ramon Lull, traduit y corrigit ara novament del primer original, y estampat en llergua Valenciana, ab lo Libre de Oracions e Contemplacions del inteniment en Deu, fet per lo matex Dotor. CXXXVI Book on Prayers and Contemplations of the intellect. Together, as we said, in print published in the Valencian language in the year 1522. Begins: En la ignorancia c. CXXXVII Book on the meditations of the whole year, otherwise On the Lover and the Beloved. Begins: Interrogavit Amicus suum Amatum, at Paris published 1505. d It came out also at Rouen, with Annotations of Martial of Maine, of the third Order of S. Francis. CXXXVIII Book on the praises of B. Virgin Mary, which is called Art of inventions, at Paris published by Guido Mercator 1499. Begins: Quæstiones, definitiones, laudes. This Wadding. But by error it was published, Art of inventions, when of intentions should be read. This edition of the year 1499, by the types of John Parvus made, contains also the Clericus and the Phantasticus, of which afterward. James Faber Stapulensis the edition e procured, and a preface added, in which he says himself much in the reading of these works to profit. CXXXIX Book called, Clericus, or for Clerks. Written in the year 1311, or more truly 1308, together with the preceding published. To which we add, unpraised by Wadding, CXL Phantasticus, written in the year 1311, as there is said. CXLI Book on Confession, written at Majorca 1311 f. CXLII Book on Prayers. Begins: com malos homens, vernacular. CXLIII Philosophy of love, written at Paris in the month of October, 1298; at Paris published by James Faber Stapulensis, and dedicated to Alphonsus of Aragon, of Zaragoza and Valencia Archbishop, in the year 1516, in 4. Begins: Raymundus Parisiis existens. This Wadding. In the vernacular g of Valencia language this Philosophy of love, whether first written by the author, or afterward rendered, we doubt not; from which in the examination of the propositions of our Raymond, which preceded the definitive sentence aforesaid, testimonies many of this language from this book, are brought forth, and into examination called. CXLIV Book of Proverbs, published at Venice 1507, together with the disputation of the Hermit and Raymond &c., of which soon; and with the preceding Philosophy of love, in the year 1516 in 4, written by the author at Rome. Begins: Cum Proverbium sit. So Wadding. But separately at Valencia by John Jofred 1510 in 4. The Book of a thousand Proverbs (the same or another?) is a Ms. in the Ambrosian Library. The Proverbs and sentences of Raymond at Venice published John Tacuinus 1507. It is in the Library of the Sapienza of Rome h. CXLV Book on the hundred names of God, otherwise Psalter. Begins: Cum Saracenis. It is had also in the vernacular, Con los Sarrayns. CXLVI Prayers through the rules of the art, in verses rhythmic vernacular. CXLVII Hours of the Virgin Mother of God, in vernacular measures chanted. Begins: A honor del major Senyor. CXLVIII Elegiac Lament of the Virgin, in vernacular verses. Viveva en gran gaug la Verge Maria. CXLIX Lamentation, or complaint of Raymond, written 1285, of the vernacular tongue. Begins: Deus ab nostra virtute i. CL Consolatory songs of Raymond, of the vernacular also speech.

So creat e esser mondat.

CLI A thousand vernacular proverbs: Perhaps that book, which is in the Ambrosiana. CLII Vernacular verses to the King of the Baleares. CLIII Vernacular metrical treatise, the seven of the faith articles demonstrating. CLIV Book containing a Confession, written at Majorca 1312. Begins: Cum peccatum sit magna transgressio. CLV The first volume of contemplations, containing the first and second book; and these contain twenty-two distinctions. Begins: Jesus Christ Senyor nostro. Wadding: This Book of contemplations or the first volume, two books containing, published it was at Paris in Latin, by the care of James Faber Stapulensis, together with the Blancherna of the Anchorite, On the Lover and the Beloved, at John Parvus's, 1505, in folio k. Bought by himself, says Faber, for one obol this book from a certain poor man; and of such worth to be, that having read it a certain one immediately made the resolution of embracing a religious certain Order; and that he himself the same would do he subjoins, did not health be an impediment. CLVI The second volume containing the third book, beginning from distinction 23, up to 32 inclusive, written l by Ægidius de Bret of Brabant, on the 28th of January, in the year 1467. Begins:

Deus glorios & virtuos A vos Senyor sia donado.

CLVII The third volume, containing the fourth book from distinction 33, up to 40 inclusive. It is on prayer. Begins:

A Deus gran maravellos: A vos Senyor sia fatta reverencia m.

CLVIII The fourth volume, and the fifth book of Contemplations n. CLIX On the hundred signs of God. Begins: Quoniam beatitudo hominum. CLX On the hundred dignities of God. Begins: Quidam homo. CLXI Book on the exposition of the Lord's prayer. Begins: Cum oratio, quam Dominicam. CLXII Another book on the same. CLXIII Book on the Ave Maria. CLXIV Book called the Small Contemplatory, according to the Inventive Art and the General Table made. CLXV Book on the Precepts of the law, the Articles of faith, and the Sacraments, by way of contemplation. Begins: Omnipotens Deus. CLXVI Book on virtues and sins, at Majorca in the year 1312. Begins: Cum sit multum mirandum. CLXVII Book on compendious contemplation; each whose chapter begins; Die ac nocte. But the whole work: Cum sit creatus homo. CLXVIII Book of prayers, made for the Queen of Aragon. Begins: Cum multi homines o. CLXIX Book on prayers through ten rules. CLXX Book on the ways of Paradise and the ways of Hell. CLXXI Book on Prayers and Contemplations. Begins: In ignorantiam. CLXXII Book called, A good Work. Begins: Cum multi homines. CLXXIII Book on Conscience. CLXXIV Book on the joys of the Virgin. Otherwise, On "Blessed art thou". Begins: Inter alia verba. CLXXV Book on the seven Hours of the Office of the Virgin Mary. Begins: Ad honorem. CLXXVI Another book of the same subject. CLXXVII The sorrowful Lament of our Lady over the passion of her son. Begins: Virgo Maria. CLXXVIII Art of the desired Philosophy, to his son. Begins: Solus eram in quodam. CLXXIX Art of confessing. Begins: Cum sit necessarium p. CLXXX Book on childish doctrine q. Begins: Deus vult. CLXXXI Another small childish doctrine. Begins: Quoniam infideles. CLXXXII Book on the first and second Intentions to his Son. Begins: Cum desiderans & jacens. CLXXXIII Great Blancherna. Begins: Ad significationem quinque plagarum r. CLXXXIV Book on the placid vision. CLXXXV Book on eremitical consolation. CLXXXVI Art that for knowing God and loving him a greater virtue we may have. Begins: Cum intendemus. CLXXXVII Book of two hundred songs, of the vernacular tongue. CLXXXVIII Book on the divine life. CLXXXIX Book on the definitions of God. CXC The first book, the Desolation of Ramon, vernacular s. CXCI Book of Hymns. CXCII Book of six thousand Proverbs, on every matter.

NOTES I. B. S.

p Doctor Peter Benassar, in his Memorial to the Catholic King, says, this book to print to have been given at Barcelona 1567, with the faculty of D. Guillermus Cassador, Bishop of Barcelona, whose letters he brings.

q Exists a Ms. in the vernacular in the library of the Balearic College of Mount Sion Soc. of Jesus.

r It seems to be the book, of which num. CXXXV of this Catalogue. For it begins: A significança de les cinc nafres.

s It seems to be the book of which num. CXLIX.

§. X. PREACHABLE BOOKS.

CXCIII Preachable Art, written at Majorca 1312. Begins: Cum hæc sit major ars prædicationis. CXCIV Book on the four senses of Holy Scripture. CXCV Greater art of preaching. Begins: Cum prædicatio. CXCVI Lesser art of preaching. Begins: Cum ars major. CXCVII Book of fifty-two Sermons, against all unbelievers. CXCVIII Commentaries on the primordial Gospel of John, or on cap. 1 of the Gospel of John: In the beginning was the Word. Published it was at Amiens in the house of Francis de Halenvim, of the same city Bishop, in the year 1511. Begins: Hæc propositio varias intelligentias habet.

NOTE I. B. S.

Nothing here worthy of annotation recurs, except that Wadding's Catalogue followed Antonio, and both Custurer: and that Claudius Robertus in the Bishops of France, the Bishop of Amiens aforesaid calls Francis de Haluin de Piennes; the Sammarthani de Hallwin, whom in the year 1502 ordained at twenty they say, by dispensation of Alexander VI, and to have died 1537. Adds Robertus, in the same year to have died Charles Bovillus, Canon of Amiens; him namely, who Raymond's Life wrote.

§. XI. QUODLIBETAL BOOKS, OR OF VARIOUS THINGS.

CXCIX Book of the first and second intention, which treats of virtues and vices, and various of men states, in the vernacular. Aquest llibre qui primerament. Another, as it seems, from the above praised, to his son. CC Book on the miracles of heaven and the world, in the vernacular. Begins: En tristitia e en llanguiment. CCI Tree of science. It came out at Lyons, by the work of Gilbert de Villiers, 1515. Begins: In desolatione & fletibus a. CCII Book of quodlibetal questions on the Inventive Art of truth. Begins: Quæstiones.

CCIII Book On the end b. Begins: Cum mundus in malo c. This book praises the author himself in the Disputation between Raymond and Homer (of which afterward) in these words: From these three arrangements perhaps the world could return to a good state, as more largely we have spoken in the book, On the end, and which we presented to the King of Aragon (James II) and he immediately sent it to the Lord Pope (Clement V, as I think) who now it has, when at Montpellier in my presence, he offered his whole kingdom, his person, his soldiery, and treasure, to fight against the Saracens, at all times in which it should please the Lord Pope and the Lord Cardinals. I am of this most certain, because at that time present I was. They met indeed at Montpellier Clement V, recently elected in the year 1305; and James of Aragon King, as Surita reports book 5, cap. 68.

To have proposed, he says, himself in this book, for sustaining, against the Saracens' assault and immense power, the Christian Church, three remedies; which indeed at every time not useless can seem. The first that the supreme Pontiff should take care four or five to be founded monasteries of Religious, in which should be nourished, and in the languages of the infidels, and Theology instructed those, who by design, to announce throughout the world the Gospel at an opportune time were to be sent.

The second, that from the military Orders of the Temple, of the Hospital, of the Germans (namely the Teutonic) of Uclés (you know the Spanish Order of S. James, whose head is the Uclés house) of Calatrava, and of the Sepulcher, a new should be made Order, of a new also appellation, and it on the borders of the dominion of the Moors should be constituted, that against them war it should wage, the beginning taken from the Granadan, in which (he says) is the great treasure of the Saracens, and a stone foundation, and because it is near. And that kingdom conquered they should make the crossing into Africa, from which part, and not from elsewhere, to the Jerusalem expedition to proceed they ought he thought.

The third, that the Lord Pope, and the Lord Cardinals (you hear his words) the tithe of the whole Church, which they give to Christian Kings, should consign to that holy expedition and passage &c., because the tithe therefore by the laboring is given, that the Church through it be honored, and increased the Faith catholic; not however that the Kings it draw into other uses, perhaps not good. This he. Plainly of the tithes, to James of Aragon King granted by Boniface VIII for a triennium, about the year 1303, makes mention Surita book 5 cap. 60. All these things not useless we thought here to be noted, that posterity may learn, by this old Raymond's art sometimes to be wise.

NOTES I. B. S.

§. XII. BOOKS OF VARIOUS DISPUTATIONS OR CONTROVERSIES.

CCXII Book on the Gentile and three Wise men, written at Montpellier 1307. Begins: Deus excellentissime, cujus imperium a. CCXIII Treatise on the Articles of Faith. Written at Rome in the vernacular tongue 1296, and translated into Latin at Majorca 1300. Begins: Cum aliqui dicant. A Ms. exists among the books of the Duke of Urbino in the Vatican Library, codex 956 b. CCXIV On the unknown God, and on the unknown World, at Paris in the month of March 1310. Begins: Ad ostendendum per quem Deus. CCXV Book on the Efficient and the Effect, at Paris in the month of March 1312. Begins: Parisiis Raymundus & Averroista disputabant. CCXVI Disputation of Raymond and the Averroist on five Questions. Begins: Parisiis fuit magna controversia inter. CCXVII Book of contradiction between Raymond and the Averroist, on a hundred Syllogisms concerning the mystery of the Trinity, at Paris written in the month of February 1310. Begins: Accidit quod Raymundista. CCXVIII Another book on the same subject, at Montpellier, in the month of March 1304. Begins: Antequam Raymundus, sive Raymundista. CCXIX Book on the form of God, which otherwise he calls Small art for knowing God, written in the month of July 1311. Begins: Quoniam Deus est ens. CCXX Book, whether the faithful man can resolve and destroy all objections, which the infidels can make against the holy catholic faith, at Paris in the month of August 1311. Begins: Accidit quoque circa Parisios. CCXXI Book of the disputation of intellect and faith, at Montpellier in the month of October in the year 1303. Begins: Theologorum studia c. CCXXII Book called Apostrophe, in which are proved the Articles of faith, written at Rome on the vigil of S. John the Baptist 1296. Begins: Ad probationem Articulorum fidei. It came out in various places d. CCXXIII Book on demonstration through equiparance, at Montpellier in the month of March 1304. Begins: Quoniam quidquid demonstratum fuit ab antiquis. Published it was by the care of Alphonsus de Proaza, at Valencia at John Gofred's 1510, with the Disputation, of which soon, of Raymond and Homer, and others e. CCXXIV Book on the agreement, which have faith and intellect in the object, written in the same place, whether in the year 1304, or 1308, or finally 1310: for the copies vary. Begins: Dividitur iste liber. CCXXV Book on those things which man of God ought to believe, written in Armenia in the city of Alleas, in the month of January 1301. Begins: Con malos Christians. In the vernacular therefore tongue it is. CCXXVI Book on Substance and Accident, in which is proved the Trinity, written in the city of Messina in the month of October, 1313. Begins: Quoniam per plures modos. It came out at Valencia, by Alphonsus Proaza's care, by John Gofred 1520 f. CCXXVII Book on the Trinity in Unity, or on the essence of God, written in the year 1400 g. Begins: Quoniam infideles derident Christianos. CCXXVIII Disputation of Raymond Lull and Homer the Saracen, first held between them in the city of Bugia in the Arabic Speech, afterward translated into Latin by the same Lull, at Pisa in the monastery of S. Dominic in the year 1308. Begins: Quidam homo Christianus, cui nomen erat Raymundus. Published this at Valencia by John Gofred, Alphonsus Proaza, to Bartholomew Gentili a noble Genoese dedicated, in the year 1510, together with others, namely, On demonstration through equiparance; and next following this disputation another, Five wise men h. Contains this disputation, between Raymond the Christian and Homer the Saracen, by agreement at Bugia held, all the reasons, by which the Saracens their errors and the Christians, these scattered, their law maintain: which indeed in Arabic by each composed (in that tongue indeed, as he himself says, most learned he was) Raymond from Africa in exile sent, with all his goods and books, which to him (he says) dearer were, near the Pisan port by shipwreck lost. But after some days the memory roused, in the Latin speech the lost work he restored, and to the Pope and the Cardinals' College dedicated, thence that they might learn by what arguments the pestiferous law of Mahomet its followers defended. CCXXIX Disputation of five wise men, completed in the city of Naples 1294; and together with the previous disputation published at Valencia 1510; namely the first a Latin, the second a Greek, the third a Nestorian, the fourth a Jacobite, the fifth a Saracen. A Ms. exists in the Library of Venice of S. Antony, according to Thomasinus in the Library of Venice p. 11. CCXXX Book on the existence and agency of God, against Averroes. Begins: Quoniam cognoscere & amare. At Paris written 1311. CCXXXI Declaration of Raymond Lull, by way of Dialogue, published against 218 opinions erroneous of certain Philosophers, and condemned by the Bishop of Paris: which the author himself presented to the same Bishop of Paris, and to the Chancellor and Rector of the University. Begins: In quadam silva. CCXXXII On the signification of faith and intellect. CCXXXIII Art of mystical Theology and Philosophy against Averroes. Begins: Cum ad sanctam fidem. CCXXXIV Book on the Holy Spirit against the Greeks. CCXXXV That in God there are not more than three Persons. Begins: Ad probandam. CCXXXVI On the non-multitude of divine being. Begins: Præsuppono. CCXXXVII What man ought to believe. Begins: Cum sint plures Christiani. CCXXXVIII On being simply through itself, against the errors of Averroes. Begins: Quoniam Deus est i. CCXXXIX On the perversion of being to be removed. Begins: Facta hypothesi. CCXL On from a lesser place to a greater, for proving the Trinity, and Incarnation. Begins: Quoniam aliqui Christiani. CCXLI On Concordance and Contrariety. Begins: Ad idem probandum. CCXLII On the proof of the unity of God, the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Creation, and the Resurrection. Begins: Cum aliqui dicant. CCXLIII On a certain question, very high and profound. Begins: Accidit quod circa Parisios. CCXLIV Disputation of three Wise men; otherwise On the Gentile. Perhaps, says Wadding, it will be another book from the first of this class or order (namely under num. CCXII) because there is placed another beginning: Cum longo tempore. CCXLV Book on the refutation of the errors of Averroes. Begins: Cum Christianos fideles. CCXLVI Book on the better law. CCXLVII Book against the Jews. CCXLVIII Book on the Hebrew reformation. CCXLIX Book on the participation of Christians and Saracens. Begins: Raymundus veniens. CCL On the coming of the Messiah against the Jews. Begins: Duo viri. CCLI Book on true belief, and false. Begins: Perveniens ad tempus. CCLII Book on the proof of the Articles of faith. Begins: Quoniam infideles. CCLIII Disputation of Peter the Clerk and Raymond the Phantastic. Begins: Accidit duos homines. The same perhaps work with those above praised num. CXXXIX and CXL k. CCLIV Book called Lord, what part? It was (as some assert) the Disputation of Raymond and Scotus, who as contemporaries lived at Paris l. CCLV Book on the proof of the Catholic Faith. CCLVI Treatise on the mode of converting the infidels. CCLVII On two final Acts. Begins: Duodecim Syllogismos.

NOTES I. B. S.

§. XIII. THEOLOGICAL BOOKS.

CCLVIII Book of Questions on the four books of Sentences, written at Paris 1298, within the octave of the Ascension. It came out at Lyons 1491, and at Palermo by John Tacuinus 1507: likewise with Thomas of Arras's on the same books Questions, at Venice 1507 in 4. Begins: Raymundus Parisiis studens. a A Ms. To exist this commentary in the College of Alcalá of Ildephonsus, teaches Peter Alva in the Militia of the Conception, under the word, Raymond Lull. Luke indeed Wadding, who this saw, of it thus once judged: The Theological work on the four books of Sentences the greater injects admiration, the more copiously with wondrous and unusual manners of speaking all of faith it comprehends mysteries, and of each of Theology controversy several institutes questions. The codex indeed Urbino 1085, among the Vatican books, perhaps that work contains, under this inscription: General Art, or questions on the Sentences. Plainly the Disputation of the Hermit and Raymond on some doubts of the Sentences of Peter Lombard; compiled namely (as at the end is read) a treatise at Paris 1299, came out together with the Proverbs work, of which already was said, at Venice in the year 1507 in 4, which edition exists in the Church of Seville b. CCLIX Questions of Master Thomas of Arras, solved according to the Art, written at Paris 1299. Begins: In Christo Domino c. He makes mention in this work of a book On Geometry, and of another On the principles of Theology, by which himself to be detained in those days he betrays. CCLX Book On God, vernacular. Com lo principal fi. CCLXI Book on Being simply absolute, written at Vienne at the time of the Council of Vienne, in the year 1312. Begins: Ens simpliciter absolutum d. CCLXII Book on the being of God, at Majorca 1300. Begins: Esse Dei vocamus e. CCLXIII Book on the principles of Theology, already praised CCLIX. Begins: Theologia est scientia f. CCLXIV Book on the consequences of Theology. CCLXV On the investigation of the divine dignities. Begins: Quidam homo. CCLXVI Book on the Trinity. CCLXVII Book on the most triune Trinity. Begins: Quoniam secundum. CCLXVIII On the invention of the Trinity. CCLXIX On the unity and plurality of God, to the King of France. Begins: Ad venandum g. CCLXX On the investigation of the traces of the production of the divine Persons. Begins: Investigationem istam. CCLXXI On the divine Dignities. Begins: Nullum majus bonum. CCLXXII On the proper and common divine Reasons. Begins: Ad probandum. CCLXXIII On the power of the divine Reasons. Begins: Quoniam infideles. CCLXXIV On the Infinity of the divine Dignities. CCLXXV On the greater act, namely the act of the divine Dignities. Begins: Actum majorem vocamus. CCLXXVI On the Definitions of God. Begins: Definitiones Dei. CCLXXVII On the Name of God. Begins: Quia Deus. CCLXXVIII On the Unity of God. Begins: Quoniam quidquid est. CCLXXIX On the Per-se-ity of God. Begins: Volo credere. CCLXXX On the Nature of God. Begins: Dicitur quod divina natura. CCLXXXI On the Life of God. Begins: Legitur in sacra Pagina. CCLXXXII On the "Is" of God h. Begins: Appellamus Esse Dei. CCLXXXIII On the Being of God. Begins: Utrum æternitas Dei. CCLXXXIV On the Essence and Being of God, written in the city of Messina, in the month of December 1313. Begins: Dicitur quod in hac vita i. CCLXXXV On the Form of God k. Begins: Quoniam Deus. CCLXXXVI On the Invention of God. Begins: Omnia illa sine quibus. CCLXXXVII On the Memory of God; in the city of Messina, in the month of March; 1314. Begins: Quoniam de divina memoria l. CCLXXXVIII On the Will of God absolute and ordinary. CCLXXXIX On the Power of God. Begins: Ad cognoscendum. CCXC On pure Power. Begins: Credere. CCXCI On the infinite and ordinary Power of God. Begins: Quoniam multi sunt. CCXCII On divine Truth. Begins: Quoniam quidquid est. CCXCIII On pure Goodness. CCXCIV On divine Production. CCXCV On perfect Knowledge. Begins: Ad investigandum. CCXCVI On the greater Agency of God. Begins: Duobus modis. CCXCVII On infinite Being. Begins: Duobus modis. CCXCVIII On perfect Being. Begins: Quoniam infinitum. CCXCIX On infinite Being. Begins: Quoniam humana. CCC On absolute Being. Begins: Quoniam Theologia. CCCI On the infinite Object. Begins: Quoniam multi sunt. CCCII On finding God. Begins: Cum Deus creasset m. CCCIII Book on God. Begins: Appellamus autem Ens. CCCIV On the greater and lesser God. Begins: Cum Deus creavisset. CCCV On God and the world, and the agreement of them in Jesus Christ. CCCVI Book on God and Jesus Christ. Begins: Cum sit finis principalis n. CCCVII On the Incarnation. Begins: Quoniam Deus benedictus. CCCVIII Book for understanding God. Begins: Ad intelligere. CCCIX Book called, For understanding well, loving and making-possible. Begins: Multum est delectabile. CCCX Book on predestination and free will. Begins: Cum prædestinatio. CCCXI Another book, On predestination. Begins: Quoniam plures o. CCCXII Book on angelic nature. Begins: Quoniam Angeli. CCCXIII Book on the speech of Angels. Begins: Raymundus jacens. CCCXIV Book on the hierarchies and orders of Angels. CCCXV Book on good and evil Angels. CCCXVI Book on the virginal conception. Begins: Contigit quod. CCCXVII Another book, on the virginal conception. CCCXVIII Book on creation. Begins: Multi sunt qui credunt. CCCXIX Book on the justice of God. Begins: Justitia est forma.

CCCXX Book on the conception of the Virgin Mary. Wadding.

One of these three, of the same subject p books, is the book On the conception of the Virgin Mary, from all guilt original immune, which was published at Seville, at the expense of brother Martin de Almodovar of the Order of Calatrava, at Paul de Colonia's, 1491 in 4 q. Which disputation is between a certain Dominican Monk and two Laics, of whom one is skilled in the Canons. This same to have been published at Valencia in the year 1518 in 4, by the care of Raphael Gerardus of Tarragona, who to the Count of Oliva Seraphinus de Scintillis dedicated it, reports Peter de Alva in the Militia of the Conception. In Spanish at last it came out, and at the same time in Latin, at Brussels 1665 in 4, with D. Alphonsus de Cepeda as interpreter r.

This however book not to be Raymond Lull's, well conjectures the same Peter Alva; since the author mentions a Decree, upon the mystery of the Conception by the King of Aragon issued; and inveterate he calls the diversity, which concerning this most holy Conception among the faithful of Christ was; which indeed of Raymond's time, in which lived John Duns Scotus, of this controversy the standard-bearer, and when not yet of John I of Aragon King, the prince concerning this controversy a decree had come out, can be understood s. But wrongly Alva feigns another Raymond de Centiliis, or Centelles, an Aragonese and Canon, that to him this book he may ascribe, moved by that distich

Behold I, of the Centellas, a shield for the Virgin furnish; against her enemies ready wars to prepare.

Which indeed to the said Count of Oliva Seraphinus de Centellas, and his family of the Scintillae (sparks), to whom he dedicates the book, is to be referred entirely. Wherefore to be believed more him I think, when he reports, in the library of the Escorial this book to be preserved as a Ms. under the name of a certain Raymond de Astruch de Cortyelles, at Avignon a month before the year 1305 written; who indeed Raymond, as is had in that codex, a Canon then was. Of Vich (Vicensem we believe) and there in good his days he ended his last, whose soul may rest in peace. And believes Alva, to be corrected, for the year aforesaid, the year 1395. About this year the King of Aragon a decree made for the immaculate Conception, as he says. It was without doubt this book thither transported, with others of Antony Augustine of Tarragona Prelate: for in his books' Catalogue noted it is found num. 155.

CCCXXI Book on Angels. Up to here of the books, to Raymond ascribed, the Catalogue of Proaza and Wadding: there follows however in them an Appendix of others, which under his name are circulated, chemical for the greater part.

NOTES I. B. S.

p Namely Book CCCXVI of this Catalogue, not CCCVI, as has Custurer. For it begins: Contigit quod sedens.

q Exists that edition in the Balearic College of Mount Sion.

r Known is in Belgium that edition, not in 4, but in 8, of the year 1664, not 1665.

s This of Nicholas Antonio scruple removes Custurer p. 390, after Ildephonsus de Zepeda and Francis Marçal, by saying, that there it is treated of a privilege or edict of another King of Aragon, whose name for certain is not had; and this hence not improbably they deduce, that the edict first, published was at Valencia on the 14th of March; but the other of King John, of which Antonio, published was on the 2nd of February 1394; and that very thing afterward into a Book of B. Lull, by some other inserted. Certainly, says Zepeda, the manner of speaking, order, style, disposition, so Lull breathe, that of it those alone to be able to doubt seem, who in his writings are strangers.

APPENDIX

§. I. Books, which under the name of Lull are circulated. a

I Book of the Mercuries. Begins: Fili oportet. Wadding b, at Cologne it was published by John Birckmann 1567 in 8, with the following, and with vol. 4 of the Chemical Theater. II Book called Apertorium. Begins: Sapientes asserunt. This with the Magic, and On the secrets of nature, of which presently, was published at Nuremberg 1656 in 4, by John Petreius. Apertorium, on the composition of the true stone, came out in Tome 2 of the Alchemical writers of Gratarolus, and in Tome 3 of the Chemical Theater at Zetzner's 1613 in 8. III Book called Repertorium. Begins: Aqua nostra Philosophica. Repertorium, very useful for the understanding of the Testament, Codicil and others. In Tome 3 of the Chemical Theater. IV Intellective Art. Begins: Sunt plures nimis errantes. In the same collections. V Practice. Begins: Corruptio & depuratio practica lapidis. It exists in vol. 3 of the Chemical Theater. Universal practice of the great work, in vol. 3 of the Theater of the same chemical. VI Natural Magic. Begins: Compendium Artis magicæ. All together were printed at Cologne, 1567 in 8, at John Birckmann's. VII On the secrets of nature, or the quintessence, two books. Wadding the first published says, together with the Counsels of Matthew de Gradi, at Venice in folio at George Arrivebenius's, 1514 otherwise 1518 in 4, at Sigismund Grim's. Likewise with the same and with Blasius Astarius's Counsels, in the same place at Lucas Antonius Junta's 1521 in 4. Then at Strasbourg at Balthasar Beck's, 1541 in 8, with Albert the Great's five books On minerals, and metallic things, at Venice at Peter Scheffer's 1542 in 8, at Nuremberg 1546 in 4, at Cologne at Birckmann's 1567 in 8. There is added a letter to King Robert On the perfecting of the stone of the Philosophers, according to Lindanus in On Medical writings. Begins: Jam vero ut rem. But the Prologue of Raymond: Book of the secrets of nature. The style is to the Raymondine most similar. VIII Book on the questions of death (or better raised) on the book on the quintessence. IX Book of the Testament. X Clause of the Testament. XI Codicil. These three so meagerly in the Catalogue are praised. But we have seen Raymond Lull's Testament, in two books the whole Chemistry comprising, before never published, at Cologne Agrippina at John Birckmann's 1566 in 8; and 1573 in 8; in the same place c. There exists also Ludolf Verdemann's prefatory letter, in which he says, the Testament never else to have been printed: which indeed the Author to Edward V King of the English, in the year 1332 dedicated. Which indeed reckoning of time, neither with Raymond, who in the year 1315 to be among the living ceased; nor with Edward V, who from the eighth year to the twenty-sixth of this century power held, can agree d.

Begins the Prologue: Deus qui gloriose; and contains this Testament three parts, I Theoretical, II Practical: which two already contained that, which in the edition of 1573, is called the Old Testament; to which is appended a Compendium of the transmutation of the art of metals, to Rupert King of the English transmitted. Begins: Jam sæpe & sæpius. They exist in volume 4 of the Chemical Theater, at the end of the Practical, where, when of the mode of making Pearls the King he had advised, namely of that color, of which the shells were, to have seen himself, he says, certain shells, of which he speaks, in Cyprus, Portugal, and in a certain town of England, which is called Conilla (I correct, of Andalusia, which is called Conilia, now Conil) and in another place, which is called the port of Silves up to saint Vincent of the World's-End. He speaks of the Silves port and the promontory of S. Vincent (which he calls World's-end) once sacred. For we have seen (he continues) all these things, while to England we cross, on account of the intercession of the Lord King Edward most illustrious. All which well, or scarcely to another than Raymond fit, unless another with all these fictitious lineaments wished to draw his person e.

There follows the third part of the Testament, which by this title is distinguished: Codicil, or Vade-mecum, or Song of Raymond Lull, in which the sources of the Alchemical art, and of the more recondite Philosophy most abundantly are handed down. This first published at Cologne 1563 in 8, again came out in the same place at the heirs of Arnold Birckmann's 1572 in 8. It came out also at Rouen 1651 in 8. Begins the Prologue: Deus in virtute. This is that, which the Clause of the Testament we read called in Wadding's Catalogue, and likewise the Newest Testament, as it is called in the last edition of the Testament, by the care of D. M. Rault of Rouen corrected, and at Rouen at the expense of David Bertelin in the year 1663 in 8 published. Warns indeed the author cap. 1 of this Codicil, that himself this art, or philosophical secret, lent to Edward King of the English for the conversion of the Pagans. There continues the Catalogue.

XII Diadem of Rupert. XIII Lapidary. To this refers the author, at the end of the Compendium of the soul of the transmutation of metals. XIV Book called on the number of the Philosophers. XV Book of experiments. XVI On the invention of the hidden secret. XVII Curatory Art. XVIII Book called Proprietarium. XIX Book called of Aphorisms. XX Another Book on Magic.

NOTES I. B. S.

To me indeed scarcely is it doubtful, but that under all these fictitious lineaments another someone lies hidden, than B. Raymond far later. Nor sufficiently I understand by what reason to him to agree thought Antonio, what of Portugal, Andalusia, England he recalls; since certain it seems from §6 and 7 of the Comment. preliminary, never those regions, I do not say to have traversed, but not even with his eyes to have beheld Raymond, that one at least of whom here we treat.

Impels me the matter's indignity, that of a new Writer, a new of B. Raymond fable, and of Catholics a horrendous calumny I report; that also thence a reason sufficiently effective be deduced, for exploding what of Lull's Art chemical gold-making so confidently some peddle. It is that George Paschius of Danzig, in the work On New inventions, reported in the Trivultian Commentaries of the year 1704, in the months November and December, from whose specimen p. 2056, what of these little histories is to be thought, easily will be established. Narrates he, say the Commentators, Raymond Lull in the chemical Art so happily versed, that by it moved Henry of England King of his name the IV, by a public edict his men exhorted was to the Philosophical stone to investigate; the Priests indeed especially, because in them to metals to transform more prone is the disposition, as being those in whom a power was inherent of changing bread into the body of Christ the Lord. And this edict, if it please the gods above, in the English archives is found. Wonderful indeed; absurd and dissonant. For the rest since in the Henries of England Kings the Writers vary, whether IV here he be called, or rather V, certainly to the 15th century it pertains; and so if in the time of Lull such an edict came out, for whole hundred years above eighty he must have survived. Believe it, posterity.

§. II. Chemical Books, to B. Lull wrongly imputed.

Little books a some of Lull chemical, at Basel published at Peter Perna's 1572, by the work of M. Toxites somewhere we read. Chemical however these all, and the art of metals transformatory science, to Raymond ours certain men disclaim b, by this among others reason moved, not to seem him by another of industry, than this of making gold kind, to have been able more keenly and efficaciously to use for in Christian Kings to make minds toward the war against the Saracens wondrously by him procured, by which however nowhere we read him to have used; unless to it be referred, what from his Codicil of Edward the King a little before we adduced. Robert however Constantine in his nomenclator of distinguished writers, published at Paris 1555; Lull (he says) wrote besides other many things On the secrets of nature, or on the quintessence. This indeed by inquiring I found, among the English in very truth to have performed what in his books he promises, and in the tower of London by order of the King, most approved gold to have made; and to me a kind of coin was shown c, which still they call the Noble of Raymond, of gold namely pure, and refined, and of the highest valuation. He himself in the book which Testament he calls, confesses this Art from Arnold de Villanova, his contemporary, to have learned. This he.

Other things heaps up Conringius, On the Hermetic and Paracelsian medicine cap. 27: who however not from the Testament of Lull, which Constantine says, but from his Art operative this to be a testimony reports, by which through Arnold himself to have profited Raymond warned. Luke moreover Wadding by the best argument acted, that he might show these supposititious all to Lull to have been, namely from his other genuine books taken, in which nothing more frequent is, than to be disapproved this art chemical. Likewise from the same, which to Lull badly are attributed, of this same Art formed indeed, as from their very words is established, but after Lull's death. These too parts Vincent Mut the Balearic, in the History of the Balearic islands, follows: whom however impugns keenly Olaus Borrichius of Copenhagen, of the medical art Professor, in a dissertation, On the origin and progress of Chemistry, altogether to be seen d. But besides so many of the Catalogue proposed books, still by us will be given by way of a gleaning, certain others, namely

I Brief Art of cabalistic hearing, or for all sciences an introductory. Begins: Quoniam quidem omnibus. It came out at Strasbourg at Zetzner's with the Brief Art, and the Great Art, and others of Raymond, 1609, in 8 e; and earlier at Paris 1548, in 16. II Book on the hunting of the Middle between the Subject and the Predicate. Begins: Medium existens. III On the articles of the chemical faith: to Pope Clement V, a Ms. at Padua in the library, which was Nicholas Trevisani's, according to Thomasinus. IV Book on light, at whose end: To the honor of God finished Raymond Lull, on light, at Montpellier in the month of November 1303. A Ms. in the same library of Trevisani. But see above in the Catalogue book XXXIII. V Practice on the terms of the soldier, a Ms. in the same place. VI The desired Philosophy, a Ms. in the same place. VII Letter to King Rupert, on his books chemical, and on the shortening; a Ms. in the library Imperial, from the books which from the Ambrosian citadel near Innsbruck in the year 1665 by hereditary right to Vienna were transferred, as reports Peter Lambecius book 2 On the Imperial library cod. 184. VIII Book on the Intention (otherwise Invention) of the Alchemists; at whose end these things are read: Here ends the book on the Intention of the Alchemists of Mag. Raymond Lull, at Rome in the year 1515 on the 21st of the month of December, under Leo X Pontiff Maximus, namely transcribed. Chemical Theater vol. 4. A Ms. in the same books, cod. 185, and among the books of Renatus Moreau, according to Labbe in Library of Mss. IX On the conservation of human life; at whose end thus is read: Here ends the book of Raym. Lull On the conservation of human life, at Rome 1516 on the 17th of the month of October. A Ms. in the same place in the same books cod. 185. It was also in the library of the Cardinal of Carpi. It came out at Strasbourg at Zetzner's with the book of secrets 1616 in 8. X Chemical Magic into 23 chapters divided, and XI Book on the investigation of the hidden secret, which is entitled: Compendium, together Mss. in the same books cod. 186. XII Secret chemical Alphabet, and XIII Tree of the chemical Art, with an exposition, and a subjoined triple appendix. XIV On the first water, and XV On the distillation of waters, and XVI On the operation, or practice of precious stones. Together all these Mss. in the same books of the library of Innsbruck, now of Vienna, cod. 186. XVII Book of the light of the Mercuries; diverse from the other already praised Book of the Mercuries. XVIII Philosophical Tree; and others, together among the same books cod. 198. XIX Practice of the philosophical tree. Makes mention of this book Labbe in Library of Mss. part 4 p. 47. XX On the physical stone. At Cologne published a book, 1585 in 8. XXI On the stone of the Philosophers, at Cologne at John Birckmann's, in the year 1567, in 8. XXII On the art of Alchemy, and recondite Philosophy. At Cologne at the heirs of Arnold Birckmann's, 1572 in 8. Perhaps the same with the following, XXIII On the chemical art, and transmutation of metals. In the same place by John Birckmann 1573 in 8; the same perhaps On Chemistry, at Basel 1600, in 8; and with the title, Golden Bundles; at Frankfurt 1630 in 8. XXIV Book on the plague. At Padua a Ms. among the books which were Nicholas Trevisani's, according to Thomasinus in the Library of Padua p. 108. XXV Book which is called the Synodal of the Church. A Ms. in the library of S. Antony at Venice, which was the Lord Cardinal Grimani's, according to Thomasinus in the Library of Venice p. 11. XXVI Disputation made between Ingetus Contardus a Genoese Merchant, and certain Jews, at Majorca 1286. Exists a Ms. at Venice in the Library of the monastery of SS. John and Paul, according to Thomasinus Library of Venice p. 23. XXVII Tree of sciences, it was published at Lyons 1635 in 4. XXVIII Artifice, or Brief Art for completing the encyclopedia of all arts. Published at Claude Bornatus's in the year 1565 in 8 f. XXIX Monologium. Makes mention of this work the definitive sentence for Raymond's doctrine, of which above we treated. XXX El contemplador. This in the Spanish appellation calling, for himself adduces John Martin Figuerola, in a Ms. book which with me I have; Lumbre de fee, contra la secta Mahometana, entitled. XXXI Secret of secrets. At Cologne in the year 1592 in 8, at Gosvinus Colinus's, with the little works of D. Thomas, On the being and essence of minerals; and Cornelius Alvetanus's, on making the divine elixir, a little book. XXXII On Mercury alone. The little book was published in vol. 4 of the Chemical Theater, at Strasbourg in the year 1613.

XXXIII Medical letters. They exist with the Cista medica of John Hornung, at Nuremberg published by Simon Halbmaier in the year 1625 in 4.

Some little chemical books of Raymond, then for the first time, as is said, except the Vade-mecum, to light published by the work of Doctor Toxites, at Basel at Peter Perna's, 1572, and 1510 in 8. These besides the already mentioned, contain

XXI On the substance and action of God.

A Book on Fevers, which Symphorianus Camperius wonderful and most celebrated calls.

In the Vatican Codex, which was the Duke of Urbino's, marked num. 1084, under the same name of Raymond exists a Little Key.

Of which indeed several, or perhaps all, under other names in the two Catalogues proposed comprised we think; but to us of no care it had to be passed over, that nothing we might omit g.

NOTES I. B. S.

§. III. A List of those who the Lullian Art tried by their lucubrations to illustrate.

Wadding's counsel, for all Lull's works together to be reprinted: The works of Lull, which he knew, being enumerated, the man best and most prudent Luke Wadding; This, he says, to the Balearic islands and to the followers of this admirable man, not with an adverse, but a propitious affection I would suggest as counsel, that, if now at last, after three whole centuries, an end they wish to impose on the inveterate concerning Raymond's affairs controversy, the genuine works all of Raymond they collect, into their volumes according to the subjects' variety distribute, to a neat and accurate hand over press, with applied to each harsher or more obscure places commentaries or brief scholia, by which either they be explained, or more cautiously to be read be advised. In the whole work's threshold let them prefix a clear distinction of the books, the spurious and apocryphal altogether reject, what without doubt Lullian are, in their order dispose; what doubt suffer, into an appendix relegate. By this means it will come about, that without scruple they be admitted, and without offense be read, and proceeded can be in a cause, which, as by so great effort is urged, but very many having suffered rules (exceptions perhaps he meant to say) has not obtained happy issues. This Wadding most prudently, for illustrating which the following Authors gave their labor. but in which hitherto there has been a delay. For by royal expense, and almost authority, there is need, for collecting here and there, from so various of Libraries' corners, all these scattered works; nor about to succeed, as it seems, with that of expenses fruit, which editors to allure is wont, from of very many volumes a most expensive, and by the concourse of buyers infrequent, trade. But very many lovers of the secret Art of Raymond (such as they would not have been, if not in its study, for the measure of the exhausted labor in learning it, and of the envy in commending it, they had profited) by various thoughts to illustrate this their Master's invention have tried; of them, who to our knowledge came, here we append the Register.

I Julius Pacius of Vicenza, Jurisconsult most celebrated, wrote the Lullian Art emended

in 4 books at Lyons 1618 in 8, and at Naples 1631 in 4; but in French at Paris at Francis Fulliot's, in the year 1629 in 8. II Jordan Bruno of Nola, on the scrutiny of species, on the combinatory lamp Lullian, on the progress and hunting lamp of Logicians, in the Strasbourg edition of the Arts of Lull 1609, at Zetzner's. Of this Bruno see the Library of Naples with the additions of Antony Magliabechi. III Bernard Lavineta, a Frenchman, of the Order of Minorites, the Great Art interpreted, at Lyons published 1517 in 4. IV N. Marestellus, an Encyclopedia to the Great Art of Lull, at Rouen 1648 in 8. V N. Brulaeus on the Art wrote, as is read in the Medical Library. VI Basil of Polignac, of the third Order of Minorites, Commentaries on the Art, and likewise on the Metaphysics, or on the most universal being according to Raymond Lull. To have died this man at Paris in the year 1645, Wadding taught. VII James Januarius the Catalan published the Ingress of intelligible things of Raymond Lull, in the year 1490 in folio, without note of place. In this edition's beginning it is said the book published by Master James Januarius the Catalan, a Cistercian Monk, who dedicates it to Br. Didacus de Mendoza, Abbot of the convent of the Crosses in the monastery of the same Order. VIII Valerius de Valeriis, a Venetian patrician, a Golden work on the Tree of sciences, and on the General Art. First (as is boasted) published in the edition already said Zetznerian of the Arts of Lull, in the year 1609: but of an older edition of Augsburg of the year 1589 in 4, made more certain we have been. IX Henry Cornelius Agrippa, Commentaries on the Brief Art. X Hugh Carbonellus, commonly Carbonet, a Frenchman of the Tectosages of the Order of Minorites, Of the Lullian Art, or of artificial memory the secret explained, to orators and preachers most useful. At Paris at John Laguehay's, 1620 in 8. XI John Henry Alstedius, a Key of the Art Lullian, at Strasbourg in the year 1633 in 8. XII Alphonsus de Cepeda, a Spaniard, a Soldier, Arbol de la ciencia de Raymundo Lullo, nuevamente traducido y explicado (Tree of the science of Raymond Lull, newly translated and explained). At Brussels in the year 1664 in folio. XIII Augustine Nuñez Delgadillo, a Spaniard, a Carmelite, Breve declaracion del Arte de Raymundo Lullo (Brief declaration of the Art of Raymond Lull), at Granada 1623 in 8. XIV Francis Marzal, of Minorca, of the Order of Minorites, Professor of the Lullian Art among the Baleares, the General Art the last, by himself corrected, more strictly divided, with marginal Notes adorned, and with indices enriched, together also an Archielogium of the life and doctrine of the same Lull. At Palma of the Baleares, at the heirs of Gabriel Guasp's, 1645 in 4. XV James or Jaimius Januarius, a Cistercian Monk of the holy Crosses of the Tarragona diocese, the Natural metaphysical Art of the order of any intelligible thing of the Tree of nature, for understanding all the books and arts of Raymond, and also of all the rest. At Valencia at Leonard Butz's, 1506 in 8. XVI Peter Cirvelo, a Spaniard, of Daroca, one of his ten paradoxical questions, On the Art of Raymond Lull in metaphysics, entitled. Published were they at Salamanca 1538 in 4. XVII Peter de Guevara, a Spaniard, of Belorado, Arte general para todas las ciencias en dos instrumentos, recopilada del Arte magna, y Arbol scientiæ de Raymundo (General art for all the sciences in two instruments, compiled from the Great Art, and the Tree of science of Raymond). At Madrid, in the year 1584, and 1586 in 8. XVIII Peter Jerome Sanchez de Lizirazo, an Aragonese, a General Method for all sciences more easily and quickly to be learned, in which Raymond's Brief Art is explained; and by many examples, and various questions to practice most openly is reduced. At Tarazona, in the year 1613 and 1619 in 4. XIX These all the Art or Arts adorned, or interpreted: but on the Chemical of Raymond they have insisted. Several others Majorcans, fellow-citizens of Raymond, praises Vincent Mut, who to this task to be adorned their labor applied, in the History of the Baleares in the second volume book 8 cap. 6. XX Andrew Libavius, writing a sincere exposition of Lull and Arnold with scholia, at Frankfurt at Kopss's in 8, as is in Borellus in the Chemical Library p. 136. XXI John Gerard, The Lullian Secret, at Ulm 1640 in 8. Very brief Commentaries on the Apertorium of Lull on the philosophical stone, and an interpretation of his newest Testament. At Tübingen 1648 in 8, according to the same Borellus p. 242.

THE JUDGMENT OF THE SAME ANTONIO

On Eymeric, the censor of the Lullian doctrine.

[30] Of Eymeric writes Antonio, Tedious perhaps I seem in all these in a long order to be recounted, which one either would prefer passed over, or at least more briefly deduced. But, as above more than once I warned, since from the blessed man's books the chief arises among the Writers contention, to be overcome altogether had to be of some the scruple, and the praised Nicholas Antonio's opinion in full here to be placed. Indeed even to be added there remains the other part, in which the same author concerning Eymeric a judgment brings forth, of his Spanish Library Book IX cap. 7 p. 124; by which it will come about that the reader concerning the whole of the litigating parties' dissension, from Antonio's mind, more conveniently may decide; and from added afterward of others for the blessed Martyr Defenses, the preconceived concerning him unjust opinions, either entirely lay aside, or at least correct somewhat may. These therefore besides the above-said, so has at the place cited just now Nicholas Antonio:

[31] in the year 1356 made Inquisitor of Aragon, A contemporary was of these times … Nicholas Eymeric, by race a Catalan, born indeed in the city of Gerona; who since in the doctrine of Law he was esteemed and in the sacred not lightly cultivated, after Nicholas Rosell of the same Order General, through Aragon's Kings' dominion against heretical madness and depravity Inquisitor, to the sacred of Cardinals of the holy Roman Church College assumption, the same was ordered that office to exercise, in the year of the century 14th the sixth above the fiftieth a.

[32] But with what progress and integrity in it he conducted himself, teaches the stirred-up huge, to have produced a Bull of Gregory XI, and scarcely reconcilable between the Dominicans and Franciscans question, on the occasion of a certain Bull, against Raymond Lull's errors, which Gregory XI Pope's name displays. This by Eymeric supposed, the Franciscans, Raymond their Lull, who of the third Order of Minorites was, defending, earnestly contend; from this confirming, that the same Bull, diligently sought, among others of the same Pontiff, its register being searched, nowhere has appeared; of which matter the lawful custodians of the archive Papal a trust testimony exhibit. nowhere in his register found, A document also of a sentence, in an assembly of the General of Aragon Inquisitor, the Master of the same Order of Preachers, Bernard Ermengaud, and of others, both Dominicans and Minorites, at Barcelona held in the year 1386, while still living Eymeric, for the sound doctrine of Lull in the book, On the philosophy of love entitled, and by Eymeric of heresy accused, solemnly pronounced; and other things in a certain little book to be seen (in which indeed is contained the suit and the issue of the suit, concerning this matter at Avignon, residing Benedict XIII, and otherwise continued) by us above, while of Raymond's affairs it was treated, praised.

[33] A letter also of King John of Aragon, from the archive taken, they adduce b, by which Eymeric, and therefore by King John severely condemned to have been; as a wicked man, and pestilent, and of himself and his subjects a public enemy, and a venomous viper, as well also as of the orthodox faith suspect, by the appellations defamed, into exile is cast. By which indeed, his fame thus burdening testimonies, oppose the Dominicans, of these not the unimpaired trust, and before others the improbability of the supposition of that Gregorian Bull. For insane, and of which scarcely would be capable a man not of removed mind; much less of him, who an office with whole fame would fill, [but that the Dominicans deny, such a crime of such a man to be able to be believed:] an Inquisitor; ought to seem, that of the most celebrated of that time Hermit, and on account of faith's hatred by the Moors slain Lull's doctrine, by several approved and defended; a feigned of Gregory the Pope, at Avignon almost in the vicinity residing, diploma; and not one only, but three c (for as many on the same matter by the parties are produced) at once to be examined, and, if false found they should be, with the author and forger to be condemned; to overthrow and extirpate himself to be able, and so great a crime to remain unpunished, should persuade himself d.

[34] But we this suit, ours we do not make; that, which without quarter between the parties contested a war we know, whom however one of them confesses, exorbitating in his zeal, to them leaving, and with this added content, which even by the testimony of the domestics of Eymeric constant ought to be held; namely that him with excessive, and which scarcely those times would bear, zeal drawn, so far in exercising the office of Inquisition to have proceeded, that in the Perpignan of the Order or his Province assemblies, thence to depart ordered he was; to the same however after some years restored; but with an equally unhappy issue; since into the hatreds of many falling, of the Royal also offense on the rock his ship he dashed, and outside the dominion whole of Aragon's kingdom, a pilgrim and exile from his homeland, to stay compelled he was e. These, in the history of the Order of Preachers of the Monopoli Bishop more extensively narrated, trust perhaps could merit; to have deserved to be deposed and into exile relegated, and to be given to the times' malice and the impotence of the enemies, of an innocent, and only (if it please God) too just man, through exiles and hatreds, the vexation; not however that the error of the Historian praised manifest to follow on that account we ought, who pursuing, the fourteenth almost whole century, of Eymeric the memory and deeds, in part 5, book 11 cap. 20 arranged; in which ship is carried also John Marieta.

[35] Better certain recent Writers Dominican, Ambrose Altamura in the Library at the year 1392, and Vincent Maria Fontana in the Dominican monuments, a man otherwise good and learned. under Simon of Langres, Elias of Toulouse, Raymond of Capua, Generals, cap. 8, 9, and 10 through nearly all the pages, the true age of Eymeric and his acts to letters handed down. But as to the merit of his doctrine it pertains, unimpaired this, even among so many of the most badly thinking boasts, hitherto has remained: for the works by him written, and, either by the types' benefit forth sent, or even now lying hidden, a most learned man, and as much of divine as of canonical letters exceptionally knowing him to have been, show. Thus far Nicholas Antonio.

NOTES I. B. S.

ARTICLE THE THIRD

The opinion of other Writers concerning B. Raymond and his writings.

[36] Lull's defenders and praisers, Exhibited now is the inveterate of the whole controversy sum, with that, I think, sincerity than which a greater to desire no one could. Nor than is just longer that Article to anyone will seem, who well understands, the whole matter's series so once to be extended ought to have been, that as in one view both the very works of Raymond, of a prodigious however much multitude, and a of the question more widely to be unfolded compendium, by a man in this part not suspect judgment, and by the editor most Eminent reckoning confirmed might be set forth. Into a volume should grow our this treatment, if authorities other, of Writers favoring Lull, even by enumerating I should recount. This already excellently performed the often praised Custurer, in those two prolix Dissertations, more laboriously collects Custurer; especially the second in the sixth chapter, where in a long order Writers of various nations he adduces nearly a hundred, either to the Lullian doctrine openly subscribing, or its dogmas so explaining, that plainly they prove, undeservedly as a heretic to be traduced him, who, if anything he admitted of fault, in that only to have sinned to be esteemed is, that by an unusual method and more abstruse, certain things he involved, with the received of Theologians opinions not sufficiently consonant, and which harsher to some seemed, and perhaps foreign.

[37] This almost their manner of feeling, to whom the entangled of the Lullistic Art notions, and of the little works other the order and style more inelegant, less pleases; among whom also the adversaries of the middle more to be approved, however much the Lullists those very things with great extol elogia, and with these adorn praises, which of disciples toward a Master the observance is wont to elicit, and profuse veneration. It pleased me always, as elsewhere I indicated, of Wadding in this matter and of Nicholas Antonio the praiseworthy of opining moderation, so to Raymond patronizing, that of Eymeric, a hostile at any rate his adversary, the fame as least as possible they detract. This as much as can be to imitate I will strive, this one thing having before my eyes, that to B. Raymond his of life and morals integrity may remain, and from all of later doctrine stain (at least which a formal error involves) an unshaken immunity.

[38] By others' authority therefore I would prefer, than by our suffrage the suit to be decided; chiefly Writers of the Society of Jesus, and therefore, a few of many I will attach, besides those which from the Anonymous, Bovillus and Nicholas de Pax above I reported, of learned men testimonies; and that of those, as lately I warned, whom in this cause as arbiters not even the Anti-Lullists deservedly would refuse. Such I think from our Society Theologians, by no affinity to the Lullists joined, although in B. Raymond's favor, by truth compelled, more to incline they seem. One I will prefix, Arnold Albertinus, Bishop of Patti, whom although the Anti-Lullists suspect perhaps may have, or to hear refuse, because at Majorca his origin he drew; the more equitable however of matters appraisers easily into judgment will admit, for Raymond about to say a sentence.

Arn. Albertinus, in the Rubric and cap. 1 On heretics, book 6 quaest. 13, of the edition of the year 1534 near the end: in Custurer p. 366, concerning B. Raymond Lull writes in this manner:

[39] And today there is held printed a Catalogue a of heretics, through whose reading will be had abundant knowledge: whom going before Arn. Albertinus, by whose Catalogue's author in that medley anticipated I was, therefore it I pass over. Nor indeed to him do I assent, while to the herd of heretics Master Raymond Lull, a citizen of Majorca, he aggregated; a man surely Catholic, and of a most upright life a specimen and exemplar. Whose renowned doctrine and most holy morals to all Spain and France are known, so that him to the Catalogue of Saints rather to be ascribed they think: who this mortal leading life, a zealot of the Catholic faith fervid existed, praises Lull, as a true Martyr, testifying it his little works; and by the divine light illustrated, vehemently he panted to insert into human minds the best morals, and the sacred faith Christian; so that to the Saracens' kingdoms intrepid he set out, where them of our religion worshippers he might make. And, while the divine word fervently to the infidels and openly he set forth, and wondered all the spirit, and a Writer approved: which in him spoke; not being able to his wisdom's words to resist, with stones him overwhelming, with the aureola of Martyrdom they adorned. Whose body, not without great miracle, to our city of Majorca brought, and near the church of S. Francis, in a chapel honorably buried, with miracles shines: and his dogma, by the Doctors of Paris approved, publicly in the said city and in other gymnasia of Spain to be learned is set forth: which if you read, from God revealed rather, than by man sought or elaborated you will judge: for it its hearers with virtues imbues, or imbued finds them.

[40] whose, of heresy falsely accused, innocence But the articles, to him rashly ascribed, falsely were imposed; for never in his books were they found, although a subtle and scrupulous investigation by several Theologians, of great learning and authority men, by the command of the supreme b Pontiff made was; as the monuments, which I saw, in the archive of the city of Barcelona stored, testify. Which not undeservedly to the aforesaid Doctor's disciples a handle of complaining before the supreme Pontiff give, that this ignominy, deceitfully on so great a man inflicted, be deleted from the books c, in which this crime of heresy nefarious calumniously is impinged. Because, his disciples ought before the Apostolic See to defend. as says the most wise Rufinus, it is indeed glorious by Christ's example patiently injuries to tolerate, yet one mark of heresy who should bear, or dissemble, not to be a Christian. And the divine also Jerome with a clear voice cried out, saying: I do not wish in the suspicion of heresy anyone to be patient. Lest therefore the disciples should seem the crime of the Master to acknowledge, by them with the highest effort it must be labored, that it be washed away; and it would befit the supreme Pontiff, that briefly this business, if before his Holiness proposed it be, be concluded; and that we know, what is to be praised, what indeed to be reproved, so that each one his works may follow.

NOTES I. B. S.

Gabriel Vasquez.

[41] Then Gabriel Vasquez, often from Lull departing, This Theologian no one would say to be reckoned among the Lullists, who the blessed Martyr's principles more than once scholastically impugns; he is nevertheless as far as possible from him into the heretics' class thrusting. May be seen now his judgment from Tome 2 on 1 p. disp. 133 cap. 4 of the Antwerp edition 1620, p. 137, where these things are read: For the rest a great concerning this matter excited was controversy before the most Illustrious Cardinals Inquisitors in the year 1590, testifies, that the cause under Sixtus V ventilated, under the Pontificate of Sixtus V, while I myself still at Rome was; many from Catalonia's kingdom contending, the Bull of Gregory XI, by which are condemned Raymond's errors, placed by Nicholas Eymeric in his Directory of Inquisitors, by the same to have been feigned.

[42] For they brought forth a sentence, against Eymeric pronounced by the most Reverend Lord Bernard Bishop of Castello, of the forgery condemned Eymeric was, Commissary, by authority Apostolic against Eymeric deputed, of which a transcript authentic, I afterward had in Spain from John Herrera, of Philip the King II architect, and in the Mathematical letters a man notable: in which is condemned Eymeric, that the Bull that he feigned, and it of falsity suspect is declared. The kinsmen of that Raymond, before Alaman, Cardinal of S. Eusebius and Legate of the Apostolic see in the kingdom of Aragon, asked that the aforesaid Bull, as false; and made by Eymeric void he would declare. The Legate moreover the cause committed to the aforesaid Bishop; nay rather he wrote and ordered the Registrars b Apostolic, that at Avignon, where then the Pontiff stayed, nowhere found the Bull which he had thrust forward: in the register of the aforesaid Pontiff that Bull they should search: and when it could not be found, the individual Registrars of that matter made trust. Which known, the aforesaid Bernard the sentence, which we said, passed.

[43] Which all things are had in a certain book printed of this matter c, and again before Gregory XIII, in which also are excused many articles, which to Raymond are attributed, or from his doctrine are condemned. In our also time, under the Pontificate of Gregory XIII, this Bull then at Avignon was sought diligently, and never could be found. In defense also of the same Raymond, many other writings from the same kingdom were brought; among the rest indeed was a little book in manuscript, which to the individual errors, by Eymeric noted, in its order responded; showing, that some in no book of his are had, others indeed from his doctrine badly understood to have been plucked.

[44] They alleged also some, that Raymond's books they might defend, among the private acts d of the Council of Trent, and in the Council of Trent, to be had a treatise of this matter, in which Doctor Vileta of Barcelona it defended, lest into the Catalogue of prohibited books it be reported. Now at last Louis de Paramo e, against heretical depravity in the kingdom of Sicily Apostolic Inquisitor, and of the Sacred Canons Doctor excellent, in the second tome of his works, in the question On the burning of books, under the title On Raymond Lull's doctrine, many other things most diligently sought out will bring to light, by which not obscurely he will show, Raymond Lull's works not to be prohibited, and the aforesaid Eymeric by his Greater Inquisitor Bernard, and finally before the Inquisition of Madrid. of falsity and subreption to have been condemned, as is established from the Process, lately at Madrid offered in the Senate of the Kingdom of Aragon. He will bring forth also various of Raymond's doctrine approbations, and among them some of the Faculty of Theology of Paris, all which for brevity consulting I pass over. But still under the judge the suit is.

[45] He himself indeed praises and excuses. The being impugned then, by scholastic method, of Raymond's concerning the Trinity demonstrations, under the disputation's end thus he pronounces. [For the rest the spirit of God in many things Raymond to have had, indicate his writings on the Philosophy f of Love, on the Lover and the beloved, and of the Great contemplations, and many others. He could however in some things, not from the spirit of God, but from his own brain some things to draw forth; which, though Catholic they were and true, more harshly g however than was fitting, by him were said and explained.]

NOTES I. B. S.

Sebastian Salelles.

[46] Seb. Salelles S.J. His work On the matters of the Tribunal of the Holy Inquisition, at Rome printed 1651, to consult to me it was not permitted, and therefore what the author hands down in Tome 2 cap. 15 Reg. 276, to be described it was from Custurer from p. 395, where the famous Memorial for the cause of Lull a compendium he pursues, in this manner. A transcript of the Memorial, the Memorial of Riera, at Majorca printed, in the cause of the pious Hermit and Martyr Raymond Lull, which now at Rome is turning before the Most Holy one, by the very Reverend Father F. John Riera, of the Seraphic Order Franciscan a Theologian, and of the kingdom of the Baleares Syndic, in the Roman Curia this cause acting. To the types moreover printed was the aforesaid transcript of the Memorial, at Palma of the Baleares in the year 1627 preceding, by the order of the most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord, D. Balthasar Borgia Bishop of Majorca, with diligent discussion and lawful approbation, by men in probity and doctrine most excellent, even of our Society of Jesus; chiefly by the very Reverend and most Wise Father Matthew Marinion (whom, as my master in the Philosophical profession, for honor's sake I name) Rector of the College and Academy of the Society of Jesus and of the sacred Inquisition a Qualifier in the Balearic island. This transcript twelve years ago as a gift I received from the most Illustrious Knight of Jerusalem, D. Monte-Maris, now most excellent and most worthy Viceroy of New France in America, whence from it opportunely to the matter present a few things most compendiously I take.

[47] It is divided by the author ingeniously into three sections that whole Memorial, reducing it into a compendium, teaches, for perspicuity's sake. In the first of which, fourteen preludes are contained; by which, the Lullian terms being declared, a way is paved for grasping, how without any error against the faith, so many things Lull taught, and wrote. In the second section, which is subdivided into ten parts, the individual propositions of the Lullian doctrine, that it answers to the objections, by which the adverse party's authors a mark of heresy could attribute, by manners of speaking more usual in the schools are declared, and by no means erroneous are shown, but altogether conformable to the Catholic faith.

[48] But the third section of the Memorial, subdivided into eleven parts, contains a response to whatever impugnations, and that feigned is the alleged Bull, put to print against Lull; and the others very many being omitted, it is answered first by the author of the Memorial, part 3 sect. 3, to that above expressed, namely to have been by Gregory Pope XI condemned Raymond Lull's doctrine; that the Bull of condemnation, neither in the registers of the said Pontiff, nor elsewhere could be found, although twice also by authority Apostolic it was diligently searched; once at Avignon, where given it is said, while still living and present Eymeric; again after his death, at Rome &c.

[49] Then, if the said Bull of Gregory XI is fictitious, falls also that which is said concerning the books, which Lull published, and on it leaning the damnation; by that supreme Pontiff condemned and altogether prohibited; and thence more clearly it is shown because in the Index of books prohibited, by the order of the Council of Trent published, no mention is made of such prohibition, nor in it, following them worthy errors are placed; which adduces the author of the Memorial in sect. 1, prelude 12, where he says; that to the said Council of Trent was sent a Procurator of the Lullian cause by the Principality of Catalonia, a man most wise, master Louis John Vileta a Professor; who so exactly this procuration performed, that by the Council itself were deputed many, namely the Patriarch of Venice, four Archbishops, as many Bishops, one Abbot, two Generals of Orders, and four Doctors, who the doctrine being discussed of Lull it approved, and from the calumnies of Eymeric juridically vindicated a.

[50] What? that already much before, as reports the author of the same Memorial, from the same calumnies that very doctrine of Lull, many times others had vindicated? First eight Masters deputed, three Dominicans and five Franciscans, presiding P. Master Fr. Bernard Ermengaud, Provincial Dominican and General Inquisitor at Barcelona, in the year 1386. similarly defended to have been Lull in the years 1386, 1395 and 1419. Secondly, the most Illustrious D. Leonard the Cardinal, Commissary Apostolic in this cause deputed by Benedict XIII, at Avignon 1395. Thirdly, the most Reverend D. Bernard Bishop of Castello, Commissary and judge in this cause deputed, by the most Illustrious Alaman the Cardinal, Legate Apostolic in Spain; who against Eymeric for Lull, in the year 1419, a definitive sentence passed; and restored the doctrine Lullian to its first state, and annulled whatever against it had been attempted. See more in the said prelude twelfth b.

[51] [and in the first indeed, that Eymeric himself, the immaculate B. V. Conception opposing,] But in the thirteenth, what to our undertaking opportunely does it contain? Most willingly indeed I will adduce, what there expressed, since indeed to the mystery of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary, pertaining: but more conveniently I judge the words of the Memorial itself into the open to bring forth. Thus has the title: Prelude thirteenth, whence, what had scattered Eymeric against Lull, after through so many Acts juridical now extinguished they had been, again rekindled were. It is said first, to have flourished in the time of Eymeric, before the year 1400, of heresy accused and from the kingdom to be exiled ordered: between Eymeric himself and the Lullists a contention concerning the Conception of the most pure Virgin; contending Eymeric, conceived to have been with original sin, the Lullists with Lull the opposite defending. Which contention so far came, that Eymeric by Raymond de Cortillis, Canon of Elne, before the Reverend Father John Ansurre, Inquisitor General at Avignon, was accused of manifest heretical propositions, by the same Eymeric asserted: which all are had in a public instrument of accusation c authentic, in the year of the Lord 1395, which with this Lullian cause's syndic exists. And immediately after; This plainly contention is believed to have been the seminary of those things, which against the Lullian doctrine fell out. But nevertheless Eymeric, an exile from the kingdom driven by John of Aragon the King, fled; as is established from the same King's letters, against the same Eymeric sent to diverse persons. d

[52] as also a follower of Eymeric, who on that account, Afterward against Eymeric for Lull so many approbations and acts, as partly above I reported, were sanctioned, utterly that extinguished should seem all things, against Lull attempted up to the year 1503. For before that year the very books of Lull, which reported Eymeric to have been condemned, repeatedly were printed, publicly were preserved, and public chairs of this doctrine then were erected. In the same prelude thus is said secondly, in the aforesaid year 1503 or a little before, to have arisen again the same concerning the Conception of the Mother of God controversy, between Brother William Caselles a Dominican, at the same time and Inquisitor of the kingdom of the Baleares, and Lull's school's Professors; these, as above, fighting; and against them, the Inquisitor Dominican: and with so great ardor blazed the contention, that to Rome went the Inquisitor, and acted before the Most Holy one against the Lullists: his Directory with the fictitious Bull to be reprinted caused. but with so great labor undertaken, neither to them nor to the Lullian doctrine in anything could he harm. And immediately after, of the same Inquisitor thus: Returned at length to the Balearic kingdom, and in the same contention persevering, he is said to have been driven from the kingdom. All which are believed namely to the man to have been a goad, that in the year 1503 the Directory of Eymeric to the types committing, at Barcelona, at the same time he should annex from the fictitious Bull of the same his calumny against Lull, now long convicted, condemned and buried e. Of this second contention mention is made in the Chronicles of Fr. Francis Diago f, of the Province of Aragon of the Brothers of S. Dominic. Thus far the contents in the said prelude thirteenth.

[53] To be added at last something, that an answer may be given somehow to those things which against Lull by Abraham Bzovius are brought forth. that Bzovius foully hallucinates, by affirming Lull by Alexander IV condemned, First concerning the condemnation and sentence, pronounced by the Archbishop of Tarragona, of which Bzovius himself at the year 1260 num. 5 according to his index: where is a double and manifest equivocation. The first, that by the authority of Alexander Pope IV, as there he affirms, Lull by that Archbishop, by no means condemned was; since the said Alexander could not by himself condemn Lull, because this man was in time later than he, and wrote when he was already dead… therefore neither by that Archbishop, with the faculty granted to him, condemned could he be. To be said therefore that Peter Archbishop of Tarragona, and confounding him with Raymond the Neophyte, by the authority received from Gregory Pope XI, proceeded and condemned as a heretic, not Raymond Lull (behold the second equivocation) but Raymond the Neophyte a Brother Dominican, together with his books; whatever to the contrary say Prateolus and Bzovius cited, who not without grave calumny and injustice, errors to the catholic faith opposed, and books prohibited, especially that On the Invocation of demons of that Raymond the Neophyte, attribute to that Raymond Lull. This the author of the Memorial in part 5 sect. 3; and shows efficaciously, by the testimony, both of Eymeric himself in the Directory part 2 quaestione 27; and of the Commentator of the same Doctor Francis Peña, there in Commentary 52. Let us hear first Eymeric, to the question thus responding.

[54] To this, he says, we answer, that in the time of D. Gregory Pope XI, whom however Eymeric clearly distinguished, D. Peter Archbishop of Tarragona, and Fr. Nicholas Eymeric of the Order of Preachers Inquisitor of Aragon, as truly heretical, and erroneous, a certain little book On the invocation of demons, which begins, Mercy and Truth, and a certain other, which begins, Whether any infidel, as much to the Divine as to the Apostolic Canons is bound to obey; and certain other little works, as altogether heretical and erroneous, published by a certain Raymond the Neophyte, by sentence condemned, on account of the heresies and errors in them contained. Thus far Eymeric. But who that Neophyte is, declares well the Commentator that Peña, as also his Commentator Peña, expounding those words of the text, published by a certain Raymond the Neophyte. This Raymond, he says, just as is established from the register of D. Gregory XI, at the place which presently we will adduce, was called Raymond de Tarrega: who when first he was a Hebrew, converted to the faith of Christ, was made a Monk of the Order of Preachers. For the rest, as the matter itself demonstrated, he did not change his morals, although his religion he changed.

[55] Lived moreover this Raymond about the times of Gregory XI, explaining who that Neophyte was. to the year of the Lord 1372. There exist in the single volume of the register of the first year of Gregory XI, fol. 225, letters of Pope Gregory to the Archbishop of Tarragona and Nicholas Eymeric Inquisitor in the kingdom of Aragon, by which it is commanded, that they inquire and proceed against Raymond de Tarrega of the Order of Brothers Preachers, holding certain heretical errors, and him punish &c… Adds moreover the same Peña a favor of Lull thus: That indeed, he says, is to be observed diligently, which the author teaches in this question, namely the little book On the invocation of demons, to have been published by Raymond the Neophyte. In which plainly deceived to me seem Bernard of Luxemburg in the Catalogue of heretics, book 3; under the word, Raymond Lull; and Prateolus book 16 cap. 2 On the lives and sects of heretics let to these be added Bzovius asserting, the little book On the invocation of demons to have been published by Raymond Lull; and I suspect these authors to have been hallucinated from the name's similarity. Thus far Peña.]

[56] Similar things could from other Jesuits be gathered. To be joined here conveniently could of Athanasius Kircher, Theophilus Raynaudus, and of very many others from our Society Theologians, the favoring of Raymond's doctrine judgments. But what testimonies to thicken would it help, since they all everywhere, with a concordant almost opinion, from the heretics' class the blessed Martyr snatch; although sometimes his opinions or principles they repudiate, either as harsher, or as to the School's opinions not sufficiently conformable, as of Vasquez most recently we said. With more therefore to be dispensed I thought, lest a hundred times the same I repeat, which in the above praised Custurer collected and arranged he will find, who on purpose to weigh each thing and examine will wish.

[57] Now to those objecting the Gregorian approbation of the Directory, In the place of an Appendix one I will add, for this especially reason, that an argument it dissolves in the following article to be proposed. It is sought this by the Anti-Lullists from a Brief of Gregory XIII, to the edition Roman of Eymeric's Directory prefixed, as if it weight should add and authority to those things, which of Raymond, in that book are contained. But if by such Pontifical Briefs, to the printing of books granted, it must be contended, we will give here of Angelus del Paz; from the Order Seraphic a man most renowned, concerning Raymond's doctrine a judgment, from his Exposition on the Symbol of the Apostles; to which the premised Brief of Clement VIII as much altogether will attribute, as the Gregorian of moment added, whatever it is, to the Directory of Inquisitors. The words of Angelus are these from book 9, art. 7, cap. 20, n. 238, in Custurer p. 441.

[58] there is set against it a contrary book, Raymond Lull in Bernard of Luxemburg is noted of heresy; for he affirms more than five hundred errors in his books by Peter of Tartacum Tarragona Bishop and Fr. Nicholas Eymeric to have been detected; and his doctrine, not from Christ, as he feigns, but from the devil to have received, which he would have kept silent, if even the man's death he had known, for he died for Christ, and shines with miracles, which a man not fanatic, but holy proclaim. The errors, with which he is noted, in his doctrine the skilled excuse. He is read publicly in the Academy of Barcelona, and once in others: his books moreover, not only in Spain, but also in Italy and France, I saw with the highest zeal, and by the pious and learned to be sought; and me being present by the University of Alcalá his whole doctrine to be commended. Rightly? Others, or the Church will judge, to whose judgment himself subjected Lull.

[59] by Clement VIII to be printed ordered. You have heard of a man most learned and most religious, as testifies Wadding, concerning B. Raymond a judgment; now from the aforecited Brief of Clement VIII receive: [We, desiring that works of this kind, which to pious and religious persons, and to the whole Church very useful to be we hope, as most emended as possible at Rome in the Vatican or elsewhere be printed, and the same Angelus with special favors and graces to follow wishing, by our own motion and from certain knowledge … lest the works aforesaid or anything of them, or any part of them whatever, without the special of the said Angelus, or of those having cause from him, license, both in great and in small folio, and under the pretext of additions, annotations, or declarations, to print … should dare or presume … the contraveners aforesaid into of excommunication the penalty &c.] How much these to the matter present make, from the end of the Article following more clearly will appear.

NOTES I. B. S.

To the judgment of P. Salelles.

ARTICLE THE FOURTH.

Elucidation of those things which to the Bull of Gregory XI, and to Eymeric's Directory pertain,

§. I. There are weighed the acts in the cause of Lull, before and after the Bull's writing.

[60] Hither at length to be reduced of the Lullistic controversy the hinge, this of a matter now through centuries so many by writings and books most laboriously disputed sum, The Bull, in the Directory only found, hence the whole of Raymond's accusation, hence the whole of heresy suspicion flowed. Namely from the famous Eymeric's Directory of Inquisitors, in which was found by Bernard of Luxemburg, Judocus Coccius, Gabriel Prateolus, Gilbert Genebrard, James Gualterius, Abraham Bzovius, and others in part 2 q. 26, the famous Bull, under the name of Gregory XI there published: the Bull, nowhere except in that Directory found; the Bull finally, before even there it appeared, by the Lullists, of fiction or at least of subreption branded; while Eymeric lived, in vain in the Pontifical Registers at Avignon sought; and not many years after, by a solemn judgment, as the Lullists contend, of falsity convicted and annulled: in this indeed wholly singular, that on two hundred altogether articles of heresy and error a mark inflicting, not one single of them it names, distinguishes or brings forth; which how from the style of the Roman Curia alien it is, nothing it concerns by many to show. and no errors in particular indicating, Clear indeed it is, some of them to that Directory, either by Eymeric, or by his editor inserted; but also this wonder men, from partisan zeal entirely alien, in the same place question 9, after a bitter reproach of Raymond, roundly to be pronounced, his doctrine to contain more than five hundred erroneous articles; since he himself only a hundred enumerates, that prolixity may be spared namely; which never excessive to be or superfluous can, where of contagious dogmas it is treated, from which the Catholics' minds should be turned away.

[61] if only it regarded those condemned in Raymond the Neophyte, However it is, hence as from a spring flowed all those things, against the blessed Martyr, which with some at least semblance of truth everywhere to be circulated we see, the most atrocious stigmata; more gently, I think, to be proposed, if, what hitherto we have handed down, of learned men judgments, by Lull's adversaries with a more equitable balance had been weighed. Passing here I will make, what concerning his errors, by Alexander IV condemned, more ineptly some invent; with no, which can be found anywhere, probable foundation, except that the most zealous Martyr, with neck wrung in vain, into the heretics' class they wish dragged. Nor have I leisure to touch those things which Bzovius, on purpose, or imprudently, mixed at the year 1372 n. 4; while the book of Raymond the Neophyte, On the invocation of demons, with the little works of B. Lull; and gross errors twenty four from it taken, to this he numbers. From which to some so to argue it pleased, wrongly to Lull it would be objected: as if from this Bzovius's inadvertence it followed, the alleged errors of Lull all in the Directory noted, to the Neophyte to be ascribed. These are for the most part the slips of those, who in the compendia of matters more than in a more laborious examination delight; whence also so various everywhere you would find concerning Raymond's writings opinions, from the of one finally Gregory Decretal the truth or falsity to be determined; which by us now to be performed is, with that diligence as can be done; those only neglected, which by Bzovius and his defender often are confounded or inverted; not otherwise, as if on purpose, of a matter by itself much obscure, darkness it pleased to pour, by the Historian rather to be dispelled.

[62] Meanwhile, what often I have professed, again and again sincerely I profess, since this cannot be said, that I to Nicholas Eymeric's memory, and to his most deserved praises nothing at all to be detracted wish; and so freely and willingly subscribe to Nicholas Antonio's, indeed to Diago, Altamura, and others' concerning his virtues and doctrine judgment. Accordingly, if perhaps in the course, either feigned or subreptitious I should say the alleged of Gregory Decretal; if the aforesaid Eymeric I should assert, with too immoderate zeal the Lullists to have pursued, or something of this kind; that so taken I wish, that nothing the uncorrupt of the man trust, nothing his orthodox integrity, nothing of to-be-guarded Catholic purity ardor should suffer. I will follow in this matter the most approved of Custurer monuments, it remains to be defined whether true or false it is, fully deduced in Dissertation 2, throughout the whole seven chapters fairly long; which surely from Castilian rendered here a place to have would deserve, were not now already this treatise of ours its prefixed limits to have exceeded. It appeared abundantly from the said most intricate controversy's not curt Synopsis; now this I will do, that the of matters being exposed, in the order done, series, nothing to be desired I may suffer, which to historical knowledge to pertain seems; omitted only the instruments longer, which in the praised Custurer, Dermicius Thadaeus, Vincent Mut, and others, the curious reader to consult will be able.

[63] The of discords and of the whole controversy beginnings trace the Lullists to the famous, [and to be declared, how from the controversy concerning the Conception of the B. V.] between the Fathers Dominican and the Franciscan dissensions, upon the immaculate of the most Blessed Virgin Mother of God Conception, in that 14th century, if ever, most keenly on both sides agitated. There is no need of obsolete and almost to oblivion handed-over contentions the memory more invidiously to renew; which to our matter in so far only pertain, that for guarding that of the Mother of God prerogative once Raymond contended, just as from his books' Catalogue not obscure I think, however much some dissent. This certain seems, that B. Lull's followers, the part of the Franciscans more ardently following, a handle gave to Eymeric, hostile to the Lullists Eymeric, through the Aragonian King's dominions more than once of the faith Inquisitor, that Lull's works, with a more severe eye examined, everywhere of heresy he should accuse. Hence the Lullists' hatreds against himself to have stirred up I would believe, so that these before the King complaints should lay down; Lull's books denounced to Gregory XI: by whose protection relying, more keenly against Eymeric they were carried: he indeed nothing by himself or from the Inquisitor's office in Aragon to attempt daring, to Gregory XI Pontiff Maximus, then at the time at Avignon residing, recourse had. Here namely the first he scattered of the accusations seeds, Gregory to the Chair of B. Peter recently raised; which gradually, as is wont to be done, into worse increased and amplified, the supreme Pontiff without doubt impelled, that by a special Brief, to the Archbishop of Tarragona destined, into Raymond's Books he should order to be inquired. Given was it at the Bridge of Sorgue of the Avignon Diocese, on the Nones of June in the year of his Pontificate second, namely 1372. Its tenor to the eyes I subject.

[64] Gregory Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the Venerable Brother Archbishop of Tarragona, greeting and Apostolic benediction. who in the year 1372 ordered them to be examined, Lately, the beloved son Nicholas Eymeric, of the Order of Brothers Preachers professor, Master in Theology, in the parts of Aragon Inquisitor of heretical depravity, to us reporting, we perceived; that in those parts, some laics very many books have, in the vernacular by Raymond Lull a citizen of Majorca composed; in which, as the same Inquisitor seems to assert, errors very many in the faith are contained. We therefore in the premises, as from the duty we are bound of the pastoral office, and if erroneous they be found, to be burned: to provide wishing; to your Fraternity, of which in these and other things a special in the Lord trust we obtain, through Apostolic writings we commit and command, that books of this kind, by whomsoever they are had or detained, to you you cause to be exhibited; and if by your and the said Inquisitor's, and of other Masters in the Theological faculty, and of Jurisperits, whom on that account before you you summon, you should find, that the aforesaid books errors in the faith contain, the same books you burn, and to be burned cause and command; invoked to this, if need be, the help of the secular arm; the contraveners through ecclesiastical censure and other of law remedies, of which it shall seem, appeal being set aside, restraining. Notwithstanding &c.]

[65] Even from this Pontifical Brief manifestly it appears, one to have been and that very hostile of the Lullists' adversary Eymeric, which when it was not done, who the books, for whole eighty (as he himself in the Directory confesses) years in the hands of all worn, the first as pernicious detected, and open heresies savoring. This very thing into their favor turn, not undeservedly, Lull's defenders. For what, they say, shall we call moles of all Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, the Baleares, indeed and of the rest of the Catholic world the Prelates and Doctors, who those books already for nearly a whole century had seen and read, with no however error either detected or observed? Nay also from this Pontifical Brief another of the Lullian doctrine triumph they elicit; and so great a noise should fall back to a single little book, namely, that it received, neither the Metropolitan of Tarragona, nor of the suffragan Bishops any one, having examined anew (as it is right to believe) Raymond's works, found, that the aforesaid books errors in the faith contained; about to be otherwise, that by their order the same books should be burned; so far is it, that, what Genebrard reports, by the Archbishop of Tarragona five hundred errors in Raymond's books were noted. It lacked therefore the hoped effect that first Eymeric's effort, with no, I think, other worth of labor, to the episcopal Notary consigned; than that a little book one or another into of Notaries the hands, Eymeric instigating, consigned, so an examination underwent, that from all censure immune B. Lull's doctrine they judged the Aragonian and Catalonian Doctors and Bishops. It did not please the man, against the Lullists too fervid, that of the Prelates and of their Officials sentence. Wherefore, laid down again before the Pontiff complaints, this to have effected he seems, that the cause to his tribunal be summoned.

[66] this at least to himself to be brought ordered the Pontiff in the year 1374, To this pertains another Brief of Gregory, given at Villeneuve of the Avignon diocese, on the 3rd of the Kalends of October, in the year fourth, that is 1374 [Gregory Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the beloved sons Francis Borele, Prior of the Priory of the church of S. Eulalia del Campo, and Peter de S. Amancio Hospitaller of Dertosa, Officials of the Venerable Brother our of Barcelona Bishop, greeting and Apostolic benediction. To our hearing by trustworthy relation brought, that the beloved son Francis Vitalis, of the aforesaid Bishop the Notary, a certain book of Raymond Lull, on parchment and in the vernacular Catalan written, assigned to the same Francis in custody, by you, and the beloved son Nicholas Eymeric, of the Order of Preachers professor, Inquisitor of heretical depravity, in which errors written very many are alleged, with himself has; to your Discretion through Apostolic writings we command, that immediately the present being seen, without any of delay expense, the aforesaid book, into your hands received, to us by a faithful and suitable bearer to send you procure; cautious lest any in these you commit negligence or defect. Given &c.]

[67] it probably, which is entitled the Philosophy of Love. Thinks Custurer, on a foundation more than probable, in the aforesaid Brief the discourse to be of the little book, whose title, Philosophy of Love, to the Catalans before others beloved, and even therefore by Eymeric to the Pontiff denounced. Pressed Eymeric, before the Apostolic See, his matter very actively, those Officials meanwhile delays knitting, lest the little work, in the Catalan language written, by of that language ignorant men be examined. But what amid these, in Aragon done, what by the Lullists for the Master's defense attempted, to determine I have not. Sufficiently established it seems, the Eymerician at Avignon machinations not so to have been hidden, Meanwhile the King of Aragon Peter. but that some of that matter rumor to Barcelona reached; by which perhaps moved Raymond's studious, to King Peter fled, by his protection about to effect, lest, the Catalans not being consulted, and the Lullists not heard, anything at Avignon should be decreed. Not immediately their petitions obeyed I see the Aragonian King; since indeed for a whole two years and more, even after the second of the Pontiff Brief to the Officials of Barcelona, them to aid he desisted. Of that matter trust make the letters, in the year 1377 moved by the fame of each decree, to Pope Gregory given, in the year first 1377, the seventh of January, a year nearly whole after the alleged of Gregory Decretal; which to the King himself then still entirely to have been unknown, against Diago and others, by the eye we will demonstrate, by the very King's words, which from the Barcelona autograph first I exhibit, as by Diago they are reported.

Most Holy Father.

[68] We have understood by the report of certain men, that your Holiness, at the instigation of Brother Nicholas Eymeric the Inquisitor, sent to these parts of Barcelona and Majorca, a certain rescript, containing, that whoever should hold of the books by Raymond Lull, once a citizen of Majorca made, within a certain time in the rescript itself contained, them be bound, under of excommunication penalty, to put into the power of the Vicars, of the Bishops of those cities. For it is reported, that the said Inquisitor the Work of the said Raymond examined caused, he asks the accused work at Barcelona to be examined, and that in it some things he found, which against the Catholic faith exist. And since, most Holy Father, the kinsmen of that Raymond, who are in this city, from which his race drew origin, desire greatly that that Work in the same be examined city: which reasonable to us seems and just; first, because the Work aforesaid is in the idiom Catalan, on account of which without doubt better it will be understood by the Catalans, than by men of another nation. Secondly, because in Catalonia are several Clerks and Religious, who in the said Work willingly study, since very many in it they learn things useful very; and who upon that examination will be able many things to say, by which the truth may be demonstrated. Thirdly, because the science of the said Raymond has principles, very dissimilar from other sciences; whence by those ignorant of it, although of other sciences learned, it can easily not be understood. Fourthly, because great is the interest of the kinsmen of the aforesaid Raymond, whether the said Work be approved or reproved: as being in the Catalan language written, whence reasonable very it exists, that upon this they be called, and be heard the reasons of them. Wherefore to your Holiness humbly we supplicate, that to provide you would deign, that the said Work in this city be examined; committing the examination itself to the Bishop of Barcelona, according to the supplication, which upon this on our part to your Clemency will be offered. For of this to us a special grace will do your Benignity. For since the said Raymond was a Catalan and subject ours, much to us it will please, if his science be approved: and accordingly to your Holiness humble thanks we will render. The kindly &c. Given at Barcelona under our secret seal, on the 7th day of January, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1377.

[69] Not a long examination is needed, that openly be perceived, this King's letter, by this only motive, by that only end written, that the little book, of which in the rescript of the year 1374 had treated Gregory, not to the Curia Pontifical Theologians, but to the Catalans and of the vernacular language skilled to be discussed be committed. For what at last else indicate those words, six times in the singular number repeated, the Work, the said Work, that Work &c.? Does them refer Diago to the twenty volumes and errors two hundred in the Gregorian Bull transfixed? rather than at Avignon, where they were less known: I myself confess by no means to understand, by what semblance of truth that he dares to assert. But, you will say, by the very of letters royal beginning universally it is said, that whoever should hold of the books, by Raymond made, them be bound to put into the power of the Vicars &c. Indeed; but this already long since had been prescribed by the diploma first to the Archbishop of Tarragona, lately cited, of the year 1372, commanding the Pontiff, that books of this kind, by whomsoever they are had or detained, to himself he cause to be exhibited. But since from that time most of all had insisted Eymeric, that the little book On the Philosophy of Love, or whichever it is, which the Officials of Barcelona by a long evasion to the Pontiff to send neglected, at Avignon be condemned; nothing wonderful if King Peter, by the Lullists' prayers prevailed upon, of it especially the care undertook. Nor certainly in the Constitution of the year 1376 any of that book before others is made mention: but on the contrary the Brief of the 4th year to it solely looks, that this single one, into the Notary Vitalis's hands consigned, to examination at Avignon be destined, which by these letters the Aragonian King demands, to of the Catalans alone Theologians' judgments to be submitted.

[70] [whence it appears, that until then unknown in Aragon was the Bull of the year 1376,] Clearer are the King's words, than that a commentary they need. There is added moreover, that if that famous and litigious Constitution of the year 1376, into the King's knowledge then had come, when it to the Pontiff he wrote; ridiculous would seem his of acting manner, not to say rash and absurd: who would know twenty of Raymond's volumes, and accordingly among them, the work also aforementioned, and the contained in them errors altogether two hundred, already with the black mark noted; himself the supreme Pontiff to a solemn judgment at Barcelona to be examined would interpellate: and to it indeed he would proceed more ineptly, against 20 tomes of Lull dictated: that neglected the books other nineteen, and so huge of heretical propositions a number, of a little work one the examination to be committed to the Bishop of Barcelona boldly he would demand: indeed most ineptly to Lull's kinsmen's purpose, whom that solely afflicted care, that his writings, by Eymeric traduced, innocent be declared. For what, I beseech, to them could it profit, of a little book one the examination to be committed to of the Catalan language skilled; if already the infamous of heresy mark by the oracle of the Church Raymond had undergone, condemned separately two hundred articles, and whole nineteen volumes other prohibited, as manifestly heretical? Great surely the interest of the kinsmen of the aforesaid Raymond, whether the said work be approved or reproved, and one of them being indicated, while the rest by a public Constitution, of the Apostolic See by the judgment, as pernicious were interdicted! A distinguished indeed solace to them would have happened, from of such a little work the approbation; nor less to the King would it have been honorific, a heretic now most declared to patronize. If these things Diago a little had weighed more attentively, not so easily from those letters in Eymeric's favor a decisive sentence to be deduced he would have thought.

[71] Better and far more probably hence gathers Custurer p. 264, 19 others by a similar examination to have been absolved. in that year 1377 nothing yet of the alleged Bull in the whole Aragonian dominions to have become known. Nay indeed, in that very time, in Lull's favor to have been concluded the books' examination, which by his first Diploma to the Archbishop of Tarragona Gregory had committed; whatever by the arts of Eymeric attempted we should say, that the Lullian cause to Avignon be summoned. Not obscurely this insinuate the Royal letters, while they assert; that several Clerks there are and Religious, who in the said work willingly study, since very many in it they learn things useful very. They read therefore Clerks and Religious the aforesaid book, and it now freely in all's hands was worn, after by the Officials of Barcelona's sentence without doubt it had been absolved. But if true it is of that which most Eymeric hated little book, the same by a stronger right of the rest we shall judge, which to their Officials, by the order of the Pontiff, to be handed over had commanded the Tarragona and the rest of the whole dominion Aragonian Bishops.

§. II. The tenor of the controverted Bull, of which the asserter Eymeric before his in office successor of calumny convicted, also at Avignon the cause loses, the Gregorian Register being searched in vain.

[72] Lest anything to be desired I suffer, for proving the of the above-said reasons truth, I will subjoin here, There is brought in Gregory XI asserting, what I said, of the whole controversy the moment, Gregory XI's alleged diploma, given at Avignon on the 8th of the kalends of February, of his Pontificate in the year sixth, 1376; that each one by himself may judge, whether in any way to that it can be referred, which in his letters supplicating we saw the King Aragonian.

Gregory Bishop, servant of the servants of God. To the Venerable Brothers, that for his of weeds to be extirpated zeal, the Archbishop of Tarragona and his Suffragans, Greeting and Apostolic Benediction. To the conservation of the purity of the Catholic faith, which many wicked sons criminal, with their false assertions to stain striving, among the pure wheat of the Lord's field, the pestiferous seed of weeds sow (since to our especially pertains office, that we root out the depraved and destroy the perverse) to provide healthfully, and to the souls' ensnarings to oppose at once with full desires aspiring; opportune in these, which we can, remedies by the zeal of pastoral solicitude we apply.

[73] Lately indeed the beloved son Nicholas Eymeric, of the Order of Brothers Preachers professor, in sacred Theology Master, at the suggestion of Eymeric the Inquisitor. in the kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia and Majorca Inquisitor of heretical depravity, to us set forth; that he in those kingdoms found twenty volumes of diverse books, by a certain Raymond Lull citizen of Majorca published, in which (as to the Inquisitor himself it seemed) many were contained errors and heresies manifest: and that some of the aforesaid and other kingdoms, books used the same, and to their doctrine gave faith not a little, to the great of their souls peril; and supplicated to us the Inquisitor himself, that, lest the simple be deceived from those very books, we would deign in this part of an opportune remedy to provide. We moreover desiring of the souls, the 20 books of Lull to his Theologians to be examined committed, now perhaps imbued, and which might be imbued from the perverse dogma of the said books, the perils quickly to oppose; the said books by our Venerable Brother Peter Bishop of Ostia, and by very many, even beyond the twentieth number, in the same Theology Masters, to be examined we caused diligently; by whose relation at length we had, that they the said books all with much diligence had read, and examined, and that beyond two hundred articles erroneous and heretical they had found in the same: upon which, between the same Bishop and Masters, who in them beyond 200 heresies noted; often and finally before us a held disputation solemn, those articles (to avoid prolixity's tedium, and the horribleness of them, we wish to be held in the present as expressed) erroneous and manifestly heretical, by their of the Bishop and Masters concordant counsel we judged to be reputed.

[74] But since, as the Inquisitor aforesaid's contained assertion, in the aforesaid kingdoms other books, that the same can be presumed of others not yet examined, which are asserted published by the already said Raymond, to be found are said, in which of this kind already found, and other errors and heresies are believed probably to be contained; We, wishing of these kind other books and their doctrine to be informed fully, and upon them to provide healthfully, lest the faithful into errors of this kind damnably slip; to your Fraternity, by our Brothers' counsel, through Apostolic writings we commit and command, that on Sundays and feast days, in the individual churches your Cathedral and Curate, as well as of Religious whatever Orders, exempt and non-exempt, even Cistercian, wherefore equally all he ordered everywhere to be declared prohibited, Carthusian, Cluniac, Premonstratensian, Grandmontensian, of saints Benedict and Augustine, and of Brothers Preachers, Minorite and Eremites of the same S. Augustine, and of Carmelites and other Orders of your cities and dioceses, within the solemnities of Masses being the peoples for the divine, and in preachings through you or others, as much as it conveniently you can, you cause to be proposed, that all and singular persons of each sex, of whatever status, order and condition they be, of the same your cities and dioceses, or dwelling in them, having books whatever by the aforesaid Raymond published (as is aforesaid) them within of one month the space, to you assign; and not yet examined to examination to be collected. and those who know other persons the same books having, them to you to reveal and name procure; and you the books to be received cause the same: which when you have had, as soon as conveniently you can, you take care to us faithfully to destine, that them to a similar examination to subject we may be able. For the rest because the doctrine, or rather the dogmatizing of the aforesaid books examined is found erroneous, heretical, and dangerous too much to souls; and a vehement suspicion is to be had, that in other books published by the said Raymond, similar or other (as is aforesaid) are contained errors; to you we command, that to all and singular the same persons of your cities and dioceses, the doctrine or dogmatizing and use of these kind books to interdict you study, until upon these by the Apostolic See other shall have been ordained. The contraveners through censure &c.

[75] This if true was, how was it ignorant the King Peter? This is that to our Blessed and his studious hostile, and (as above is said) one and only engine, by which the School Lullistic to harass they can, who for that Constitution's truth with great efforts hitherto have contended, afterward by us to be met. Here only proposed now it is, that Diago's and his associates' vain may be suppressed triumph, thinking the of Peter Aragonian letters, then to Gregory written when of his diploma's copy having obtained, for Lull and the Lullists a late deprecator he approached: which how it is improbable, now abundantly accomplished I think. The very Bull not yet we discuss, this to have demonstrated content, which against Diago assumed had been; it namely, such as it is, to King Peter to have been unknown, then when for a single little book, at Vitalis's at Barcelona preserved, to the Pontiff he supplicated. Now that to wonder it is permitted, and how published the Bull never was? the alleged Decretal to the Aragonian dominions destined, and there, if so pressed the peril, solely necessary, for so great a time suppressed to have been, that in what first year it became known, by no probable reason to attain it is permitted. Who would believe, the solicitous Pontiff, prepared already remedies, and for rooting out so many of errors and heresies weeds opportune, so long to have deferred? Who would believe, I say, him for so great evils, if truly they were present, not to have provided, before of carrying-back to Rome the Chair of Peter he thought? And yet this however to have been done it behooved: for since the Aragonian to him wrote on the 7th of January 1377, already long since had departed the Pontiff, into the City landed of the year same and month the thirteenth, after a four-month journey.

[76] In vain someone would reply, to have been able to be deferred the Bull's publication, Therefore the Lullists say by Eymeric feigned, and it to Eymeric to be committed, that, from the Inquisitor's office or by special delegation Apostolic, it at an opportune time he should execute: for there will occur the Lullists, openly denying, a Constitution of this kind by authority Pontifical ever to have been fortified. If its fabricator you should seek, Eymeric to call not they doubt. Too crudely, I think; as if it so to happen could not, that the examination at Avignon of the propositions to Lull ascribed being performed, an idea some or schema of a Constitution were formed, which by other afterward businesses intervening suspended, to Rome returning Gregory, by Eymeric kept, and to friends communicated, or its only idea to have been, gradually to others penetrated; and so afterward by B. Lull's adversaries into the Directory inserted, a handle gave to perpetual on both sides dissensions. To whom this conjecture does not please, let him form another more plausible; and let him see, by what reason he may make it probable, the Constitution's truth standing, the Pontiff to the Aragonian's letters nothing of answer to have given, nor of it the King or of his dominions the Bishops to have made more certain, of which certainly nor a vestige occurs. He kept silent without doubt, for some years, the Inquisitor Eymeric, until perhaps by the Lullists', to him concerning his doctrine's approbation flattering, on which relying he published the of the Lullistic doctrine condemnation, importunate applauses irritated, through friends' hands a codex he scattered I know not what, under the title Condemnation; by which the propositions Lullian, as at Avignon examined and condemned, were circulated. At once of tumults the trumpet together sounded. But whether in that also codex the alleged Bull was exhibited, or what in it of the articles censured number, to his great evil; ascertained I have not. However however you should determine, clear it is, that codex huge through the Aragonian dominions motions to have excited; so that even Eymeric himself, either to himself badly fearing, his office renounced, or by the Superiors' authority to yield compelled was.

[77] I would believe, that then for the first time the light beheld the contentious Bull, or if you prefer of the Bull now preconceived the idea, nor to itself constant in the number of the errors condemned, by which armed Eymeric, more bitterly against the Lullists inveighed, to his (as I said) evil. For first he himself paid the penalty, and that at once as false, feigned, and subreptitious it was held, openly and publicly disapproved; because by that name, errors, never by Lull dreamed, to him by the highest calumny were imputed; not in the Bull itself, which no articles by name indicates, but in Eymeric's little commentary, in which at his pleasure they were diminished and augmented. For the Directory expressly affirms, found in Lull's works articles erroneous more than five hundred: which only 200 in general argues the alleged Bull. cites Peña a copy of the Bull Sabellian, by which condemned were asserted articles four hundred: agree all in the of two hundred number, by the diploma expressed: but the codex Eymerician, into the Directory by the editor reported, a greater that number to a hundred contracted exhibits; so that that so notable variation, doubtful us deservedly renders, both concerning the Constitution itself, and concerning the Eymerician codex's certainty. For what that at last a Constitution Apostolic's norm, books in general, in an unheard-of manner, and articles to transfix very many, as erroneous and heretical, of which not one single it should express? But what of the Eymerician codex authority could be, to which daily and anew something to add, daily to pluck something, in his was power? But let us the history's thread pursue.

[78] Gregory being dead the Lullists Eymeric, from office deposed, Had now departed from the living Gregory Pope, after whose death raged through the whole Church a most loathsome schism, Urban and Clement for the supreme Pontificate in a lamentable manner contending: between whom so wavered the Aragonian, that to whose part he should adhere not yet sufficiently certain to have he seemed. Hence neither to Rome, nor to Avignon, safe to the Lullists lay open recourse so that what concerning the censure Lullian was to be determined, certainly from the Pontifical archives they might explore. This which then at last to have happened we will see, they cited to a new Inquisitor, for his censure about to answer. when Peter's successor John the Aragonian, the part of Benedict XIII having embraced, to the Lullists a way opened that from the registers Pontifical concerning the whole matter they might be taught. It pleased meanwhile, before the new Inquisitor Bernard Ermengaud, likewise of the Order of Preachers, then to do, what time and place bore; Eymeric himself by summoning into judgment, that the heresies, to Lull wrongly impacted, in his books openly he should show. What for his purgation Eymeric attempted, nowhere I find to letters consigned; He moreover in the year 1386 the three first accused articles. but that the Lullists nothing did not move, that the cause's examination be instituted, from this it appears, that in the year 1386, years not more than ten after the alleged Bull's publication, by a solemn judgment the new Inquisitor pronounced, the three first propositions, which in the Eymerician codex, as from that Philosophy of Love excerpted, and by the Pontiff Gregory commonly condemned were said, not only to Raymond falsely to be ascribed; but the articles of his, in that little book expressed, good, true, faithful and catholic to be, with no rust of heresy stained. Of this whole examination the document reports Dermicius Thadaeus from p. 482, and Custurer p. 239; from which a few things here, to our undertaking pertaining, I will subjoin.

[79] from the judgment of eight Doctors of each Order, Let all know, that on Saturday, the nine- teenth day of May, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1386, in the presence of me the Notary and the witnesses subscribed, being personally in the monastery of the Friars Minor of Barcelona, the Reverend Father Master Bernard Ermengaud, Provincial of the Preachers and Inquisitor &c.] There follow the names of eight Doctors, partly Dominicans, partly Franciscans, who in the aforesaid judgment were present, and then he subjoins: [The Reverend Lord Inquisitor said and proposed, that at the instance of certain friends of the venerable Raymond Lull, once a citizen of Majorca, he for the matters below-written had called to a council all the said Masters and Brothers; and narrated there, how in the time of the most holy in Christ Father and Lord D. Gregory of holy memory Pope XI, the Reverend Father Master Nicholas Eymeric, of the Order of Preachers, then Inquisitor of heretical depravity in the Province of Aragon, had caused to be condemned some articles, which he said himself to have found in diverse books of the said Raymond Lull, naming those books: among which moreover articles were, as said the same Lord Inquisitor Master Bernard, three, which the same Master Nicholas said himself to have found in a certain book, made by the said Raymond Lull, entitled On the Philosophy of Love, which articles the said venerable Lord Inquisitor Master Bernard Ermengaud handed to me the Notary in writing, composed in Latin, and they are these.]

[80] There are proposed then the Latin Articles by Nicholas accused, he declared them wrongly into Latin rendered, and they are compared with the Catalan texts, from the Philosophy of Love faithfully extracted; then thus proceeds the document: [Which being brought forth and narrated, the said Reverend Lord Inquisitor Master Bernard Ermengaud, interrogated all the above named Masters in Theology, and the other above-said Brother Theologians, who there were, a comparison upon these making, whether the said articles, as in the Latin they lie condemned, as above are inserted, were in the said book Philosophy of Love, or if they could be elicited from the sayings, placed in the book aforesaid. Also he interrogated, whether the said articles, as they lie in the said book, in that manner in which it is said, as above are inserted, are good and truly catholic? And all the said Masters and other Brothers, and in their original plainly orthodox to be: by the said Lord Inquisitor Master Bernard interrogated by heads, holding and reading there before all, the aforesaid three articles condemned, and the aforesaid book On the Philosophy of Love; said, that once and several times each by himself had seen and recognized assiduously and diligently the aforesaid things; and that the said articles condemned, as they lay, and above are inserted, were not in the said book, nor could be elicited from it; and that the articles above-said, placed in the book aforesaid Philosophy of Love, were good, true and catholic.] I omit the fuller of them all proof, in the document fully deduced, of the Doctors nine the subscription, and other things which in the aforesaid Authors, the curious Reader will find.

[81] This of the Lullian cause examination an argument is, that the same of the rest was to be judged, that the Inquisitor Ermengaud did not judge, nor the other Doctors Aragonian, the famous Bull, by Pope Gregory's authority to have been fortified; not about otherwise by their private sentence the judgment of the Apostolic See rashly to reform, as rightly noted Custurer. But that only three articles to examination they called back, that perhaps for this cause happened, that, since of the propositions the number often by varying was diminished, and Eymeric in rivalry the Lullists urged, that them in his Master's books he should show; he those assigned chiefly, which in the dear to the Aragonese little book to be contained he maintained; and which accordingly before the rest the new Inquisitor, by his associate Nicholas through injury to Raymond to be attributed, declared. And it was that book, if through that time's tumults it had been permitted. of which Gregory in his Brief other had written to the Officials of Barcelona; and the same, which by Theologians of the Catalan language skilled to be discussed, had asked long since the King Aragonian. But why other articles to be examined he abstained Ermengaud, not sufficiently I attain; unless if from that first contest victors the Lullists, confidently denied, the propositions remaining more faithfully from Raymond's books extracted, and so this to be proved to Eymeric the accuser they left: or more probably we will think, of the lamentable schism the tumults, and the divided of the Aragonese between the Pontiffs zeal, that quiet not to have given, which to a more mature and more lengthy examination, and of the whole matter discussion was necessary; the Lullists meanwhile easily acquiescing, while the other of the Master little works untouched were held, the Bishops the Bull rejecting, on the only of Eymeric authority leaning.

[82] To divine it is not pleasing, nor however to be cared for is Diago's conjecture, for the remaining 197 articles the Lullists cared not to contend, who from the aforesaid Ermengaud examination, thinks consequent to be, the remaining hundred ninety-seven articles, as if tacitly by the Lullists admitted; and of them thence to be deduced the impotence, that even those by the same effort they did not show wrongly to Raymond to be attributed; of which reasoning the weakness below I will show. More it pleases; what in book 1 of the History of his Province Aragonian chapter 27 in Eymeric's defense he brings; namely, not incongruously to be able to be said, many things from Raymond's works, whether of the copyists, or of others by carelessness to have been corrupted; whence it happened, other to have been, which Eymeric had accused, secure of the nullity of the alleged Bull, copies, other genuine in which the Lullists denied the alleged errors to be contained. Let it be so as to each it pleases, little will care the Lullists, provided true remain, the Bull of Gregory, either apocryphal, and not legitimately published, nor promulgated, or at least the blessed Martyr's true works not to have struck. Now whatever Diago for vindicating Eymeric toils; beyond controversy let it be, most grievously him to have borne his associate Ermengaud's concerning three of Raymond's articles judgment. For when to Avignon he had withdrawn, whatever before the Pseudo-Pope Clement Eymeric should contrive. with drawn at once pen, many things against the Lullists to write beginning, them before Clement to traduce he did not cease, as of most absurd errors fautors and defenders. Hence that, Purge out the old leaven; hence the Fascination of the Lullists; hence his Dialogues, and other little works, against Lull and his defenders brought forth, with no great worth of labor; since indeed Clement's tribunal to acknowledge they refused the Lullists, as long as King Peter his obedience, as then they spoke, had not received.

[83] Clement being dead the King John proscribes him, Ermengaud's sentence shortly followed the said King's death, whose successor John the son, Eymeric of so great tumults and dissensions the cause thinking, a sharp against him drew judgment; and him from his dominions all, as scandalous, wicked, and pestilent a man, of his subjects a public enemy, of the orthodox faith suspect &c. to exile ordered, in the year, as is handed down, 1393. Not long after departed from the living Clement, Eymeric's Patron; to whom when in the year 1394 had succeeded Peter de Luna, under the name of Benedict XIII; and he by John the Aragonian, as a true Pope had been acknowledged; with nearly no delay interposed, the Lullists sent of theirs one, who concerning the whole matter in person might inquire more diligently. Was this Antony Riera of Valencia, and to Avignon sent Antony Riera, not by one then title to Eymeric hateful, and by him in a whole volume harassed. He when to Avignon came, Eymeric himself, there dwelling, present and juridically cited having approached, the cause Lullian plainly seems to have won. Since indeed through the Cardinal of S. Sixtus, the Commissary, searched more than once Gregory's Register, most openly he perceived, that Bull of the sixth year by no means to be found, although the former two Briefs in their places were found.

[84] There exists of that matter an authentic document, which whole I attach; that what concerning the alleged Decretal is to be thought, about to inquire into the truth of the alleged Bull, hence may appear especially, since to a most accurate search nothing at all to have been lacking it seems, living perhaps those very of the Apostolic letters Registrars, who in the time of Gregory XI, from years not more nineteen, the same office had administered. Behold the document's copy.

he reports the authentic testimony, In the name of the Lord, Amen. Let all know, the present public document about to inspect, that before the most Reverend in Christ Father and Lord, the Lord Leonard, by divine mercy of the title of S. Sixtus Presbyter Cardinal, Judge and Commissary by the holy Apostolic See specially deputed, personally constituted, the discreet man Antony Riera, Clerk of the Valencia diocese, Bachelor in Laws, principal, without however his procurator's revocation, in a certain cause or causes, which is turning and are turning, or to be turned and to be are hoped, between the said Antony, principal on the one part, and the religious man Brother Nicholas Eymeric, of heretical depravity in the kingdom of Aragon Inquisitor, concerning and upon certain articles the faith touching; and their occasion on the other part; in which to certain acts, even before the same Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary, without however a conclusion, between the said parties there was proceeded; and at length a copy or schedule of a certain letter Apostolic, by which is asserted, by of happy memory the Lord Gregory Pope XI, as the same Antony asserted, made, to the same Cardinal he handed and gave: whose tenor follows, and is such; Gregory Bishop &c. There is subjoined the whole Decretal already premised: and there follows;

[85] Which indeed copy or schedule, by the said Antony, to the Cardinal Commissary to have offered a copy of the Bull, to the Lord Cardinal mentioned handed; the same Antony that very Lord Cardinal instantly required, that to the venerable men, of the letters Apostolic Registrars, by his letters he would write; and to them nevertheless, by authority Apostolic to him in this part committed, he would prescribe and command, that the letters in that schedule contained, in the registers to them committed, diligently they should search; and if them they should find, a copy or document transcribed of the same, closed and sealed, as is the custom in such things to be done, in the Register of Gregory XI to be required; and so and in such manner that to them faith could be applied, to the aforesaid Lord Cardinal should be transmitted, at the moderate expenses of the said Antony; that he mediating could and might to the parties above-said the due of justice administer; since the aforesaid Antony, for his right's foundation, a copy of the aforesaid letters, before the said Lord Cardinal, as he asserted, to produce intended. Who indeed the Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary, attending that to those asking just things assent ought not to be denied; which to do ordered the Custodians of the Registers, to the above-said letters Apostolic Registrars, in the manner and form by the said Antony above sought, by his letters by authority Apostolic wrote and commanded; and them by his porter and messenger sworn, to the same Registrars to be presented caused. Which porter afterward to the Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary mentioned, and to me the Notary undersigned reported; how the said Lords, of the letters Apostolic Registrars, in the registers to them committed of the sixth year of the aforesaid happy remembrance the Lord Gregory Pope XI, diligently searched and a diligent search being made, to the same porter, as he asserted, said; that in the same registers, the letters, in the above-written paper schedule contained, they did not find registered.

[86] reported, diligently sought, But subsequently the Venerable man Lord John a Bonis, one of the letters Apostolic Registrars, in my Notary aforesaid and witnesses trustworthy presence, to the Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary aforesaid, reported and said; that the said schedule, in the register to him committed of the sixth year of the said Lord Gregory, by his Clerks, not only once, but several times diligently to be searched he caused; and that the letters in the often-said schedule contained in his register were not, nor were registered. Then the aforesaid porter and messenger sworn, to be not at all found; the letters of the said Lord Cardinal, together with the schedule or copy preinserted, to the aforesaid Lord Cardinal carried back, and to me the Notary undersigned in the presence of the witnesses undersigned reported, and said; that the venerable men Lords Bernard Fortis, the other of the letters Apostolic Registrars, and John Ludovici of the Apostolic Chamber Notary, on the back of the said schedule, or copy, by himself, as is premised, carried back, and, as is aforesaid, preinserted, wrote in this manner which follows.

[87] and this one of them duly confirms, Be it known to all, that I Bernard Fortis, of the letters Apostolic Registrar, searched diligently the register to me committed of the year VI, of holy memory the Lord Gregory Pope XI, that in the same register the letters, in the present paper schedule annotated, I do not find registered. In testimony of which thing, here by my hand own I have subscribed, and signed, on the 9th day of July, in the year from the nativity of the Lord one thousand three hundred ninety- fifth. Bernardinus Fortis, Registrar.

and likewise his colleague: Be it known to all, that I John Ludovici, of the Apostolic Chamber Notary, searched diligently the register of the letters Apostolic the same Chamber touching, of the sixth year of the Pontificate of holy memory the Lord Gregory Pope XI; and that in the same register the letters, in the present paper schedule annotated, I do not find registered. In testimony of which thing, here by my hand own I subscribed and signed, on the 9th of July, in the year from the nativity of the Lord one thousand three hundred ninety-fifth.

[88] of which matter a document Riera asking, At length on the day and hour undersigned before the Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary aforesaid, and in my of Notary public and the witnesses undersigned, to these specially called and asked, presence, personally constituted the aforesaid Antony Riera, without however his procurator's revocation, and concerning the premises all and singular the mandate, relations, and other above-written, and designated from the time of the handing-over of the said preinserted schedule, and to this side done, asked for himself to be made one or several public or publics document or documents, it signs the Notary public, by me the Notary public undersigned. Done were these at Avignon, in the house of dwelling of the said Lord Cardinal, at the ninth hour or thereabouts, in the year from the nativity of the Lord one thousand three hundred ninety-fifth, in the third indiction, on the day Saturday, the 10th of the month of July, of the Pontificate of the most Holy in Christ Father and our Lord D. Benedict by divine providence Pope XIII, in the year I; present in the same place venerable men, Lords, Durandus Tunduci, in the Decretals Licentiate, of the said Lord Cardinal the Chamberlain; and Master Dominic Pavardi, in each Law a Bachelor, and in the Roman Curia Procurator, witnesses to the premises called specially and asked.

And I Thoico Rodulphi de Camicavilla, Clerk of the Tarragona Diocese, and another also Notary confirms. public by Imperial authority Notary, and of the aforesaid most Reverend in Christ Father and Lord Cardinal, Judge and Commissary, and of the cause of this kind before him scribe, to the premises all and singular, while, as is premised, they were done and made, together with the aforenamed witnesses present I was, and them so to be done I saw and heard; and therefore this present public document, by another, me with other businesses occupied, written, into this public form I reduced; and here by my hand own I wrote, and with my sign usual and accustomed I signed, asked and required, in the faith and testimony of all and singular the premises.]

[89] I am deceived, if a judgment of this kind, lawfully and contradictorily instituted, [To such a judgment in no way is opposed, the Anti-Lullists' concerning it silence,] the parties on both sides in person acting; I am deceived, I say, if so solemn for the Bull's falsity a testimony, the anti-Lullists, however much by prejudices fixed, not should induce, that at least they should somewhat doubt, whether it was ever lawfully published and by Apostolic authority promulgated. Indeed I notice, Diago, and the other Eymeric's apologists, of this argument the efficacy studiously to evade; so concerning the praised document keeping silent, as if it never had existed in the nature of things. Whether from ignorance, or by evil deceit, nothing it concerns more curiously to investigate; to us abundantly it will be, the blessed Martyr's fame, by that Bull's force so often shaken, to its integrity to have restored; which also by another monument, no less authentic and solemn, presently will be confirmed. But neither to move us ought the more recent of other anti-Lullists evasion, or of certain papers after years 200 the lack in the Register. from this seized; that since under Gregory XIII and Sixtus V, the Auditor Peña in vain had turned over, what at Rome are preserved of Gregory XI the registers all, that of the Constitution even slight he might find vestiges, he wrote to Peter Ximenez Morillo, in two other registers then to Avignon summoned, leaves some by antiquity eaten away to have fallen out, among which also those could have been, by which the Gregorian Bull was contained. Cold indeed and useless cavil, as if then in time even leaves had been lacking, when by most sharp-eyed Registrars, not two after centuries, but in years not yet twenty from the alleged publication elapsed, diligently as well as solicitously it was searched.

[90] Here that to be noted remains, that hallucinated Writers not a few, nor Eymeric's age, as if sooner deceased; in assigning Eymeric's age; some by nearly a whole century erring, as mentions above Nicholas Antonio, others six at least last of life years to him everywhere subtracting: by which perhaps reasoning wrongly to deny someone could, then at Avignon to have been Eymeric, when Antony Riera the suit to him brought above mentioned. There are therefore who his death refer to the year 1393, from a badly transcribed epitaph of Gerona: for it is established his life to have prolonged to the year 1399, so that even by a quadrennium he survived the Apostolic registers' revision; with none then in his defense produced vindications; but rather a recrimination he used against Riera the adversary, whom in a whole treatise, as lately I hinted, he attacked, under the title, Incantation of the study of Lérida, upon twenty articles, by a certain Antony Riera, a student of Valencia, as is reported, there sown. This almost the last was Eymeric's lucubration: who now by old age worn out, and by many adversities having struggled, at length departed from life, in the said now year 1399. Rested here at some time, or if you prefer to have ceased to rage seemed, whom it is established up to 1399 to have lived. that atrocious of many years storm, against Lull and the Lullists, by so many machinations excited. Certainly suspended seems all altercation, lasting still the funereal schism; until, Benedict XIII being repudiated, Ferdinand the Aragonian, death to him threatening feeling, with S. Vincent Ferrer as author, himself and his dominions from his obedience withdrew, in the year 1416.

§. IV. A new of the whole cause examination, under Card. Alaman, Martin V's Legate to King Alphonsus: it followed a sentence definitive, annulling all hitherto against Lull acts, by force of the Bull supposititious or subreptitious, in the year 1419: and finally the end of the resuscitated again controversy.

[91] Ferdinand the Aragonian's successor, the son Alphonsus, surnamed Magnanimous, the schism ceasing the Cardinal Legate being asked, Martin V, in the year next following lawfully elected, immediately acknowledged, and admitted sent to him the Legate Apostolic, the Cardinal Alaman. Him without delay met the friends and kinsmen of B. Raymond, that, by what he was strong authority, all by Eymeric acts he might rescind; things to that state restored, in which they were before the contentious Bull, under Gregory XI's name in the famous codex through Aragon had begun to be disseminated. Seemed that matter to the Cardinal Legate of moment greater, than that without any previous information it should be decided. Wherefore, to Bernard Bishop of Tifernum, a new of the whole cause from the egg examination of the whole suit from the egg to be sifted the care diligently he committed; the power being made, that all things maturely weighed, by a peremptory at length judgment to the deadly tumults an end he might impose. The province to him committed excellently administered the new Commissary, and premised a most accurate of the things on both sides done examination, compared with the books of Raymond, the Eymerician codex, the documents finally all, with what equal was diligence weighed, balanced, sifted, that finally sentence passed, which they call Definitive; as being which, all things annulled, to that very time against the blessed Martyr's doctrine acted, committed to Bernard Bishop of Tifernum; it from all censure so exempted, that freely thereafter and with unoffended foot, read, taught, and handed down it was; and that School formed, which today Lullistic is called, with notable privileges endowed and adorned.

[92] and the of single Articles discussion infinite being omitted, Established are these all from a longer document, already by me cited under the title of Definitive Sentence, once by the Lullists published, by which that whole of the Lullian cause laborious discussion fully and clearly is asserted. To us enough it will be the ultimate Commissary's sentence hither to adduce, others already above sufficiently expressed, that from them the Reader of the whole of things done series may be instructed. Now this to be observed I would wish, which the weak Diago's conjecture above reported overturns; namely under Ermengaud the Inquisitor of the single propositions a more general examination to be neglected; not from the Lullists' impotence, as he argued; but that that most of all little book of the error mark exempted they wished, which Gregory before the rest to himself to be transmitted had asked; thus about to effect, lest of contumacy the penalty deservedly they should undergo, nor the dear especially to the Aragonese little work vernacular, by the Eymerician censure, the Lullists for one only little book to vindicate laboring with some at least semblance of truth be involved. I add besides that always intended the Lullists, that the propositions altogether all be declared, on the Master by the highest impiety fastened. But since leaping I have called their number, the Bull expressly two hundred transfixing, Eymeric five hundred numbering, although a hundred only he produced; what at last of labor fruit could there be, if ninety-seven were examined; since for the adversaries of calumniating always would lie open an avenue, by saying so many hundreds other proscribed to remain, and so the books all Lullian deservedly to remain suspect. Entered therefore by the Lullists a way more compendious, while the Bull itself to shake having undertaken so they battered, that the whole they overthrew and shattered, just as from the following also sentence demonstrated it is,

[93] The letters of the Cardinal Legate being premised, by which to him the cause's examination was committed, and content to have won concerning the controverted Bull, the processes being inserted, and them diligently examined, to the sentence he proceeds in this form. [Which all things above placed or inserted, by us the said Commissary attentively read, diligently examined, and intelligibly considered were. Having indeed by us deliberation mature, and digested counsel with experts in similar things and skilled, since proposed and produced above before us, and elsewhere, most clearly it is established to us, that the said Bull, attending its form and other indications perspicuous above touched, is most evidently at least of falsity suspect. Likewise, that by the alleged and produced, to show or prove the obreption or subreption of the said Bull, and so of all from it acts, the nullity; it is demonstrated evidently; that, granted that it was not false, in no way could it be excused that it was not subreptitiously obtained; since by the tenor of the said Bull it seems, that the whole reason of its obtaining, was the affirmation, that in the books of the aforesaid Doctor were several articles erroneous and heretical, of which books by documents authentic above inserted it seems openly, that the aforesaid Brother Nicholas Eymeric then Inquisitor corrupted and changed the words of the aforesaid Doctor, and also the mind and intention, which he had Catholic, as shows most openly the end or final conclusion of the books of the said Doctor Raymond; in which expressly he submits his writings, sayings, and published by himself, to the determination and correction of the Church most holy. it is decreed, all things to them still entire to be; From which is founded lawfully, his writings not to deviate from the just path of Catholic truth, and is detected and eliminated the sinister intention, opinion and persecution of Nicholas aforesaid. And since each page attesting, and statuting and commanding, those obtaining letters, provisions, or rescripts, through fraud or malice from the supreme Pontiff, the truth keeping silent or suppressing, and falsity suggesting or expressing, in of their perversity penalty, none from such advantage can obtain; nor under their pretext is some power or jurisdiction attributed, by whose virtue it is in any way to be proceeded; since the supreme Pontiff such provisions or letters would have denied, truthfully informed. But asserting power to have from him with the qualities above-said, by no means to interpose could of his cognizance the office, and consequently by its occasion in fact emanated things fall, as lacking lawful foundation]

The Definitive Sentence.

[94] and there is passed a definitive sentence, For so much, We Bernard, Bishop and Commissary aforesaid, by authority Apostolic to us in this part committed, say, will, and decree, and pronounce, that whatever is found howsoever and in whatever manner emanated, mandated, and threatened, proceeded, done, on the occasion, by the authority, or reason of the said subreptitious and obreptitious Bull, and of falsity evident too much suspect, be held for vain, void, invalid and null; and for unmade or not done by all be reputed: just as also we, from the power to us attributed upon these, which from our office noble we use and to use will, the aforesaid being attended, we cassate, invalidate; annul, or to nothing reduce; reducing also by authority Apostolic the very Doctor Raymond Lull, and all the sayings, writings and works of his, and all other for the reason aforesaid, the further of the Lullian doctrine discussion reserving to the Apostolic see, howsoever and in whatever manner, and by whomsoever, and against whomsoever and before whomsoever proceeded and acted, to the state pristine and primeval, as if to the contrary of them nothing ever had been said, written, or otherwise in any way attempted. Reserving and submitting the correction, determination, or authorization of the doctrine of the said Doctor to the See Apostolic, whose it is of such things to take cognizance and ordain, just as the very Doctor, as a true Catholic, expressly submits. In of which all and singular the faith and testimony of the premises, these our letters, or this present public document, by the Notary public undersigned to be made and published we have commanded, and with our seal's affixing to be fortified. Given and done at Barcelona, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1419, on the 24th day of March, present honorable men &c.] There follows the legalization's attestation, to be seen in Custurer p. 248 and in Thadaeus p. 488.

[95] Nothing me greatly delays Bzovius's response, who to lighten of so solemn in B. Lull's favor judgment the authority; Bzovius cavilling in vain, this one thing he pleads at the year 1372 n. 27, That could not Alaman the Legate, without a special commission of Martin V, concerning a matter so most grave, either himself take cognizance or the cognizance of a cause of the faith commit. To whom, I beseech, will trust be due, whether to Bzovius's conjectures, or to the Legate himself, of his power testimony bearing, which from the fact even special to have been to interpret it is permitted? But that the same Bzovius at the aforecited place, against Ermengaud's examination, the lack of a special commission in the Legate, concerning Peter the Aragonian's with Eymeric enmities invents, mere cavils not undeservedly you would call them, by which records whatever and monuments public into hazard to call it would be permitted. And what at last by historical trust certain will be held, or as much as bears that material ascertained, if these in the blessed Martyr's defense documents, genuine to be judged deserve not? Indeed in perpetual darkness buried would have remained, what in the space of years about fifty back and forth disputed, and by documents various acted and rescinded had been, unless under the 16th century's beginning, to new altercations food had supplied, it to have himself professing. he who in the year 1503 of the Inquisitors the Directory to the types subjected of Barcelona, the codex Eymerician to it inserting, whence the unlucky contentions, dissensions, tumults, contests, to this very day persevering, not without of the good scandal sprouted. This is of our Article the other part, which as briefly as it will be possible, to be dispatched.

[96] To the second, the Fathers Preacher and the Lullists, There is resuscitated nevertheless the controversy in the year 1503, of the controversy material gave, that very dissension, which the first once had excited, of the School Lullistic to the professors, for the mystery of the immaculate Conception of the Mother of God again fighting, against Brother William Caselles, a Dominican at the same time and Inquisitor of the kingdom Balearic, as in the Article preceding we reported from Sebastian Salelles, the transcript of the Memorial citing, by which of that new contention the occasion is described. Vain to William had been the undertaken at Rome against the adversaries accusation: from the city returned, when troublesome to be he went on, a tempest he stirred up to the Eymerician similar, from Majorca to exile ordered. That indeed the man stung, and thence by sharp goads incited, the Directory of Eymeric being printed with the Bull, that of the Lullists punishment he might take, the Directory of Eymeric to the types he committed at Barcelona, to it annexing from the fictitious Bull the calumny against Lull, already long convicted, condemned and buried. These almost Sebastian's, or rather of the Memorial, words above reported, from which of the new tumults the cause and origin most clearly is detected. New I say tumults, for lulled they had been for nearly a whole century; a cause new from the Directory now flowing, which to that time had been unheard, although the Directory itself think most that from the year 1360 to have been by Eymeric compiled. Although what does it matter, whether later, or sooner that book he collected; provided it be granted, which to be denied altogether cannot, no by Eymeric himself, no by the anti-Lullists other to the year up to 1503, of that Directory made ever to have been mention.

[97] Not once to be repeated deserves the most just of the Lullists animadversion, of which meanwhile nowhere found the original Ms. is established, intrepidly affirming, no anywhere to exist nor to have existed of the Directory a copy in manuscript, in which the Eymerician codex, which the Condemnation he had called, inserted is found; by an evident plainly indication, not except by vengeance's desire by William brought forth, what so happily by bookworms and moths had been reserved. As witness they call the most erudite Peña, beyond all exception greater, and in this part to the Fathers Dominican by no means suspect, expressly nevertheless affirming in Commentary 34 page to me 262, those things to be had in the sole edition of Barcelona, which were lacking in three codices Mss. of Bologna, Sabellian and of the Cardinal de Gambara; which for a new edition to be procured he had used, applied first the highest diligence, that most ancient codices on all sides he might seek out.

[98] What? that all copies, both printed and manuscript, in infinite nearly places were thoroughly depraved, and the copies all only depraved to be found, as the same Peña confesses; whence vehement suspicion arises, adulterated to have been, either by the first editor, or by other transcribers, according to the genius or zeal of the parties interpolating, or what use bore, rashly adding; from which at the least it follows, not so great trust to deserve, in a matter especially invidious, so incorrect codices and of corruption deservedly suspect. Note also some, and at length in the year 1582 came out a new defense of Lull, that whole concerning Raymond's affairs farrago, as a little history to the Directory ineptly sewn; indeed there of Eymeric to be treated in the third person, not so about to speak, if he himself of the suit that one order to his book had inserted. These more widely embraces an Appendix of the defense of the Divine Raymond Lull and his doctrine, published at Barcelona 1582, of which Custurer those things reported, which opportunely I will subjoin, to this Article now sufficiently prolix an end about to impose by the following words.

[99] showing, that the Directory being printed at Barcelona The peace, by which now for so many years had enjoyed the of Lull followers; by no machinations seemed to be disturbed, unless as from the unhoped-for, he says, had come out the Directory of Inquisitors, lately printed, in whose part second, question 9 and 26, were inserted certain things against the Divine Raymond Lull. Which surely seem not genuine of that work, since it first was by the R. F. Nicholas Eymeric, Brother of the Order of Preachers, Inquisitor in the kingdoms and lands of the King of the Aragonese compiled (that by his words I may say) published and forged at Avignon, and communicated about the year of the Lord 1360, and so spread abroad and transcribed; until N (he indicates William Caselles) made it first to be printed at Barcelona in the year of the Lord 1503, and then added of his own, what we said inserted in the said Directory part 2, quaest. 9 and 26.

[100] Which openly appears from a certain ancient addition, there were added, what Eymeric in the Directory had not written, placed in the margin of the said question ninth, of the first impression, the addition word for word so has. Note, from these below assigned words, postquam (after) Pope Gregory XI &c., with what fury he is mad and dementia against Raymond Lull, the illuminated Doctor, in all things Catholic and Martyr, N. who these things by his head's judgment rashly and voluntarily said and wrote, and the following hundred articles, when this book to print he prepared, to be gathered together caused with errors, as if from the books of Raymond condemned, as he says: but, saving the peace of the readers, in these he lies: because of Raymond aforesaid they are not … For the rest these said things and others since many most grave and most learned men have read in the said ancient Directory, concerning the fact of Gregory XI, which in the library of the Lullian school of Barcelona is kept, with the old aforesaid marginal addition … indeed in these he speaks as if another than Eymeric himself, concerning whom is narrated a history, which had happened about a hundred fifty years before &c. Finally he subjoins: Credible it is not that Eymeric of those things would have wished to exist a memory, concerning which he himself so had been condemned.] Thus far the Appendix: where I observe, that Note, so without doubt to be understood, that it signify, those things which begin from these words, Postquam (he means to say Postea, afterward) Pope Gregory, not to have been in the codex manuscript.

[101] I am not ignorant, that many things can be opposed to defend the Eymerician Directory's authority, and that it at Rome to be reprinted was permitted in the year 1578, to some nearly most sacred, after so diligently by Peña recognized it was, corrected and emended; indeed even with Gregory XIII's diploma fortified, by which it is provided that to none be it permitted to the same book anything to add, take away or change or invert, and no interpretations to add, but as at Rome now printed it was (1578) always and perpetually entire and uncorrupt be conserved. Done indeed prudently, and in that plainly manner in which in all privileges political, by no other than the common in such cases formula, for printing books granted, it is wont to be interdicted, lest to the great prejudice of the typographer should tend, of others of a book some edition. What from that decree could be elicited besides I do not see, since indeed Peña himself, in the edition later, without scruple many things took away, changed, inverted, that the work might be rendered more complete, not so however that no afterward emendation could accede. Who something more to extort would wish, let him answer to the Lullian elogium of Angelus del Pas, with a Brief of this kind of Clement VIII at Rome printed, and which in the Article above we reported.

[102] But Lull's articles and their condemnation there whole is read. taking care only that the recent impression be to the former conformable. What then afterward? Is it approved by the Pontiff? By no means indeed. Those Peña such left as he had found them, solely solicitous that an edition of the Directory be procured conformable to the ancient one, at Barcelona published: of which matter trust make undoubted his words, in Custurer cited pp. 293 and 294. But on these longer to delay there is no leisure; who of the Directory the whole genesis, additions, and the rest pertaining to it accurately discussed to read by himself will wish, let him consult the often praised Custurer's Spanish vindications, from p. 278 to p. 296; although this for the blessed Martyr's defense not altogether is necessary, since the said things hitherto enough I think to have proved, that neither from the famous Bull, nor from that Directory of whatever kind lawfully is deduced, Lull's doctrine either of error or of heresy a stain in any way to have contracted. Now to other arguments let us proceed.

ARTICLE THE FIFTH

Other arguments, by which it is proved, Raymond, not only to heretics not to be reckoned, but his doctrine from censure immune to be:

[103] To say it once for all, whatever in the blessed Raymond's favor arguments thereafter are adduced, The vanity of the alleged heresy, to this also aim chiefly, that be shown the vanity of the cited so often Bull, to Gregory XI falsely ascribed, whose origin, subreption, invalidation, and annulling chronologically set forth, already we have given. What to be said remains, the begun thread pursue to our very times, in which, observed the successes various, the new impugnations, the repeated examinations, at Rome especially and in the Tridentine Council, more openly be demonstrated, the genuine of blessed Lull doctrine, never as condemned acknowledged, never by the Catholic Church's reckoning of heresy to have been suspect; whatever the detractors with implacable hatred it to persecute and to accuse cease not, as dangerous, erroneous and heretical traducing it. Let them feel as they please, milder perhaps counsels, explodes the Apostolic See's tolerance now long-lasting, by reasons convinced, to hear they will not refuse; but if not, worth of labor

I will do, those empty of prejudices for a time inducing, that nothing rashly they determine, until the See Apostolic, of the faith Mistress, before which still undecided hangs of the whole suit the material, a sentence shall have passed in this part irreformable. But indeed even from this head the adversaries excellently press the Lullists, that that very Chair of Peter the Lullian cause long since willed at Rome to be re-examined, as clearly appears from the letters compulsory, given on the 4th of March 1595, by Custurer reported p. 324; this by no means about to permit, if Gregory XI's Constitution as undoubted it had admitted; namely which faith's dogmas, piously and fully defined, not it suffers into some discussion to be called back, as once S. Leo distinctly warned epistle 132 otherwise 78 and in many places other, when of resuming heretics' causes in vain before him it was treated. Now therefore of the begun web the other part in a few words tasted exhibited it is.

[104] Scarcely credible it is, that any other doctrine with more of Kings privileges enriched was, than the Lullistic the Kings of Aragon in rivalry heaped up. and of the Kings, Lull's doctrine commending, the constant favor, Now, before the stirred by Eymeric tumults, it to publish the power had made Peter IV, who among the Barcelonans III is called. As much had done his successors, that with more afterward I may pursue. But what for a whole century and a half had seemed to have stuck among the of private Masters, Flavianus, Luria, Sedasserius, Lobetius, and others, benches; it at length to shine more splendidly began, while by the pious matron Agnes de Quint's liberality, in the year 1481, a Chair Lullistic, in the very city of Majorca, with an established stipend, was erected, from which then to Universities others a step it made. With more it embraces our Custurer from p. 297, which here in a briefer synopsis I will circumscribe. Master Peter Dagui that Chair Lullistic first ascended, with great solemnity and apparatus, in the aforesaid year 1481. The next from then year came out at Barcelona his lucubration, entitled The Gate of the Art of the most excellent Master Raymond Lull, which a decade before in the same place he had prepared. Did not bear Raymond's rivals so patent of the hostile doctrine triumph; wherefore that then arose tempest, up to founding for it to be handed down a University having proceeded; which by William Caselles above stirred up we said. Little however it matters, whether he, or another someone to Sixtus IV reported the Gate Lullian: and lest someone from Diago to us cause trouble, for me let it be permitted to another's reasons it be ascribed. But indeed when first of the accused doctrine a rumor to Dagui came, the journey Roman also himself having undertaken, so the opinion he defended, that six examiners by the Pope deputed, it uniformly praised, and a little after, on the 31st of August 1483, by a diploma royal was instituted at Majorca a University, in which until today the blessed Lull's doctrine, no less publicly, indeed with ampler endowed favors is taught, than the Thomists, Scotists, Suarists, (into so many classes divided is that University) their own profess.

[105] Returned from the city Dagui with the victory gained, to other little works to be written added his mind; And of the Gate Lullian made at Rome and approved an impression, but Sixtus IV's death, shortly after following, the truce interrupted. Cited again, to Rome hastened Dagui, before Innocent VIII, the approved not so long before dogmas against new machinations to vindicate. Very much to the matter contributed, that the Gate his to the types Roman immediately he published, with annexed the Censors' judgments, who under Innocent's predecessor the Treatise wonderfully had extolled; from which this he obtained, that empty again were the accusers' attempts. Cites of that matter the documents Custurer, among which a privilege, by Ferdinand the King Catholic to the Lullistic school granted in the year 1500, in these words: Which indeed doctrine and science, as by acts public and authentic is said to appear, is approved by the of the French King, by the Chancellor of the University of the study of Paris, and by the Legate of the supreme Pontiff, and the Pontiff Innocent. That second of Dagui victory received at Majorca a festive applause, and at Majorca with festive applause received: of the whole city acclamation, and a poetic contest, elsewhere by us recited. But also thence I think it happened, that William Caselles, from Majorca driven, that against the Lullists engine arranged, which lately enough fully we have commemorated. That indeed seems ascertained, in the time of Sixtus IV and Innocent VIII, either the Bull Eymerician at Rome to have been ignored: which rashly and absurdly would be said, if then to the world known it was; or certainly, as fictitious and invalid no in those judgments to have had moment.

[106] To be passed over is not another of the anti-Lullists machination, then invalid under Alexander VI of the anti-Lullists machination, not indeed open and direct, but the more dangerous, the more obliquely the whole School it attacked. The matter with many words sets forth Custurer from p. 304. This its sum. Had been Alexander VI, called before Roderick Borgia, of the Church of Majorca perpetual Administrator and Commendatary, and by that title more nearly to him it pertained for that Church's advantages to provide. Into every occasion intent the Lullists' persecutors, the scraped together hastily painted reasons, the Pontiff impelled, that the of the Lullistic lecture revenues to a foundation of an Archdeaconate, in the Cathedral of that city, be applied. Happily succeeded the specious petition; for to it had been proceeded, that of that Prebend in the petitioner's favor the Pope had disposed, with letters to this end to the Bishop of Majorca destined. But warned the Lullists, nothing to be delayed thinking, so through a Procurator, striving the King Ferdinand, for diverting elsewhere the revenues to the Lullists assigned; before Alexander acted; that the adversaries' artifices detected, the acts to that time he revoked and rescinded, so that in peaceful possession of their Chair and of the Lullian University, and of the to-be-professed doctrine thereafter they remained. To be wondered at indeed, that the Roman Pontiff to be persuaded could be, that the doctrine Lullian publicly to be handed down he should grant, if it long since by his predecessor Gregory XI, as erroneous and heretical, proscribed and transfixed he had thought; and the more stupendous, that in pernicious dogmas' favor those to be annulled he willed, which otherwise most equitably disposed to have been they could seem.

[107] To these of the Lullistic doctrine trophies a palmary other is joined, then of the Council of Trent a decree from of the Council of Trent authority: to which when Doctor Louis John Vileta had set forth, that [in confirmation of the alleged Bull of happy memory Gregory XI, which to disapprove is said some of Lull's works, nothing else is hitherto adduced, as neither indeed can be adduced, except a certain commentary of Nicholas Eymeric, of which there is no authority, as being of a private writing… But on the contrary in affirmation of the said Raymond Martyr of God and his works as catholic, at the same time and in confutation both of the said Bull as feigned, and of the said commentary… are produced very many acts authentic, both from the Kings Catholic of Aragon and others, and from the holy Office of the Inquisition, and from the very Apostolic See emanated. Whence easily to anyone is established the matter's truth, of the said Raymond piety, of the objected Bull falsity… and accordingly the justice of this party, asking of the said Martyr and his works the approbation from this sacred Council against the alleged Bull. Therefore John Vileta, of removing from the Index of the prohibited Lull's name, of Theology and Arts Doctor, both as Lecturer of the Art or science of the said Raymond, and as Procurator deputed and constituted by the Magnificent Lords John Louis Lullius, and Galcerandus Paulus Lullius of Barcelona, administrators perpetual of the School and of the pious causes, by the said Raymond instituted; supplicates your most Reverend Lordships, that which one most befits your all sanctity, that to provide you would deign lest any be done injury to the pious ashes &c.] He runs out then into the Master's praise, his merits, doctrine, of faith to be propagated zeal, martyrdom, miracles enumerating; and concludes to be deleted from Paul IV's Index, the aforesaid, which to Gregory XI falsely is ascribed, disapprobation. Just as, a diligent premised examination, erased it had been by the Inquisition of Spain.

[108] published in the year 1565, And had a most desired success that of Vileta petition; for, as he himself testifies in the notice of the approbations of the works of Lull, prefixed to the Brief Art of the same Raymond published at Barcelona 1565; At length in the sacred ecumenical Council of Trent all contention was lulled to rest. Had produced namely Vileta whatever from the very of the dissensions beginning back and forth done had been, and those most of all which by Ermengaud, Leonard the Cardinal, Bernard of the City of Castello the Bishop, against the Bull had been declared. He had added the of the Kings Aragonese privileges, and others very many, from which in approbation, [after the lawful of the Lullian cause defense: defense and commendation of D. Raymond Lull and his all works, as Catholic, through nearly a whole biennium by Louis John Vileta of Barcelona a Theologian adduced and diligently examined, by the sacred College of the most Reverend Lords, by the whole sacred Council to these and similar acts specially deputed, where were present the Patriarch of Venice and four Archbishops, four likewise Bishops, together with one Abbot, two Generals of Orders, and four Doctors, from nearly all Christendom selected, most learned and most religious, who by a concordant sentence, on the first day of September 1563 decreed, to be expunged of D. Raymond Lull any of the works disapprobation, from the Indices, especially of Paul Pope IV, of the books prohibited; where is alleged the aforesaid Bull of Gregory XI fictitious, from the sole mention which of it is found made in the private of someone work. That moreover statute already afterward kept we see in the Catalogue of our most Holy Lord Pope Pius IV.]

[109] evidently supposing acknowledged by the Fathers the nullity of the Bull, You have here a compendious of them relation, which those Fathers, by the Council ecumenical deputed, in favor of the Lullistic doctrine to be statuted judged; concerning whom most certain it is that not even about to think they would have been, unless the chanted now often of Gregory XI Bull, by them as apocryphal and supposititious had been despised, and plainly rejected. That therefore in Paul IV's Index in more general terms Raymond Lull's works are interdicted, this by the first collectors at the instigation of the malevolent done, immediately impugned the blessed Martyr's defenders; and that with such of reasons weight and efficacy, that when at Barcelona had been procured of the Pauline Index a new edition, by their intercession it was suppressed, until by the General of Spain Inquisition it should be corrected. Hence also that obtained, that in the Index expurgatory, neither Lull's name nor works were placed; which also the Auditor Peña confesses. which also observed we see in other all of books prohibited Indices, from that time by Apostolic authority published. That indeed worthy of animadversion occurs, that the very Auditor Peña, the highest I speak of the Directory appraiser, in the cited above to Morillo epistle, expressly testified, from the famous Constitution, nothing to the blessed Lull's prejudice to be elicited could, although in the Directory it was read; since indeed the autograph diligently investigated to be found could not; and for that cause Raymond's works in the Index of books prohibited by no means to be placed, just as, in the most recent Index of Sixtus V edition, a place they had not. The edition moreover here he names prepared and made, but for certain causes afterward not published.

[110] More even insisted the Lullists, that from the Roman Index impression altogether be removed whatever Raymond's fame to wound seemed. There is added the Congregation of the Index by a decree of the year 1594, Therefore to the sacred Index Congregation once and again recourse was had, and obtained a decree of the 3rd of June 1594, [present the Cardinals Marcus Antonius Columna, Francis Toledo and others… that in the new Index Lull be not placed, for the same causes, for which the Deputies in the sacred Council of Trent, the same Raymond from the Index removed.] What further to be desired could, that from all censure immune be judged the doctrine Lullistic, by so many tempests so long shaken? But not by that declaration content its followers, and a new of Philip II to its execution to be hastened insistence. in their cause's goodness confiding, through the Duke of Sessa, of the Spains King Philip II's Ambassador, the very King this greatly demanding, new prayers interposed, that, erased thoroughly from the Index of Blessed Lull the name, his whole doctrine before the Apostolic See entirely to examination and recognition be subjected. Heard they were: for on the day 4th of March 1595. [the Congregation of the Index, held in the house of the Cardinal Columna, the Memorial for Raymond Lull being read, decreed it was, that as before the name of Lull from the Index be deleted, and the letters compulsory as quickly as possible be expedited &c.] And these are the letters, which of this article at the beginning expedited we said, and which in Custurer exist cited p. 324; an argument, I think, evident, not from the Directory's opinions, concerning blessed Lull's doctrine, at Rome to have been judged.

ARTICLE THE SIXTH.

The Kings' for the doctrine of Lull zeal, and favors to the Lullists bestowed.

[111] There persists to this very day that very of the Roman Tribunal sentence, [Although moreover to Kings does not pertain of questions the faith concerning discussion,] although of intervening businesses on account, the Lullists in vain urging, to the desired of the whole matter discussion it has not been come. But now another calls for defending the doctrine Lullistic an argument, on the authority Royal leaning. I know indeed, that on the Kings' judgment do not depend causes of faith and religion, by the Apostolic See's suffrage to be settled; but also that beyond controversy is, the Kings Catholic neither to be able nor to be wont those to permit, less even to them to patronize, which as erroneous or heretical by the Roman Pontiffs have been reproved. In few words I embrace all. Credible it is not, it helps however to know what they concerning Lull's doctrine felt, so many of Aragon Kings, the blessed Lull and his doctrine about to praise and protect to have been, or with so many encomia to adorn, if it pernicious or lawfully condemned they had believed. This by manifold reasoning urges Vincent Mut, and after him Custurer, of his Dissertation 2, in the whole chapter 5, the very Kings' diplomas in order reporting, by which the Lullian Art, and the other his books in a wondrous way they extol and proclaim; to the Masters it publicly to divulge and teach the power they make; the subjects exhorting, that in it they profit let them try, [and rejoicing in the Lord, that in their dominion, and in so most recent times, was found of so excellent doctrine and wit a Doctor, such as the aforesaid Master Raymond, and so excellent a science in their dominion origin had.]

[112] Of the diplomas and of the royal letters the tenors word for word describe the Authors aforecited; we cursorily will indicate what to the matter to make will seem. not only before Eymeric's accusations, The first gave Peter IV, among the Barcelonans in the year 1369, namely before by Eymeric's solicitations any Brief from the Apostolic See in Lull's cause had emanated. He testifies moreover, the Art and science of the aforesaid Master Raymond most useful to be, and necessary and true, and as such in the general study of Paris to have been by the Parisian Chancellor, and by the Jurats of the said Study, in the presence of 40 Masters or Doctors, who sufficient were to the examination of the liberal art any, approved. This indeed the denunciation Eymerician to have preceded by no means I deny, and therefore to the proposed argument less to conduce. Vain would be of this matter contention: I would prefer freely to admit, Eymeric through that time not yet to Avignon complaints to have brought; although enough I perceive, not to be improbable, already then of dissensions the flames to have blazed, of which the sequel was the Inquisitor's to the Pope expostulation. Be it however nothing to the argument greatly to contribute, to it certainly contributes very much the same King's perpetual toward the Lullists and most propense will, by which first by a royal grant the Art to be taught he permitted; interposed then before Gregory, in their defense the authority, as from the epistle, 1377 given and above cited, most attested he left. but also those now openly made, Now I will give of the following Kings the brilliant of Lull and the Lullists doctrine of favor indications, by which it for whole three centuries they pursued, even after the famous of Gregory XI Constitution.

[113] Of John, Peter's firstborn and heir, not even the anti-Lullists doubt, since he the blessed Raymond's cause, his own to have made seems, against the importunate of Eymeric clamorings; and that so at length it burst out, that a passed against him atrocious sentence, his precipitate zeal with exile he punished, as in its place we have commemorated. Little to seem this could, unless also existed of John a privilege, given in the Monastery of S. Cucufas of the Vallés, on the 12th of September 1392, by which, [following his parent's footsteps and laudable purpose, Thus King John in the year 1392 to be lectured everywhere the Art permitted, he granted to Francis de Luria full power, that, in the name and place of the said Lord King John, he might give and grant license and faculty, to whomsoever thence sufficient and suitable, that in all cities, towns and places of that Lord King, they might lecture and teach the Arts general, and the books published by the said Reverend Raymond Lull.] So bears the juridical attestation of Peter Michael Carbonell and Francis Carbonell, archivists of the royal Record-office of Barcelona, from which the cited already of Peter and John documents authentically were taken. I keep silent another of John privilege, at Tortosa granted in the month of October 1393, of which makes mention Custurer p. 340. With more there is no need, that may appear most evidently, the Bull Eymerician rejected always and despised, nor by its regard the books of Raymond from the former esteem anything to have lost.

[114] In those same footsteps adhered John's Brother King Martin, by his diploma royal of Zaragoza, then his brother and successor Martin, in the year 1399, on the 25th of November 1399, of his father and brother the privileges with new of benevolence signs accumulating. For [providing the said Lord King Martin, to him to yield not a little to glory his own, so wise a man in his dominion from his subjects to have proceeded, who as a tree leafy, great fruits and abundant in itself bearing, an odor likewise and savor to our age conferred. Wishing therefore he most wise King to imitate the footsteps of the said Lord his father, for all of his dominion places; and that from the seed of so great a tree extended shoots may sprout, by confirming and as much as possible commending the form of the license above-said, also he conferred license to Exeminus Thomas a presbyter, and to Brother Peter Rosello, of lecturing, divulging, teaching and dogmatizing, in general and special, and in whatever cities, towns and places of the dominion of the Lord King, in whatever way they wished, the Art or science general, and all other books, published by D. Master Raymond Lull, to all it to hear wishing.] Reports this of Martin faculty King Alfonsus, in another which he himself most prolix granted to Master Lobet, on the 26th of January 1449.

[115] Extinct now was the great and funereal western schism, and in the year 1425 King Alfonsus, unless private grudges, to Peter de Luna a shadow of the Pontiff had reserved. For the rest pronounced by the Commissary Apostolic that famous Definitive Sentence, began more profuse to be toward the Lullists the of the Aragonese Kings benignity. A distinguished specimen gave Alfonsus, surnamed Magnanimous, by open letters at Zaragoza given, on the 15th of January, 1425, to Antony Sadacerius and John Lancerius; from which a few these, but worthy of note we transcribe. We will, he says, and to you the said Antony and John we grant, exhorting to more Masters to be created. and license full we bestow, that you, and those who by you to it apt and sufficient shall be reputed, may be able and they may, jointly and severally, in whatever parts and places of our dominion, the Art or science to divulge, dogmatize or teach, and it you and each of you and any others, by you and each of you, as is aforesaid, to it apt and sufficient reputed, in general and in special, naturally and artificially, both in Medicine and Astronomy and Philosophy, and any other part of the aforesaid science, to use freely you may be able. Let therefore sound your voice through doctrine in the hearers' ears, nor henceforth by the fear of detractors whatever be silenced; but the said most useful science into the light let it come forth, to all it to know wishing, a nectar most renowned and healthful proffering. For we strictly, and under of our wrath and indignation incurring, to whatever Officials and subjects ours we say and command, that upon the aforesaid, no obstacle or impediment they make, but give upon them, to you and others help, counsel, and favor, if and as, when and as often, thence they shall be required. In of which thing testimony the present to be made we have ordered &c.]

[116] So manifest of the royal propension indications every of detracting and disparaging way to the adversaries to have closed could seem, The same their adversaries in the year 1449 to be restrained decreed, if of peace counsels it received the hatred, now too long-lasting and inveterate. A Lullist notable, John Lobet of Barcelona, fame to himself not a little had conciliated, the Art of B. Lull by explaining, against those imposing rabies on the works of the said aforenamed excellent Doctor. Hence new again excited tumults, for the calming of which the same Alfonsus a most ample decree issued, by which no more solemn to those very times Raymond's followers had obtained. Given was it in the Castle new of Naples, on the 26th of January 1449. Much it contains worthy to be known, already by us abundantly narrated. He confirms namely his own and his predecessors' diplomas; he resumes the Approbations of the Academy and of the Chancellor of Paris, and of King Philip of the French; likewise the monuments nearly all, congratulating himself, that in his kingdom that doctrine came forth, in the Article above by us adduced: he inculcates and repeats [most pleasing himself to hold, that in his dominion was found, of so wondrous arts and science a Doctor, such as had been the aforesaid excellent Doctor Master Raymond Lullius &c.] Then with most full faculty to the same Lobet granted [the said of the aforesaid excellent Doctor Arts and sciences to lecture magisterially in all cities, lands and places all of his dominion, in the same to make schools &c.] thus he subjoins:

[117] and to all his Officials his protection commending. To the most Illustrious whatever Lieutenants general ours, this our we declare intention, we command knowingly and expressly, under of our wrath and indignation incurring, and in whatever way more strongly it can be said, to all and singular Officials and subjects ours, to whom the present shall come and pertain, and signally to Officials, Counselors, Jurats, honest men and others aforesaid, that the license and faculty ours of this kind, to you the said John Lobet, they keep efficaciously and observe, and to be kept and observed cause inviolably by whomsoever: nor you or your substitutes upon the lecture said of the Arts, or the construction of Schools molest and impede, or disturb; let them assist rather, as is aforesaid, if our grace dear they hold, and the wrath and indignation, and penalty to our judgment reserved, they desire to avoid. Let therefore sound your voice and of your to-be-substituted, through doctrine, Given moreover by him and by his predecessor Kings the privileges in the hearers' ears, nor by the fear of detractors whatever be silenced; but the said Arts and sciences into the light to be set forth let it be continued; and that more freely, more easily and more safely you the said John Lobet, and those to be substituted by you, about the aforesaid be at leisure may be able, and lest by the fear of anyone You or them from the said Arts' lecture withdraw or impede, You and the said to-be-substituted by You, and your and their hearers, by the tenor of the present, under our protection advantageous and safe-conduct special, we place and constitute; so that whoever henceforth by daring rash, against the persons or goods of any of you, anything to attempt shall presume, himself into the penalties, against the breakers of the protection of the King appointed, let him know about to fall &c.]

[118] Who after Alfonsus over the Aragonese was set John II, confirmed John II, no less to the Lullists devoted to have been is read. There are who would have Alfonsus's privileges by him confirmed and strengthened, which however to himself not clear confesses Custurer. Nevertheless since the donation made by Beatrice de Piños, on the 23rd of September 1478, in favor of the School Lullistic on Mount Randa, Miramar &c. by authority royal he held ratified, on the 1st of October of the same year; not obscure he gave of benevolence documents. But he who received him the son Ferdinand the Catholic, and Ferdinand the Catholic a Study general to be erected permitted, the greatest of the matter Lullistic moment brought, the power being made on the 31st of August 1483, a Study general or University Lullistic at Majorca to erect; where to this day the blessed Lull's doctrine, no less publicly, indeed with ampler endowed favors is taught, than the Thomists, Scotists, Suarists, (into so many classes divided is that University) their own profess. A distinguished specimen gave the aforesaid King's munificent faculty, prefixed to the book Of the Metaphysical Art of the natural order of any intelligible thing, of the most renowned Master James Januarius, given at Seville on the 26th of January 1500; by which, not of that book only, but of the whole doctrine Lullian an approbation; indeed even in the city of Valencia a new of a Chair erection is contained. [Considering, he says, that in our cities of Majorca and Barcelona are houses, and at Valencia a new Chair to be erected, in the year 1500: in which are Chairs constructed and dedicated with revenues, for the Art and science that to lecture, teach and manifest; and that in city that of Valencia, is a house and Chair, as is said, with revenues by that testator bequeathed, its supplication kindly we have admitted &c.]

[119] Burst out meanwhile that tempest, which from the Directory's impression above we said to have flowed; and the more impotently to rage it began, that by a vengeance spirit animated, nothing to the Lullists it spared. And indeed upon the very Art Professors more to have weighed the troubles I would believe, whence with recrudescing hatreds, irritated the blessed Martyr's disciples, again to the King to have recourse, an antidote about to receive to the new of the adversaries engine thoroughly to overturn. Nor them their hope deceived: for to the supplications same, and in 1503 again confirmed the privileges, as being just and to reason conformable, kindly assented Ferdinand; and a new diploma published, at Zaragoza on the 21st of February 1503, the given already and so often repeated in favor of the Lullian school privileges he renewed, augmented, confirmed; Raymond, not Master only, but also Illuminated and Divine Doctor calling. [And especially (his words are) because when we granted license and faculty, with great praise of Lull. that that very Study general be instituted, and be made in that very city and kingdom; we perceived it to befit the advantage of the commonwealth of that kingdom, and consequently to our service, who the head of that commonwealth we are; and so always was and is of our intention, that very privilege and the contained in it to the utmost to be observed.] More of that kind has the rescript royal, to be seen in Custurer p. 351; where rightly he observes, the King's authority, to the Directory here as if diametrically opposed: lest someone perhaps the inserted therein Bull legitimate might think, which so many privileges royal, so many authentic other documents, worn out showed and trodden under.

[120] Ferdinand's from his daughter grandson, heir and successor, Charles V the Emperor, The same did Charles V in the year 1526, his grandfather and the remaining predecessors imitating, on the 11th of May 1526, of his toward the Lullists zeal a notable gave testimony these among the rest openly attesting. [And moved by the same respects, by which the said predecessors ours to the said privileges to grant moved were; by the tenor of the present, from our certain knowledge, deliberately and expressly, and by our royal authority, the privileges preinserted, and all and singular, in them and any of them contained, and specified, from the first their line up to the last, we praise, approve, and confirm: and as far as is needful, to the said General Study of Master Raymond Lull, and to its singulars present and future, of new we grant and bestow &c.] The same all repeats, Philip II, III, IV, and by his decree inserted approves Philip II, on the 24th of October 1597; with letters besides many, by Custurer cited, before the Roman Pontiffs the Lullian affairs vigorously to promote striving. As much performed Philip III, on the 18th of October 1614; Philip IV, on the 13th of July 1621 and 1635. Finally Charles II, in the year 1697, with most liberal munificence, by a prolix diploma, ratified all things, which by his predecessors statuted and granted had been to the Lullian University, and with new grants it enriched; as may be seen in a tome fairly large, On the constitutions, statutes and privileges of the Lullian University of the kingdom of Majorca, published in Spanish in 4, 1698, which to transcribe or explain not I think worth of labor longer to delay.

[121] and his widow Maria-Anna of Austria, The aforesaid University, at the instance of Maria-Anna of Austria, of the Spains governess, with the same had endowed immunities, with which enjoys the Academy of Lérida, Clement Pope X, on the 17th of April 1673; from whose delegation Apostolic, the most Illustrious of the Majorcans Bishop Peter de Alagon, those laws established and promulgated, a notable prerogative being preserved to the four Professors of the School Lullian, that of that one alone sentence more Chairs could accede, with those of pre-eminence titles adorned, that the Lullists all the rest always should precede, although in age should surpass them others. But as to the religious of blessed Lull cult, now there from centuries most received it pertains; [ordering the Lullists the rest to precede; and of them, for the cult of Lull, laws approving,] it was prescribed firstly, that on the 25th of January, in the manner anciently most usual, with singular veneration and solemnity yearly be celebrated of blessed Raymond the festivity; and besides all of the University alumni, twice in the year with the most holy Synaxis be refreshed; on the days namely to the Conception of the most blessed Virgin Mary, and to blessed Raymond sacred, with added a pious alms, to promote the blessed Martyr's Canonization to be expended, as above in its place we reported.

CONCLUSION

To the Blessed Lull's impugners.

[122] Thus the arguments being heaped up the Lullists the adversaries blunting, By this now argument, as they think, ineluctable, the adversaries assail the holy Martyr's disciples, by which of the alleged Bull they lift thoroughly and tread down the authority. From which it first in the Eymeric's codex appeared, so many tribunals underwent Lull's doctrine, always unharmed, always victorious, always from censures exempt. Its first and capital articles vindicated Ermengaud 1386: The being sought in the source Bull 1395, nowhere could be found: Bernard Bishop of Tifernum 1419 untouched declared Raymond's books and articles by Eymeric transfixed: They praised uniformly in Dagui's Gate the Censors, by Sixtus IV designated: Approved Innocent VIII: Under Alexander VI a new he won victory: The whole matter again discussed by the deputed Fathers of the Council of Trent; inserted through the collectors' inadvertence, or through the rivals' malice, into the Index of Paul IV Raymond's works, from it to be deleted were ordered; and this by the H. Congregation of the Index not once duly confirmed, and in the more recent all of the Index editions, by Apostolic authority made, thereafter observed we have shown. If from all these it is not consequent, the famous Bull, they compel to confess, the Bull for so many centuries reproved, for whole three centuries, as fictitious and null to have been and to be reputed, openly will conclude the Lullists, of their adversaries the eyes by envy and jealousy blinded; and to that, I think, judgment any moderate man, and of parties empty, freely and willingly will subscribe.

[123] manifestly despised by so many Kings. They urge. So many Kings of Aragon, Catholic all, indeed of their religion zealots most ardent, by public diplomas, with consent unanimous, through all their dominions, Lull's doctrine not only to be read permitted, but Schools to be opened, Chairs to be erected, Studies General and Academies to be instituted willed, adorned with privileges, enriched with grants, with singular protection guarded. Was it that the subjects' minds, if it please the gods above, with pernicious errors and long-since condemned heresies should be infected? Far be the enormous calumny! What therefore? You see, Reader, the manifest consequence. You know in those kingdoms, most reverential of the sacred Inquisition in a kingdom so Catholic, where, if anywhere, most rigid is the of the sacred Inquisition tribunal, nothing by the Kings, what to the faith pertains, can be indulged, which not first by learned men's reckonings weighed, and on a just balance balanced has been. Nay also this very thing most clearly enunciates the King Alphonsus's rescript of the year 1449; [Besides to the full made more certain by several worthy of trust, that the works of that very Master Raymond, neither to good morals, nor to the Catholic faith in anything are contrary.] You see, and by so many apologies invincibly confuted, for nothing to be held: I say the manifest consequence, never those Kings, nor their conscience Administers or Theologians to have felt, against the blessed Lull's doctrine, by lawful authority anything to have been pronounced.

[124] They insist finally from the very state, in which now to be is seen the blessed Martyr's doctrine, in of the whole Catholic Church and of so many sacred Inquisitions the sight, at Majorca, Valencia, Barcelona, and elsewhere, in books printed and public lectures taught and explained. This whoever Catholic shall attend, to confess it is necessary, not that to have been the Roman Pontiff's, the Cardinals', and the remaining Bishops' and of the faith Inquisitors' concerning the blessed Lull's dogmas opinion, while meanwhile the Academics, with Urban VIII consenting, are bound, which with so great noise his haters to peddle go on. I read in Custurer p. 224, in the Constitutions of the College of Majorca of Wisdom, by authority Apostolic, by force of a Brief of Urban VIII given on the 6th of October 1635, all the alumni, in the two last of studies years, to be bound on individual days to hear the lecture of the Art of B. Raymond Lull. the Art of Lull to hear daily, I read likewise on the page following a decree of the Chapter General of the Fathers Minorite, celebrated at Rome 1688, presiding the most Eminent Cardinal Cybo, of the Order Protector and of Pope Innocent XI Delegate: I read, I say, under the title for the Provinces of Spain n. 30 fol. 30. [For the Province of Majorca, in which the doctrine of B. Raymond Lull Doctor Illuminated most of all to these very times has flourished, under a proper for it appointed Lecturer, advisedly we sanction, that the third of any Study Theological Lecturer, lectures according to that very Doctor Illuminated's mind always read, and public Conclusions in any year to be disputed propose.] Shall we say, I beseech, by authority Apostolic, by which decrees these approved are, to men Religious to be commanded, that heresies openly they teach and profess? Indeed to the whole University's alumni to be enjoined, that at lectures of this kind they be present?

[125] These things me being silent, whoever into one the arguments shall collect, so that proved plainly the cause seems. with no trouble will conclude, that at least invincibly deduced and to the eye demonstrated, the boasted six hundred times Constitution, if false, spurious, and fictitious altogether it is not, subreptitious surely, or (if so you wish) doubtful at least to be reckoned it behooves, and neither by the Church Catholic, nor by its head the Roman Pontiff ever acknowledged or received. Lest anything indeed dissembled you think, sincerely I will say and candidly, now established, nothing by the contrary of Raymond the rivals' authorities or reasons to be shaken or enervated can, the chief of their exceptions in the course touched, and (unless I am mistaken) well confuted. If anything besides there is, that plainly and fully to itself objects, nor less accurately dissolves the most diligent of the blessed Martyr defender Custurer, in the whole Dissertation second, especially cap. 7 where the curious reader will find, that to doubts, and the remaining cavils all most abundantly he satisfies. What to us was prefixed, namely by a historical narration the chief whatever of the controversy heads to set forth, that I would venture to trust so performed, that nothing to be added remains.

EPILOGUE OF THE ACTS OF B. RAYMOND.

In which of his heroic virtues specimens are exhibited.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BY THE AUTHOR I. B. S.

[1] Although from what has been said the virtues sufficiently shine, The whole premised Treatise, of the B. Martyr's immemorial cult, the innumerable of sanctity proofs, the peregrinations perpetual for God's glory, the immense labors exhausted, the life's series, the miracles finally and of his doctrine and writings from heresy immunity, so demonstrated are, that I hope, of the envious at the same time and calumniators the mouths thereafter to be stopped. Could anyone from those, sufficiently prolixly deduced, the manifold of Raymond and illustrious plainly virtues freely perceive: Faith namely living, Hope firm, ardent Charity, and what from those flow, or with those are connected, Prudence, Justice, Temperance, Fortitude, Zeal of propagating the divine glory utterly indefatigable, Conformity in every way with God's will, the love of poverty, humility, self-abnegation, and the rest those all, from which especially concerning of holy men the heroic virtue are wont to judge, those who of their Canonizations take cognizance. Lest however anything to the blessed Martyr our honor I should suffer to be lacking, advisable I thought, by a succinct recapitulation, those cursorily endowments to taste, by which Raymond's mind, by divine bounty wonderfully adorned, as in one view may be beheld.

[2] from the Blaquerna specimens are subjoined, Hither me especially impelled the unknown to many and everywhere neglected little book, which Blaquerna or Blanquerna (the etymology I do not seek) commonly they name, the sweetest interrogations and responses the Beloved between and the Lover comprising, which the most fervent of the holy man toward God love, and for his cause whatever to suffer incredible desire, faith unshaken, hope most firm, so graphically express; that, although from his excellent actions above fully narrated, that charity, zeal and the remaining sublime virtues did not on every side shine; from the sole of this little book reading, Raymond's genius, and the most inward of his renowned mind sentiments, with genuine colors shadowed, into the eyes would run. To such a degree sweet those little interrogations and mellifluous responses, into individual of the year days distributed, piety, devotion, and the sweetest whatever toward Christ the Lord (so always the Beloved he calls) affections most abundantly supply. This little work among Raymond's books is reckoned in the order 137, diverse plainly from the Blaquernas or Blachernas other num. 135 and 183 in the cited Catalogue enumerated. I will follow the edition Parisian, by the types of Dionysius Moreau in the year 1632, from which accordingly taken you may remember, what here scatteredly will be interspersed.

[3] This very subject to himself to be treated undertook, so often by us praised but never enough to be praised Custurer, in the whole of his work chapter last from p. 544, in whom more will find he who by our brevity to be satiated will not be able. To me it is resolved, of the virtues chief certain as it were little flowers, which the B. Martyr's genius wonderfully express. only to pluck, the garden assigning from which full handfuls are to be gathered. The Blaquerna again I mean, so with delights of this kind abounding, that the individual of the little book faces, just as the Beloved's and Lover's names everywhere display, so love continually breathe, the intellect instruct, the will feed, and to divine charity repeatedly inflame: whatever for the rest, the innocent and unpolished of the style simplicity, to those pursuing the speech's elegance, to please perhaps cannot. From the first of the whole little work little question this to foretaste it will be permitted: The Lover interrogated his Beloved, if in him anything remained to be loved? Answered the Beloved, that that, on account of which the Lover's love can be multiplied, always in him remains to be loved. But let us the prefixed of virtues heroic order run through.

[4] With a most lively faith illustrated to have been the B. Martyr no one will doubt, Faith proved by labors and writings, who those arduous labors, for its dilating undertaken and with invincible constancy through years 40 and more continued, even to remember will wish. We saw not once, honors, riches, and offered whatever advantages most bravely spurning, that, with what he was faith endowed, it generously he might assert. Errors against the faith orthodox to be impugned how many books he published, from the catalogue above extended clearly appears. No nearly sect untouched he left, which he most keenly attacked not: Pagans, Gentiles, Tartars, Jews, Saracens, Schismatics, Greeks, Nestorians, Jacobites, Averroes and his followers: heretics finally and heresies all so by words and writings he pursued, that to the chief of the catholic faith athletes, not undeservedly he can be compared. Moreover so eagerly to the same faith to be preached to whatever perils he exposed himself, by indefatigable preaching, that persecutions, hardships, mockeries, prisons, his joys to call he was wont, by which of his Beloved the glory everywhere he might diffuse.

[5] Among so many troubles and miseries, no other were Raymond's solaces, and of all kinds of persecutions and hardships than what he himself in his Blaquerna enumerates num. 244. They interrogated the Lover; who was his Beloved? Answered; that he was he who makes him love, desire, languish, sigh, weep, be derided, and finally die and perish; who makes death than life sweeter, derision than honor more precious; to weep and sigh, than laughter and joy a more delightful thing: namely, where these all with the same Beloved's praise and glory joined are. Hear him speaking again to the same sentence num. 250: Say, fool of love, whence have you your necessities? Answered; From thoughts and desires, with perseverance to the Beloved by sighing and groaning. Whence have you these all? Answered; From love these I have. by most persevering endurance. Whence have you love? From the Beloved. Wish to be a captive? Yes, answered, of love, of sighs, of thoughts, of labors, of perils, of exile, and of weepings to serve my Beloved. And in these certainly, so the Beloved, of his Lover Raymond fulfilled the desires, that truly to say he could, what to the Corinthians wrote the Apostle: In labors very many, in prisons more abundantly, in stripes above measure, in deaths frequently, and what follows. 2 Cor. 11. Likewise what to the Romans he preaches: Who shall separate us from the charity of Christ? tribulation, or distress, or famine, or nakedness? Rom. 8. &c.

[6] But now how certain it is the divine faith, of human salvation to be the beginning, foundation and root of all justification; so it is undoubted, charity in God in that faith solely to be established. There betrays itself also a most lively faith But indeed with most vehement charity toward his Beloved to have burned Raymond, that already the said things I keep silent, proves most evidently the cited by us Blaquerna, as briefly with more still openly I will make. Nothing therefore more manifest, than the blessed Martyr with a most singular of faith gift, and to so great charity proportioned, to have been by God from heaven illuminated. To this truth to allude himself he seems num. 266: The Beloved dwelt above love much most high: and below love dwelt the Lover much most low: and love dwelt in the middle: and descended the Beloved to the Lover through of himself revelation and ascended the Lover to the Beloved through faith and from that descent and ascent, lives and takes beginning love: so much namely more kindled, the more sublime the revelation, and the leaning on it faith more illustrious.

[7] not only from innumerable Blaquerna places, To these agree, what he has num. 288 in these words: Nourished the Beloved his Lover to loving, and love instructed him to suffering, mercy to hoping, justice to fearing, and faith to believing: but when he was greater made, these all him instructed to loving. Again num. 300: Say, fool of love, whence begins wisdom? Answered, in faith and devotion which are the ladders by which ascends the intellect to understanding of his Beloved the secrets. He said again: Faith and devotion whence have they beginning? Answered from my Beloved, who illuminates faith and kindles devotion. As if he said, his most fervent love, and what from it follows, devotion, not from elsewhere than from his most lively faith, as from a fountain rivulets, to flow. Other of this kind for Raymond's faith arguments, see if you please at numbers 32, 72, 126, 141, 165, 188, 193, 222, 280, 293, 320, 338, 351, and others everywhere.

[8] but from his highest toward the Church submission What need of many? while not by words alone Raymond's sentiments are laid open, but the immense labors of propagating and defending the faith on account of borne, and in the whole treatise deduced, than every herald more strongly cry out, the fountain itself from which so many notable specimens proceeded, by a purest illumination by God to have been prevented ought. Hence namely those goings and returnings frequent, to the Pontiffs, to the Princes, and others who the Catholic cause to promote could. Testifies Raymond himself in the Lamentation num. 14, himself five times to have gone to the Curia Roman at his expenses; likewise to three Chapters general of the Preachers, and to as many Chapters of the Fathers Minorite. Finally this to obtain he merited, that by so many books asserted, by so many preachings announced the truth, with blood poured out he might confirm, with the glorious of martyrdom laurel by the Beloved crowned. This last is of the Lullian faith the seal, by which its integrity, beyond of the envious and rivals' jeers placed to be, with many things we have shown. Now this again add. If anywhere perhaps by writing from the right path he wandered, to the shedding of blood joined, of the Church a son to have been faithful, compliant, obsequious, while his writings all to its censure he submitted. Be it therefore that in fact he had erred, even so however to his faith's purity nothing at all is detracted; it indeed then with other men most holy in common he will have, that humanly something he suffered, by his own blood's shedding, as elsewhere we said, abundantly washed away. This certainly we have proved, from of the catholic doctrine truth, never voluntarily, much less presumptuously or pertinaciously to have deviated.

[9] This Raymond's humble toward the Church docility and simplicity, although in the preceding demonstrated you have, it will help from our Blaquerna, by which altogether is washed away illustrious into the same matter testimonies to draw forth. The first I take from num. 338, where thus he speaks: Of simplicity they disputed; Simple is he who nothing knows. Another said; Simple is he who without crime lives. There came upon the Lover and said; True simplicity is, which all his deeds confidently to my Beloved commits. Simplicity is which more faith than understanding (in those things which above itself are) makes great, and which vain, superfluous, curious, subtle and presumptuous things, in those which are of my Beloved, exceedingly avoids; because those contrary are to simplicity. The other he suggests num. 339, from which these few I describe: What do presumption and curiosity? if any blemish into his writings how it crept. Answered the Lover, Vanity is the mother of curiosity, and pride of presumption: and therefore the same they do, which do vanity and pride. And through curiosity and presumption are found of my Beloved the enemies; as through simplicity his loves are acquired. These moreover most clearly are confirmed from num. 351 by this saying; Through presumption indeed all in the world were sown the heresies. From these make up, how from all presumption and obstinacy alien he was, with a sincere, submissive and uncorrupt faith illustrated Raymond's mind. And of it indeed thus far.

[10] The next is among the virtues, which Theological we call, With hope unshaken endowed, of the promised glory and of future merits and goods eternal a secure expectation; hope, I say, or robust that in God confidence, by which the distinguished holy men, wholly into God are snatched; and spurned of this world the pleasures and delights, to of everlasting life goods to be pursued, their strength and efforts all they direct; according to that: Hope in the Lord and do goodness. Ps. 36. This moreover virtue, how wonderfully in Raymond it shone, the very first from the world's vanities to God conversion, most openly demonstrates. Namely, when abdicated the former pomp, trodden the riches, in a cheap mantle clothed, the Beloved poor, poor he followed; Christ's hardships and troubles to monies all he preferred, that heavenly joys he might obtain. So of himself in the person of the Lover he speaks num. 181: Say, fool of love, have you pennies? Answered; I have loves and thoughts, weepings, desires and languors: which are, than empires or kingdoms, far more valuable. O blessed man, whose hope sole was the name of the Lord!

[11] By this hope animated, and on the sole relying divine help, and on God relying, incredible things he undertook the human aids being set after, those not he doubted to undertake, which utterly incredible would seem, unless known were of supernal grace the efficacy, which, as the other Saints, so Raymond with huge in adversities confidence corroborated. This in the Blaquerna num. 58 he places little interrogation: Who, so many among distresses and tribulations, would be his physician? To which this one he replies: The confidence which I have of my Beloved. That confidence Raymond impelled, that though spurned, despised and made of small account, nonetheless in his purpose he persevered. Although before the Princes both Ecclesiastical and secular often a rebuff he suffered, indeed to insults, mockeries and blows he was exposed; although by the Saracens chains, prisons, and dire torments he had experienced; yet, what in his Beloved's honor he had holily conceived, to execute he ceased not: mindful of those things which from the Spirit holy dictated he had read; Although before men torments they suffered, the hope of them is full of immortality. Wis. 3.

[12] That same Confidence, to Raymond an anchor was in his most frequent by land and sea perils, in labors and languors; well knowing those in us eternal of glory weight about to work. Behold how graphically these he expresses num. 185: Say, as in his Blaquerna distinctly he testifies. fool of love, why do you excuse love, since it bestows on your body and your heart assiduous pain and tribulation? Answered, because it multiplies its grace and my beatitude. To embrace in a few words all; what everywhere men grievous and troublesome esteem, his Raymond, to the divine at any rate always intent, consolations judged. The Beloved, he says num. 98, sowed in the heart of the Lover desires, sighs, virtues and loves; the Lover those seeds with tears and weepings watered. Sowed the Beloved in the body of the Lover labors, tribulations and languors: the Lover his body healed with hope, devotion, patience and consolations. But these more even from the blessed Martyr's Charity you will perceive, with which whole the Blaquerna overflows.

[13] But nowhere more eloquent Raymond Truly if in any Saint's mind command ever held that of virtues all Queen, in our Raymond's heart a seat to have fixed is to be believed; so everywhere Charity he speaks, Charity he breathes, Charity he instills to readers: that I least wonder, that by some Writers, the Great specimen of divine love he is called. But nevertheless lest with tedious repetition of those things which in the Acts are narrated, the Reader I weary, with the sole nearly Blaquernian songs, of the Lullian Charity the vestiges I will delineate. Indeed so wondrous there I observe in shadowing forth his toward God love, of the blessed Martyr the energy, that those honeyed sentences to bring forth he by no means could, unless by heavenly fires most vehemently he had burned. He felt himself, those divine of love flames, so far the marrows of his heart innermost to have pervaded, than where his love so in the whole book he explains, that himself everywhere as if by way of pre-eminence, a Lover, a Friend, of Love a messenger, indeed even of Love a captive, of Love a fool, of Love a senseless one, of Love an inebriated one, of Love an insane one, by Love foolish, deprived of mind and infatuated, on nearly individual little pages he pronounces. To be described to me would be the little book whole, if individually to run through I should wish of his most flagrant charity arguments.

[14] thus from the beginning of his conversion in his heart he cherished, Began that to burn in the mind of the blessed Martyr, at the very first, so to speak, of his conversion moment, where namely by Christ crucified's most loving invitations sweetly allured, a farewell to worldly all being sent, deserted his dearest pledges, wife and children, to one only Beloved his so closely he bound himself, that thereafter perpetually increased the conceived, of purest toward God and neighbor charity little fires. The sole were Raymond's delights, the Beloved to venerate, of the Beloved to think, with the Beloved assiduously to converse. And it to himself so familiar he had rendered, that wherever his eyes he directed, the Beloved he contemplated. This his of loving method beautifully he expressed num. 40 through these words: Rose early the Lover, and walked, his seeking Beloved: and found a crowd along the way walking; and interrogated, if his they had seen Beloved? They answered saying: What was the time, in which your Beloved absent was from your eyes mental? Answered the Lover; After I saw the Beloved in my thoughts, not was he absent from eyes my corporeal: for all things visible my to me represent Beloved. So num. 310: They interrogated, he says, the Lover, what is the world? Answered; A book it is to those knowing to read, by which is known my Beloved.

[15] And in such a book more attentively to be unrolled, he toiled especially the industrious and to the true of loving art composed Raymond; for from the first dawn, the sun in the Beloved praising and loving anticipating, from the contemplation of creatures so he kindled, from the very of the most clear star splendor, the Beloved's brightness he recognized. So num. 276: In the dawn was walking the Lover, and gazed at the rising sun, and with joy filled, began to sing: From of the dawn the chaste chamber, into this world has gone forth my Beloved, in whom who thinks a stain, in the sun thinks darkness. While the sea's abysses in mind he conceived, thence to of his love the profundity he rose up, as is num. 314. But to be recited is the number 269, by which most of all shines forth of the most studious lover the genius: Entered the Lover the garden of love, and saw a lily, and rejoiced; because to himself it represented his Beloved, who is the whitest and purest of all. Then he saw a most beautiful rose, and said: As the rose to corporeal eyes is the most beautiful of flowers, so to eyes mental, my Beloved is the most beautiful of lovers. See also num. 270, 271, and several others.

[16] Innumerable indeed are of pious of this kind inventions specimens, so that whatever he beheld, it to loving God provoked, in the whole book diffused, of which most to have indicated suffices. If ever singing he heard little birds, by the sweet sound invited: If on account of idioms, he said num. 26, mutually we understand not, let us understand ourselves on account of love. Created all things meditatively examining within, so great he said, num. 318, of his Beloved the goodness, that every other good, by its comparison either nothing to be or a point. Little boys leaping after a multitude of butterflies beholding, num. 71, who the more to catch they strove the more they flew up on high; hence of vain subtleties the vain lovers, and of fleeting things the pursuers he reproached. Not with more to delay, thus he speaks num. 316: What is to be of the Beloved? Answered; It is a ray, which shines in every thing, as the sun in the whole world.

[17] This most lofty and perpetual of divine things contemplation, a most desired to Raymond begot solitude, out of himself by the violence of love never less alone, than when alone he was. He set out, num. 46, to live solitary, that he might have his Beloved's society, for among peoples alone he was. Interrogated by passers-by, num. 47, why he stayed solitary? Answered; that then first alone he was, when them he saw and heard, for before he was in the society of his Beloved. But where the people's crowds to be present he was compelled, by a pious in a manner enthusiasm seized, in imitation of his Beloved, on the great day of the festivity to himself all inviting: Cried the Lover num. 253, through the streets and squares: The name of my Beloved a fountain is most abundant of love, if all it should drink, not would be divided his loves. Hence for insane and foolish held, when he was interrogated; Whether his intellect he had lost? Answered, num. 55, that his Beloved had snatched his will, and he to his Beloved had given his understanding, wherefore to himself only remained to recollect his, by which his he remembered Beloved. Which then among the soul's powers, of love toward the spouse nearness or pre-eminence, contests he instituted num. 17 and 18, a game exhibit most sweet, by which of Raymond's charity the violence most easily may be established.

[18] Nor less it is represented num. 117, the Lover walking through mountains and plains, and in love and from love wholly. nor a door finding by which he could from the prisons of love go out. Not that love he fled, but that by too great, I think, heats he was burning. But me more into admiration snatches the heroic protestation, by which himself wholly to the Beloved he devotes num. 70: Said the Lover to his Beloved; You are whole, and through whole in whole, and with whole; you whole I wish that I be wholly. Answered the Beloved: Not can you me have whole, unless you be mine wholly. The Lover said: Have me whole, and I you whole. Answered the Beloved: What will have your son, what your brother, what your father? Said the Lover: You are such a whole, that you can abound and be whole of any, who himself shall wish wholly to you to give. Likewise that which exists num. 100; where interrogated: Of what was he? Answered, Of love. How are you? Of love. Who you begot? Love. Of what do you live? Of love. By what name are you named? Of love. Whence come you? From love. Whither go you? To love. Where stay you? In love. What therefore wonderful if num. 203 inmost he says to his heart love, and 205, his riches all himself in love placed to have he professes?

[19] Charity by hard things exercised Thus far Raymond's love, with sweetness and gentleness joined; but not here stuck the masculine and intrepid his toward the Beloved love, in of adversities endurance, in of afflictions, distresses, tribulations the furnace, again and again proved. To one asking namely num. 333, what is Love? He answers: Love is of the living the death and of the dying the life. It is in the day gladness, and in death sadness; pleasure in the homeland; in pilgrimage mourning; it is sighing absence, and without end rejoicing presence. Num. 90 so Love he defines, that it a tree be whose to love is fruit, but tribulations and languors, leaves are called and flowers. To this sentence agrees num. 128: The sign of the Beloved appears in the Lover, as often as on account of love he is in tribulations, sighs, weepings and thoughts, and made of small account by men. Finally that of his most powerful love the characters all in one word he might embrace, he says num. 306: To be that which the free puts into servitude, and slaves into liberty. Let there be seen also num. 113, 151 and 175.

[20] and by doubled hardships more illustrious, An experienced man speaks, in zeal and work truly Apostolic, and of troubles, hardships and perils a despiser excellent, as often as of displaying toward the Beloved of charity specimens it was treated. Asked indeed by the Beloved, num. 8: If he had patience with doubled languors? Yes, answered, provided my you doubled loves. Moreover by how many arguments this he proved, witnesses are the Roman Pontiffs Nicholas IV, Celestine V, Boniface VIII, and Clement V. Witnesses are the Kings, Philip of France, James of Aragon and James the other of Majorca. Witnesses the Republics of Genoa and Pisa, witnesses the regions and cities which so often he traversed, to exterminate heresies, to found of languages colleges, to free from the Saracens' power the Holy Land; the labors finally all, which to the shedding even of blood so long he bore, as long as he lived. Let there accede now the notable Blaquerna suffrage, by which of the most inward Raymond's sentiments a judgment to be borne can be from num. 293: Built the Lover one beautiful city, in which would dwell his Beloved. The walls were of fortitude, in of all virtues the edifice the first holds. the foundations of humility, the dining-room of temperance, the chamber of chastity, the towers of magnificence, the gates were of faith, hope and charity; the streets were of piety, the guards of justice, the whole language of love, that through these all might pass the Beloved. Do you wish in a few words our Blessed to the life to portray? Say from love begotten, with love's milk nourished, by love's violence consumed.

[21] Of the Cardinal virtues with the Theological What and what kind of of all virtues fruits from this most adorned city sprouted, easily will conjecture, who even lightly to the premised already Acts attends. For as to the Cardinal pertains, to the Theological nearest and to them by a sweet union connected, besides those which in the spiritual town described you have, occurs num. 84, by which interrogated the Lover, what his to him loves had brought? Beautiful, he says, ornaments, honors of my Beloved and worths. Where found they them? In memory and intellect. With what them did you receive? With charity and hope. With what them do you guard? With justice, prudence, temperance and fortitude. Likewise num. 143: a sweet harmony. The Lover set out to fight, that he might honor his Beloved; and led in his company faith, hope, charity, justice, prudence, fortitude, temperance, that the adversaries of his Beloved he might overcome. You see, I think, how perfect in the blessed Martyr was of the Theological and Cardinal virtues the harmony.

[22] To be passed over is not that incomparable and as if innate to Raymond zeal of procuring and promoting in all things the honor of God, The zeal of Raymond Apostolic, his Beloved. How in this part untiring he was an athlete most generous, as before most attested I have made; it is pleasing also from the Blaquerna the more secret of his mind secrets in a few words to unlock. Wept the Lover, he says num. 4, and said; When will be the time, that in the world cease the darkness and of the lower regions the ways? Hither his strength, mind and fortunes all he turned, as num. 11 he explains: Friend foolish, why your body do you destroy and your monies dispense, and the delights of this world do you leave, and spurned among the nations go? Answered, That my Beloved's honor I may honor, who by several is not loved and dishonored, than loved and honored. As if Raymond of the honor of his Beloved to be guarded alone on himself the province had undertaken. So num. 139: in of all the salvation intent, Said the Lover to his most dear Beloved, that to him the manner he would show, by which he could him make to be known, loved and praised by men. Nothing more Apostolic the man afflicted and tortured, than that his Beloved, by most ungrateful men neglected he perceived. Ah! intellect and will, he says num. 130, cry out and rouse the great dogs, who sleep, my Beloved forgetting. Ah! eyes, weep; ah! heart and breast sigh, and the disgrace of my Beloved which inflict those, by him so honored, ah! memory recollect.

[23] Is it not perspicuous, this one to himself end Raymond to have prefixed, the idea of the Society of Jesus that sins he might oppose, the faithful to christian duties impel, root out heresies, and the infidels lead to of the true Deity the recognition? Hence not less probably than piously, in Custurer, meditates Causinus our, the first to have been Raymond, who in mind designed, what two centuries after so gloriously executed of the Society of Jesus the Patriarch Ignatius. Namely that of Seminaries provision should be made, in which men learned first exercised, wholly themselves to God's honor and of neighbors' salvation to be promoted might consecrate. Whether this by spirit prophetic the blessed Martyr saw, not I would venture for certain to affirm: but indeed I would not deny, so the Society ours by him in mind preconceived, that plainly to have prophesied he can seem. In the Blaquerna num. 162 thus is read, from the original vernacular: A great army of followers of Love was congregated, the standard of Love bearing, in which is the figure and sign of their Beloved; nor a companion they received any, who was without love, lest their Beloved thence anything of disgrace might suffer or of ignominy.

[24] Whether here do not appear of the Society of Jesus the lineaments, let it be of others the judgment: on his mind even then it seems to have impressed. I certainly this to attain seem, a congregation there to be indicated, which on love toward Jesus built up, of his most sweet Name the standard would erect, under which about to fight one greater of God glory would regard, on the one of neighbors salvation would be incumbent, and to that end their studies and vows all solely would direct. And by that indeed thought himself consoled Raymond, the associates from afar contemplated, who, what he himself already long was turning in mind, in fact at some time would accomplish. To that the matter had proceeded, that not another rule he himself to follow professed, than which was of his Beloved, whose adorable Name in heart and in mouth everywhere he carried about. This in the Blaquerna num. 305 and 353 in the same words expressed I find: Entered the Lover the cloister of Religious, and they interrogated him, whether he was a Religious? Answered thus: A Religious I am of my Beloved. What rule do you follow? Of my Beloved, I say. To whom did you vow? He himself a Religious of Jesus professed himself. Answered, To my Beloved. Have you a will? No, he said; my Beloved has it. Have you added anything to your Beloved's rule? Answered, that nothing to be added is to perfection; that especially which in the Apostolic manner of life constituted he recognized, of his Beloved the glory throughout the whole world diffusing. But let us a few other things, from the innumerable of the Blessed virtues, cursorily touch.

[25] Conformity in every way with the divine will. Conformity with the divine will, of his love's ardors in every way to have been similar, proves he himself, while num. 9 thus he has: Said the Beloved to his Lover; Do you know what is love? Answered the Lover; If I knew not what is love, I would know what is tribulation, sadness and grief. Namely all Raymond's desires into love ultimately were referred, so that abdicated his own will, wholly himself to the Beloved's judgment he committed. They interrogated the Lover (num. 226) if he had patience? Answered, that all things to him please; and therefore not has he in what he may have impatience, because who not has dominion in his will, cannot be impatient. These plainly of those the most happy lot is to be reputed, who by of fleeting things the instability and mutability by no means troubled, into of divine providence the bosom themselves so cast, that with the same of mind serenity, both adverse and prosperous things they contemplate. So in our Blessed, num. 200, joys and torments themselves joined and came that they might be one and the same in the Lover's will: than which resignation and submission I do not see more perfect to be able to be desired. It indeed excellently he confirms, while num. 7 thus the Beloved he addresses: Between the joys and tribulations, which to me you give, I make no difference.

[26] Poverty. How strict from his conversion's beginning, and that Evangelical poverty he pursued, I think from the Acts to be more than manifest. This one remains, that also to this truth the Blaquerna may attest. Interrogated num. 58, of what kind were his riches? Answered; The poverties, which I suffer on account of my Beloved. His office of Seneschal he had abdicated, of riches and fortunes himself of his own accord he had deprived, to that destitution himself reducing, that alms from door to door to beg he was compelled. So he writes num. 285: Chastity Walked the Lover alms asking. As soon as from his insane lust he came to his senses, with the love of chastity so kindled he was, that even lawful pleasures altogether despised, from his wife, consenting, to be separated he wished; in all the rest of his life's course so from luxury alien, that not even the least blemish to have contracted is read; indeed nor in others to suffer he could; for this very cause the musical songs hating, which even lightly the ears would offend, just as he complains num. 246. On a certain solemn day, he says, the Lover was in the oratory of his Beloved, and heard musicians singing: the words were of the Beloved and the song was of the world: and not could himself contain the Lover but that he exclaimed; O why pearls do you befoul with mud, to praise not knowing! You know not these songs not to befit of the King of virgins the honors, by which to base things are allured harlots? So great was Raymond's tenderness and modesty: and therefore in his Beloved's city, as above is said, a chamber of chastity he had constructed. Obedience. Equal to poverty and chastity and their companion individual was Raymond's obedience, which closely and elegantly he describes num. 225: Interrogated the Beloved the Lover; Have you anything of will? Answered, that a servant has not other of will, than to obey his Lord.

[27] Commonly most well known and most received among Christians a proverb, humility of the remaining virtues all the base to be and foundation. Profound humility, It moreover in Raymond's mind so deep roots had driven, that not less of humility than of love a prodigy to be called he deserves. For although with so many singular by the Beloved favors and graces he was heaped, as many as him adorned we have shown; nevertheless of his past life's faults, and those especially which natural shame studiously everywhere dissembles, publicly and openly to confess he himself ceased not, so providing lest of them the memory ever be obliterated. I would believe, to the man, most lowly of himself thinking, this one to have been a goad, that his wantonnesses, in the Lamentation in writing consigned, he should leave. Was that humility a present and perpetual to Raymond a bridle, lest ever on account of the eminent of the Beloved on himself and profuse graces he should vanish, of his youth's faults to be mindful, and those before his eyes set, with fresh memory to recollect; that his unworthiness he might recognize, and of presumption devoid, between hope and fear be contained. Hence after num. 100 (as above we reported) himself wholly from love forged he had said; that himself of iniquities ancient he might show mindful, in the number next following, he subjoined: They interrogated besides; Have you other than love? Answered; Yes; faults and injustices against my Beloved. Has your Beloved indulgence? Said the Lover, that in his Beloved were mercy and justice, and therefore his lodging was between fear and hope, for mercy made him hope, and justice fear.

[28] Raymond's mortification, self-abnegation, and of rigid penance exercise, not sooner end had than the last among torments breath to the Beloved he had rendered. There is no need those to repeat, which on Mount Randa, mortification and penance continual, in which first time to God he was converted, through nine about years both he did and suffered, that to his mission Apostolic, by assiduous studies and of body afflictions he might prepare. It will be enough from the manifold of those virtues examples a few from the Blaquerna to adduce, by which to our Epilogue an end we will impose. Num. 110, his griefs and languors in this manner he describes: The Beloved bestowed the benefit of weepings, sighs, languors, thoughts and griefs on his Lover, with which benefit served the Lover his Beloved. That wrestling continual more clearly he expresses num. 208: Fought one against the other faults and duties in the conscience and will of the Lover; and justice and recollection multiplied conscience; mercy moreover and hope multiplied pardon: therefore duties and good works conquered faults and offenses in the Lover's penance. Finally, that the rest silently I may pass over, the matter will conclude number 239 in these words: Went the Lover solitary, and accompanied his heart thoughts, and tears his eyes his, and his body fastings and afflictions.

[29] the gift of prayer &c. To these many other things subjoins Custurer, especially of the peculiar of prayer gift, and the most lofty of divine things contemplation, by which by the Beloved illustrated the Lover he demonstrates: but these and very many of this kind gracious endowments to a longer treatment would furnish matter; where it to break off to us is necessary. Here therefore of the Acts of B. Raymond Lull let there be an end. Who more shall wish, as already above I premised, let him consult the above-praised most often Custurer, and the most sweet Blaquerna, from which these few of virtues heroic little flowers cursorily we have plucked, to the greater of God glory, of the blessed Martyr honor, and of his cult and veneration increase, when to the supreme of the Church Head the Acts to examine, and concerning these in favor of the Majorcan people, it most avidly demanding, and of others to him devoted, to dispose for his supreme authority it shall seem: to whom meanwhile our all things, with the same with which blessed Raymond humility, again and again freely we subject.

THE END.